Deworaliv ia
Bellefonte, Pa., Sept. 14, 1900.
ALWAYS TELL MOTHER,
Always tell mother. She’s willing to bear,
Willing to listen to tales of despair.
Tell her when trials and troubles assail;
Seek her for comfort when sorrows prevail.
Take mother’s hand when temptations entice:
Ask her for counsel; seek mother’s advice.
Always tell mother. In mother confide;
Foster no secrets from mother to hide;
Train your thoughts nobly, nor let your lips
speak
Words that would kindle a blush on her cheek.
Mother stands ready her aid to impart,
Open to mother the door of your heart.
Always tell mother. Your joys let her share;
Lift from her shoulders their burdens of care.
Brighten her pathway; be gentle and kind;
Strengthen the ties of affection that bind,
Tell her you love her; look up in her face;
Tell her no other can take mother’s place.
Always tell mother. When dangers betide,
Mother if need be, will die by your side.
Though you be sunken in sin and disgrace,
Mother will never turn from you her face.
Others may shun you, but mother, your friend,
Stands ever ready, to shield and defend.
Mother's devotion is always the same,
Softly, with reverence, breathe mother's name.
— Leslie's Weekly.
TRYING TO KEEP COOL.
‘“This is insufferable,’ said Briggs to
his wife, ‘‘absolutely insufferable. Idon’t
see how vou stand it or why you stand it.
If I didn’t have to be down town all day
I'd have the children out in the park or in
the country such a day as this. I certain-
ly wouldn’t stay in an oven of a house
when there are trees and grass and breezes
to be found if you only goin search of
them.’’
*‘But there surely is more comfort in re-
maining quietly here than there is in pre-
paring for an onting and then tramping all
over the country looking for a bit of unap-
propriated shade,’’ protested Mrs. Briggs.
‘‘Nonsense,’’ replied Briggs. ‘‘Of course
there is some work in getting ready, but
the luxuries of this life are not to be had
without labor. I tell you the country is
the place, and we’ll go to the country to-
day. Just hustle around and get the chil-
dren ready and we’ll start.”’
“Bat where’ll we go?’ asked Mrs.
Briggs.
‘‘Anywhere,”’ answered Briggs.
“The park?’ suggested Mrs. Briggs.
‘‘That’s comparatively near, and’’—
“Park nothing !"’ interrupted Briggs.
‘“‘We can run over to the park any after-
noon when I happen to get home early,but
I don’t get a full holiday very often, and
we want to take advantage of it. We'll
get out where the cool breezes blow. Hur-
ry now. We can get a train to Mulligan’s
grove at 10 o’clock, and some of the boys
at the store are going out there with their
families—nothing formal, you know; just
an out. I'll show you how to keep cool if
you’ll just hustle and put up a little
lunch.” ‘
There was an hour or more of good, hard
work, as any one who has ever tried to
start for a little outing knows, and some of
the work fell to the lot of Briggs himself.
He acted under the orders of Mrs. Briggs,
who became general superintendent tem-
porarily, and as a result when they were
ready to start he had to change his collar
and his negligee shirt.
“Whew !”’ he exclaimed, as he put a
hammock over his shoulder and grabbed a
lunch basket. “I didn’t realize how hot
it was. I'd have been a corpse before
night if I’d tried to stay in this stuffy
house.”’
‘“You wouldn’t have been as hot at any
time during the day as you are now,”’ re- d
turned Mrs. Briggs, who was going on the
outing under protest and didn’t care who
knew it.
‘Perhaps not,’’ replied Briggs, ‘‘butI
wouldn’t have been as cool and comforta-
ble as I will be an hour from now, either.
The trouble with yon women is that you
don’t look farenough ahead. There comes
our car,’”’ he added afew minutes later.
‘Hurry, or we’ll miss it.”’
Briggs grabbed one of the children with
his disengaged hand, and with the lunch
‘basket in the other hand and the hammock
over his shoulder started on a dog trot
to head off the approaching car at the cor-
ner.
