EE EE RS Smash PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S CAREER. His Early Life—Achieved Fame in Civil War-—Promoted for Gallantry—He Returned a Major and Began the Prac- tice of Law at Canton, O.—Remarkably Active in Politics, His Administration Replete with Stirring Events. The life and work of President William McKinley, exemplifies the chance an Amer- ican boy has to secure prominence in the Nation’s affairs. As others who before him reached the high office he occupied, he came from the people. Here in brief is an outline of the Presi- dent’s public and military career : William McKinley was born at Niles, Trumbull county, O., January 29th, 1843. His ancestors lived in Pennsylvania, whence they emigrated from Scotland fully 200 years ago. His grandfather, Daniel Me- Kinley, was a soldier in the revolution, distinguished for his gallantry at Brandy- wine, Germantown, and Monmouth. His father was an industrious and prosperous iron manufacturer, who died in 1892 at the age of 85; his mother died some years later at Canton, O., at the advanced age of 88. Young McKinley was educated at the public schools, and at the Poland (Mahon- ing county) academy, and attended for a short time the Methodist Episcopal college at Meadville, Pa. : In June,1861,he enlisted in the Twenty- third Ohio volunteer infantry as a private soldier. On September 24th, 1862, he was promoted to second lieutenant: on Feb- ruary 7th, 1862, to first lieutenant; on July 25th, 1864, to captain, and was brevetted major by President Lincoln for gallant and meritorious services at the bat- tles of Opequan, Fisher’s Hill and Cedar Creek. He served on the staff of ex-Presi- dent Hayes and Major General George Crook, and after Crook’s capture he served for a time on the staff of Major General Hancock, and subsequently on the staff of General Samuel S. Carroll. He was with the famous Twenty-third in all its battles, and was mustered out with it on July 26th, 1865. He had a liking for the military profession, and it was said that but for the advice of his father he would, at the solicitation of General Carroll, bave at- tached himself to the regular army. HIS FIRST POLITICAL POSITION. At the close of the war McKinley return- ed to Ohio, studied law, opened an office in Canton, Stark county, in 1867, and in 1869 was elected prosecuting attorney of Stark county. He was elected to Congress in 1876, and served continuously in the House of Rep- resentatives until March, 1891—14 years in all—except part of his fourth term,when he was unseated late in the first session. His seat was given to the late Jonathan Wallace, of East Liverpool, his Democratic competitor. In 1891 Major McKinley was unanimous- ly nominated for Governor. He made the contest against Governor James E. Camp- bell, and was elected by a plurality of over 21,000. Two years later he was again unanimously nominated, and it was then that he received the highest vote ever cast for any candidate in Ohio. He defeated ‘‘Larry”’ Neal, his Democratic opponent, by a majority of 80,995 votes. In 1896 he was elected President over Wm. J. Bryan and re-elected in 1900 over the same man. Niles, in 1843, was one of the smallest towns of Ohio, a place where farmers came to trade and where there was an iron fur- nace. McKinley’s father was managing this furnace, and the boy, from his family’s intimate connection with the iron business, gained iu early life part of that knowledge of industrial affairs and work which since has stood him in such need in public life. The house in which McKinley was born at Niles was of frame, a combination of coun- try store and dwelling. There was a good- natured family dispute when he came into the world as to what his name should be. There was already a David in the family, a James, a Mary and a Sarah. What more natural, than that he should be given the father’s name? PRESIDENT’S SCHOOL TEACHER. Niles had poor school advantages for the many children in the McKinley family. Father and mother saw this. They were ambitious for the future of their children, and schooling they must have. So they moved to Poland, in Mahoning county, where there was an academy, one of the old-time institutions of learning of which there are few counterparts in these days. Poland is on Yellow Creek and it is a place of trees, sweet singing wateis a great white mill, and one street that goes up and down a hill. Here McKinley, not quite 16. studied in the academy, pursued a law course, led the village debating so- ciety, performed many of the duties of the postmaster, taught school, found work for his hands to do at all times, and became easily the most promising young man of the community. It was at this time—in 1858—that he be- came a member of the Methodist Episcopal church of Poland, a religious organization with which he was connected ever after. They are many who remember his char- acteristics in those days when he was first forming his character. His mother was an Allison before her marriage in 1827 to William McKinley Sr. She was born -in 1809 near New Lisbon, Ohio. Young McKinley left Poland when he was 17, to pursue a course of study at Alle- gheny college, Meadville, Pa., but a sud- den illness compelled him to return home and he took up school teaching. He went from the schoolmaster’s desk into the army to fight for the Union. In June, 1861, Lincoln, had just issued his call for troops, and Poland was to send a company to the front. McKinley was