‘‘Whew, it gets hotter every minute !”’
he exclaimed as he hung toa post and
mopped his face with his handkerchief.
**T tell you we would just have smothered
in that house today. Why my clean col-
lar is melted already.”’
He looked around for aseat, but a whole
lot of people seemed to be taking an out-
ing that day and there wasn’t one to be
had. Mrs. Briggsand the children were
uncomfortably wedged in between hot and
perspiring individuals and looked as if they
thought he bad rather the better of it stand-
ing up.
“I just about sweat myself to death in
the crowd on the footboard,’’ said Briggs
when they were on the street again and
about to take np the rest of their journey
to the depot. :
“How far have we got to walk now?”
asked Mrs. Briggs.
‘Only four blocks,’’ answered Briggs.
“Then we may hope to he decently com-
fortable. Come along! We've no time to
waste.’’
Ten minutes later they were on a car
with others going for an outing—a good
many others. They had sweltered at the
ticket office, sweltered in the crowd at the
gate, and had been pushed and jostled and |
stepped on in reaching the car, but they all
got seats—after a fashion, It is warm un-
der a train shed in the best of circum-
stances. There is little circulation of the
air there, and when it comes to sitting next
to a fat man or woman and holding a child |
in one’s lap; a very fair imitation of the
tortures of the infernal regions is exper-
ienced. t ;
“This negligee shirt of mine,” said
Briggs, ‘‘looks as if I had worn it in swim-
ming, but we’ll have some comfort as soon
as we get under way.”’
“If we don’t start soon*”’ returned Mrs.
Briggs, ‘‘I shall faint. Isimply cannot
stand this stifling atmosphere.’
And one of the children began to cry.
They left the train with a sigh of relief.
Before it started even the aisles had partly
filled up. and everyone knows what enforc-
ed contact with sweltering hamanity is in
a closed car. 1
‘‘At any rate we're here,’’ said Briggs,as
he threw away. his limp collar and loosened
the neckband of his shirt. ‘‘Now for a
cool spot. By jove !”” he added, as he saw
direction of the grove, “we’ll have to run | do
for it or all the best places will be tak-
en,?? PEERED Jans ;
“Well you’ll have to do the running,’’
returned Mrs. Br with decision. “I
don’t intend to kill myself. I'll look after
LTR CI
‘scending sapilly un
is loaded
the children and you take the hammock
and the lunch basket and go on ahead.”
So Briggs ran a quarter of a mile, carry-
ing weight for age, and succeeded in pre-
empting a spot where two scrawney trees
somewhat filtered the sun’s rays, and even
then he came near having to defend his
location with physical force.
‘Now, I’ll go hunt up some of the boys I
know,’’ he said, when Mrs. Briggs and the
children arrived.
“You'll do nothing of the sort,”” replied
Mrs. Briggs promptly. “You'll put up the
hammock first.”’
So he put up the hammock, not without
some difficulty, for Dame Nature bhadn’t
placed the trees as conveniently as she
might have done.
‘*Now,’’ he said, *‘I’ll—
“Now you’ll take this little tin pail and
get some water,’ put in Mrs. Briggs.
“We're all nearly dying of thirss.”’
““Now,’’ said Briggs when he had brought
the water, ‘‘I’ll’’"—
“Now you’ll help me put out the lunch, ”’
interrupted Mrs. Briggs. ‘It’s nearly one
o'clock, and the children are almost
starved.”
So he helped arrange the lunch and
drove the ants away from it, and of course
they found some things were lacking.
Then he helped gather the remnants and
dishes together and put them back in the
baskets, and after that he took the chil-
dren over and bought them pink lemonade
and peanuts at a stand at the other end of
the grounds, and gave them each a
turn in the swing they found, and then
finally he settled himself in the ham-
mock.