the first man to en- list others followed. They became Com- pany E of the Twenty-third Ohio, one of the foremost regiments sent by that State to the army. The company marched from Poland to Youngstown and at Camp Chase, Columbus, join- ed its regiment and entered on actual service. ; The Twenty-third Ohio was made up of a superior class of men—men whose fam- ilies were iargely of New England origin. McKinley took his place among them, ac- cording to the testimony of every associate he ever bad in the army, .by sheer “force of executive ability. He became a commis- sary sergeant and then a second'lieutenant. This latter promotion was for gallantry at the battle of Antietam and was made on the recommendation,.or his colonel. In 1862, after he had became a second lieu- tenant, Colonel Hayes, to become a Presi- dent himself at a later day, made him one of his staff. Afterward he served as a staff offirer with Generals Hayes, Crook, Sheri- dan and Hancock. He became a first lieu- tenant of bis own home company in 1863 and captain of Company G, Twenty-third Ohio, in 1864. He was acting assistant adjutant general of the Firstydivision. First Army Corps, on the staff of General Car- roll; was brevetted major in March, 1865, and mustered out of the service July 26th, 1865. It was almost at the close of his army life that McKinley became a Mason, re- ceiving the degrees in Hiram lodge, Win- chester, Va., May 1, 1865. He was a Knight Templar, a Knight of Pythias and a Greek fraternity, a member of Sigma Al- pha Epsilon. In Congress Mr. McKinley won his great- est fame, and his name will be always as- ‘sociated with the tariff measure, for which he stood sponsor. When he entered Con- gress first he was 33 years old. In 1877 he was, like other Republicans, for a protec- tive tariff ; in 1888 he flang qualifications to the winds and became the champion of protection. McKinley's first four years were a prep- aration for his greater work, which began when Garfield was elected to the presidency in 1880, and the place he had held on the ways and means committee of the House was given to the young man, who soon be- came known as the champion of pretection. But Congress was not ready for the question when he first came to Washington. John Sherman, as secretary of the treasury, was preparing for resumption of specie pay- ment, and the great efforts of the adminis- tration and the Republican party were to bring about that result. The history of the McKinley tariff hill, its passage, the persistent attacks made on it, which led to the defeat of 1890, and the retirement from Congress of Major McKin- ley, are too well known to need repetition. But McKinley was defeated. There was another time during his con- gressional career when he barely escaped defeat at the polls, and then was unseated by a Democratic House. That was in 1882, another Democratic tidal wave year. That year his original district had been restored, and he was seeking a ‘‘third term,’’ some- thing not before accorded _its representa- tives. He had strong opposition for the nomination, some of it rankliug up until the election, and that, with the popular dis- content temporarily prevailing, brought his majority down to eight votes. Mr. McKinley bad a fame won in anoth- er field than that of official life. It had been gained as a political campaign orator. He was a favorite on the stump for years. In every campaign the demands for hisserv- ices far exceeded the possibility of his meet- ing them. His greatest was in the fall of 1894. MADE A GREAT TOUR. This was indeed a memorable tour. It took in the States of Indiana, Illinois, Mis- souri, Kansas, Nebraska, Iowa, Minnesota, Wiscongin, Michigan, Kentucky, Tennes- see, Alabama. Mississippi, Louisana, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, New York and Ohio. On undertaking it Major McKinley agreed to make 46 speeches. He made them—and 325 more. For over eight weeks he averaged seven speeches a day, ranging in length from 10 minutes to an hour. It was a long, arduous and tiresome journey, covering thousands of miles. But Major McKinley bore up under his labors with wonderful vigor. MeKinley was a phenomenal success as a politician. He presided over the Republi- can State convention of Ohio in 1884 and assured the other leaders who wished to be delegates-at-large to the National conven- tion that he would not be a candidate for either of these places. There was a strug- gle between the Sherman and Blaine men of the State. McKinley was for Blaine. But when it came to the selection of the delegates-at-large there was a bitter strug- gle. While his State presented the name of Sherman to that convention, McKinley had been elected as a Blaine man, and he had no hesitancy in giving his most earnest support to Blaine. At the critical moment in that conven- tion, when Curtis and Rooseve:t were clam- oring for adjournment to defeat Blaine,and some of the Blaine leaders were demoraliz- ed to the extent that they were trying to prevent a recognition of the motion, Me- Kinley mounted a chair and said: ‘*Let the motion he put and let everybody favorable to the nomination of Blaine vote against it.” That settled it. The Blaine men ac- cepted the challenge, voted down the ad- journment, and the victory was won. In the convention of 1888 McKinley was pledged te Sherman, as he was four years before pledged to Blaine. But some of his own Ohio men saw that Sherman could not win, and they