“Now this is what I call comfort,’”’ he
said, as heslapped at the fliesand the mos-
quitoes. ‘I'll rest here a little while and
then I'll hunt up some of the boys I
know. I didn’t tell them I was coming,so
they’’—
**You’ll rest there a little awhile,” in-
terrupted Mrs. Briggs in her annoying way
“and then you’ll take the hammock down
and start for the train. It leaves in three-
quarters of an hour.”
* * * * * * *
. Briggs drew an arm chair up in front of
an open window and dropped wearily into
it when he reached home.
‘‘By George! but this is comfort,’”’ he
said. ‘There’s a right cool breeze blow-
ing through here.
““Yes,’’ returned Mrs. Briggsdryly. ‘It’s
comparatively comfortable between those
two windows most of the time if one only
keeps still long enough to notice it.—Chi-
cago Evening Post.
Wise Rules of Conduct.
Stephen Allen, once mayor of New York
city, says Success carried these maxims in
his pocketbook :
1. Keep good company or none.
2. Never be idle.
3. If your hands cannot be usefully em-
ployed attend to the cultivation of your
mind.
4. Always speak the truth.
5. Make few promises.
6. Live up to your engagements.
7, Keep your own secrets, if you have
any.
8. When you speak to a person, look him
in the face.
9. Good company and good conversation
are the sinews of virtue.
10. Good character is above all things
else.
11. Your character cannot be essentially
injured except by your own acts.
12. If anyone speaks evil of you let
your life be so that none will believe
him.
13. Drink no kind of intoxicating lig-
uors.
14. Ever live (misfortune
within your income.
15. When you retire to bed think over
what you have been doing during the
excepted )
ay.
16. Make no haste to he rich, if you
would prosper.
17. Small and steady gains give compe-
tency with tranquility of mind.
18. Never play at any kind of game of
chance.
19. Avoid temptation through fear you
may not understand it.
20. Earn money before you spend it.
21. Never run into debt unless you seea
way to get out of it.
22. Never borrow if you can possibly
avoid it.
23. Never speak evil of anyone.
24. Be just before you are generous.
25. Keep yourself innocent if you would
be happy.
26. Save when you are young, to spend
when you are old.
27. Read these lines at least once a
week. 3
The weak, the leaning, the dependent, the
vacillating,
Know not, or ever can, the generous pride
That glows in him who on himself relies;
His joy is not that he has won the crown,
But that the power to win the crown is his.
Awfal Peril in Mid~-Air.
Falling Man Landed on Wife's Parachute—Lives Were
‘ Saved as By a Miracle.
The 5,000 people who attended the sec-
ond day of ‘the Nashua, N. H., fair “got |
their money’s worth’’ if they cared for sen-
sation. ,
Monday Professor and Mrs. E. L. Staf-
ford, aeronauts, were unable to make their
ascension and jump owing to an accident to
the balloon. They made it Tuesday, how-
ever, and they had a narrow escape from
death. Sk :
Just ‘how high the balloon was when
Mrs. Stafford cut loose with her parachute
no one knows, but man and woman looked
Hike planes," [7 arin iis SEE
"As Mrs, Stafford cut loose she struck her |
husband and ‘his parachute was detached
from the balloon. There was a ery of ter-
ror from the crowd as Stafford fell, turning
over and over in the air. :
By what seemed almost a miracle he be-
came entangled in the ropes of his own
parachute and landed ‘on top of Mrs. Staf-
ford. He struck a few feet from the edge
‘of his wife’s parachute and clung for his
Hifel"" .
For a second it looked as if hoth must
fall, for Mrs. Stafuns parachute was de-
ler its double load.
' Just then Stafford’s parachute opened’
‘and the force of the fall was arrested. The |
two aeronauts landed in a tree a few hun-
dred yards outside the park and. neither
was injured beyond a few slight bruises and
scratches. ro ns ek
——According to the statutes of Penn-
sylvania it is a misdemeanor to point a
loaded or unloaded gun at anyone, punish-
ed by fine or imprisonment. In conection |
an excl e says : When a man playfully |
lt ocr ane Ae ae be Sa change says : When a man playfully
istol or gun at you, knock him
oints a ock:
wn. Don’t wait to ask him whether it
80 it is done. If a Coroner’s inquest must
be held, let it be held on the other fellow.