thought McKinley could. They were overheard discussing his chances when McKinley walked into the room and told them that it would never do. The in- cident of 1880 could not be repeated. This was a long and exciting contest. The con- vention was in session over a week. Mr. Blaine, then in Europe, was ardently sup- ported: by many, despite his celebrated ‘‘Florence letter’’ declining to be a candi- date. There grew up a strong feeling for McKinley. Many of the leaders favored his nomination as the hest solution of the difficulty. ; WAS LOYAL TO SHERMAN. On Saturday. June 22, every Republican Member of the House then in Washington joined in a telegram to Chicago saying tbat the best interests of the party demanded the nomination of Major McKinley. That same day, while the balloting was going on Connecticut cast a vote for McKinley. He rose in the midst of the roll call and said Ohio had sent him there to support John Sherman and his heart and judgment ac- corded with his instructions. He could not remain silent with honor, nor counsist- ent with the credit of Ohio, honorable fi- delity to John Sherman, nor with his own views of personal integrity, ‘‘consent or seem to consent to be a candidate.” ‘“‘Iwounld not respect myself,”’ said he, “if I could find in in my heart to do, or to say, or to permit it to be done, that which would even be ground for anyone to sus- pect that I wavered in my loyalty to Ohio, devotion to the chief of her choice, and the chief of mine. I donot request, I demand that no delegate who would not cast a re- flection upon me shall cast a vote for me.’’ There was no misunderstanding his posi- tion. Governor Foraker, a delegate with him said : th mg 3 ‘Major McKinley is here under the most rigid instructions to support John Sher- man, and no extraneous circumstances, or extraordinary inducements could for a mo- ment divert his attention from the central idea of his presence here. McKinley isas thoroughly impressed with the gravity of the situation a he can be, and no man has, or can have, ty to bis trust.” When approached by the New Jersey delegates and told that they were going to cast their ballot for him,and that he would be nominated, McKinley’s answer was: ‘‘Rather than that I would suffer the loss of my good right arm. Yes, I would suffer death. To accept a nomination, if one were possible, under these circumstances would inevitably leadl to my defeat. and it ought to lead to my glefeat."’ Major McKinley remained steadfast in his position,and when Blaine’s letter came, reiterating his refusal to be a candidate, the nomination went to Benjamin Harrison and was ratified by election in the fall. It is bardly making a rash statement to say that Major McKinley’s fidelity to John Sherman lost him the presidency. But it increased the confidence of the people in his honor and faithfulness to his trust. CHAIRMAN OF CONVENTION. Four years later came the Minneapolis convention. Major McKinley was its permanent chairman. When it became evident that Blaine could not defeat Har- rison many of his friends turned toward McKinley. There was great excitement when the convention began to ballot. Major McKinley was in the chair and an- nounced that the ballot for President should be taken. The first State called— Alabama—told that some, at least, of Blaine’s strength was going to McKinley. When Ohio was called the vote was an- nounced as ‘‘44 for McKinley, 2 for Har- rison.”” The convention went wild. Amid thedin Major McKinley demanded a poll of the delegation. ‘‘I am a delegate from Ohio’’ he cried, ‘‘and I demand that my vote he counted. I challenge the State's vote.”’ **You were not here,’’ shouted Foraker, ‘‘and your alternate voted for you,’’ and again the shouts went up. The pool was taken, and Obio cast 45 votes for MeKin- ley and one for Harrison. The one Har- rison vot. was given by Major McKinley. Harrison was nominated, receiving 535 votes, but McKinley came within a frac- tional part of one vote of having as many as were cast for the idol of the Republican party, James G. Blaine. Blaine had 182 5-6 votes and McKinley 182 1-6. QUAY ALSO A CANDIDATE. But in 1896 there was practically no op- position to McKinley, and one State after another instructed for him, so that at the convention his nomination, with Garrett A. Hobart, of New Jersey, for Vice Presi- dent, was practically unanimous. At this convention one of the humorous incidents was M.:8. Quay, of Pennsylvania, insisting on getting the vote of his State for the high office. During the campaign Mr. : MeKin- ley remained at his home in Canton and conducted his famous *‘front porch’’ meet- ings. After his election, and while pre- paring for a secoud term he made Eastern, Southern and Western trips. Senator Hanna has in private conversa- tion told the story of his first acquaintance with the President. It was not an agree- able introduction so far as Mr. Hanna was concerned. He was the general manager of a big coal company, with mines in Stark county. He had a strike in 1875, and this was followed by a riot and the destruction of the works. About 40 of the miners were arrested and indicted. Major McKinley took up their case and was their attorney. No one would accusz Mark Hanna of being u dude in these days, but twenty years ago he was younger, handsomer perbaps, certainly more careful as to his dress, and supported a style befitting his position as one of the rising young husi- ness men of Cleveland. When he and their partners and his attorneys went down to Canton to prosecute the miners they took their trunks with them, stopped at the best hotel in the little town,lived well, dressed exceptionally well, and, with their good looks, made a more favorable impres- sion on the fair sex of the place than they did upon the miners or their young attor- ney. Mr. Hanna now admits that McKinley showed excellent judgment in his line of defense, but he has never quite forgiven him for the personal allusions he made to the prosecution, their style, and their dis- play of wealth, as contrasting with the sturdy sons of toil, whom they were prose- cuting. The case attracted much atten- tion, and the court room was crowded day after day as the trial progressed. The handsome, well-dressed mine owners were the most conspicuous men in the room, and Mr. Hanna does not deny that they rather enjoyed their distintction until Me- Kinley began his argument for the defense. He neglected none of the legal points, and made a very strong argument, but he did not stop there. PLEADED FOR THE MINERS. He was even then looked upon as an ora- tor with considerable power to sway the judgment of other men, and he did not neglect to use his power. He made a strong and eloquent plea for the miners, and then turning to Mr. Hanna and his companions, he drew a striking contrast between them and the defendants. He called attention to the handsome young men, who faces showed no lines of care, whose hands were free from the stains aud callous marks of honest toil, to their most fashionable at- tire, their gaudy cravats and diamond pins, to their patent leather shoes, and described them at their ease in the hotel corridors, where they smoked fragrant Havana cigars and drank champagne, or drove about the city in the finest equipages to be found in Canton. : He’ pictured them as princes of pluto- crats, and then he tnrned to the poor min- ers and told the story of their trials and bardships, contrasted their clothes and gen- eral appearance with their prosecutors’ and made a most touching appeal for their wives and children. This defense created a sensation, and Mr. Hanna and his com- panions suddenly found that their good looks and their fashionable clothes were no longer an agreeable attraction in the court room. McKinley bad ina few minutes made them to appear as prosecutors, who had been making their wealth and ease and. luxury from the toil of these half starved miners who were on trial for their liberty, ‘| and jury and spectators from that moment could see nothing pleasant or attractive in the handsome business men from Cleveland. All the miners, except one, were acquitted, and he was given a sentence of one year in the penitentiary, hut was pardoned by Governor Hayes when Major McKinley went to Columbus and made an appeal for clemency. THE WAR IN CUBA. For more than half a century before Mr. McKinley became President, insurrections, revolutions, and all manner of disturbances in Cuba, due to Spanish mal-administra- tion, had been observed with anxiety by the government of the United States. To apy reason to doubt his fideli- | William MeKinler, however, and not to Thomas Jefferson, who thought that Cuba | who | ought to be annexed, or to Grant, shared with Congress his concern over the menace of constant Cuban uprisings, came | the task of securing Cuba's freedom from Spanish rule. It is still a mooted question how far the war with Spain was forced upon the Presi- dent by a clamorous Congress. For a long time before war appeared inevitable the President unquestionably moved with cau- tious tread, while violent and incendiary speeches in and out of Congress fanned pub- lic indignation into a flame. Looking back to that exciting and critical period, and remembering how conservative Presi- dent McKinley seemed to be, itis easy enough now to give him credit for patient- ly exhausting all means of securing through diplomacy the relief of the distressed Cubans. Itis not difficult to recall the feeling of disappointment and irritation which found expression as each successive message of the President seemed to find him halting on the brink of warlike mea- sures; and yet these messages, read to-day in the light of events, are found to be fair- ly bristling with phrases that betrayed the heart of the man beneath ' the official ex- terior of the chief executive. It was ‘‘the cruel policy of coucentration’’ which he denounced, hecause it was ‘‘not civilized warfare.” The war cloud burst, and in less than 90 days the skies were clear again. Yet in that brief time the equilibrium of the world had been touched. Cuba had been liberated, all the Spanish West Indies had been gathered under the American flag, and as an indirect but necessary result, Hawaii had been annexed. All of these things were not to be compared in import- ance, however, with the fact that the de- feat of the Spanish fleet in Manila harbor by Commodore Dewey’s squadron had ousted the Spanish from their possession of the Philippine islands, a possession which they had enjoyed in undisturbed fashion for three centuries. The United States suddenly hecame a world power in the Orient. All the other events of McKin- ley’s administration—pale into in- significance before this acquisition of a vast archipelago, with 1,200 isl- ands and 10,000,000 people, situated 7,000 miles from our shores. CESSION OF THE PHILIPPINES. It is undoubtedly a fact, although the of- ficial records