He wouldn’t be missed.
s loaded or not; knock him down. . Don’t’
be particular what you hit him with, only’
Richard Olney, Cleveland’s Secretary of
State, Explains Why He Will Not Vote
This Year for McKinley as He Did
Four Years Ago. ;
Henry Loomis Nelson has made public
the following letter from Richard Olney,
former Secretary of State, explaining why
the writer will vote for Bryan this year, in
spite of the fact that he supported McKin-
ley four years ago.
BosToN, 23 Court street, August 14th.
Dear Sir—I have yours of the 12th ult.
You refer to a previous conversation in
which I had intimated my intention to
vote the Democratic ticket at the coming
Presidential election, and ask for the
grounds for so doing. You urged at our
interview that such a decision should as a
matter of duty, be accompanied by a will-
ingness to avow the reasons behind it, I
recognize the force of that view, and
though it is against my inclinations and
habits, I proceed to state some considera-
tions which seem to me to justify the pur-
pose I have formed.
I need hardly say that Mr. Bryan is not
the candidate I should choose could I have
my way in the matter, and that I entirely
dissent from parts of the Kansas City plat-
form.
But in laying his course upon the all-im-
portant subject of the Presidency a citizen
is bound to bear in mind that he is dealing
with a practical matter, and must seek the
best practical results through such legiti-
mate practical methods as are available.
Parties cannot be ignored, for example, be-
cause ours is a government of parties; the
real issue is which of them shall control,
and individual effort independent of party
must at best be abortive, while it may
further the success of the worst party in the
field. So the choice must be between the
parties. Perfection in a candidate or plat-
form is an idle dieam, and infirmities in
its creed and defects in its leadership will
always characterize every party. But they
in no wise excuse a citizen from taking his
assigned part in the government of the
country—from making up his mind what
the common weal demands and what par-
ty’s success will come nearest satisfying
the demand, and from using his influence
and casting his vote accordingly. If one
citizen may properly withhold his vote,
logically all may, and all the wheels of
government be stopped, while to decline
voting because practically assured that oth-
ers will vote is but to give the latter an
undue share of political power and to for-
feit the right to complain of any abuse of
it. The obligations of citizenship are
avoided, not performed, by standing neu-
tral in an election. The voting power is a
trust which calls for use and is violated by
the neglect to use. There is always a
choice between the consequences of one
party’s ascendency and those of its oppon-
ent, and, therefore, the true question be-
fore every citizen always is of the general
attitude of a party upon the vital issues of
the day, and whether in view of that atti-
tude its success is not the best thing in
sight. Such is the real issue now confront-
ing every American citizen. Be it admit-
ted that the Democratic party, its platform
and its candidate are open to much just
criticism, yet all things considered, would
not its triumph be the best outcome of the
present Presidential contest?
EXCORESCENCE ON REPUBLICANISM.
In my judgment it would he. In my
judgment nothing is now so important as
that the American people should take this,
their first opportunity to emphatically pro-
test against that excrescence upon original
Republicanism which may be called Me-
Kinleyism—a term used solely for brevity
and not because Mr. McKinley is largely
responsible for what it comprehends, ex-
cept as he has proved himself unable or un-
willing to 1esist the pressure of political
and personal friends or to withstand the
temptation of trimming bis sails to every
wind of apparent popular doctrine. It
may not be feasible to undo what has been
«done—the weakest and silliest of adminis-
trations may involve the country in diffi-
culties from which the strongest and wisest
may not be able to extricate it. Neverthe-
less, the evil courses pursued should be
condemned and not condoned. The future
may be helped and safeguarded even if the
past is remediless, while, so far as the in-
jurious consequences of past courses
can be averted or mitigated, some thing
may be hoped from those not primarily re-
sponsible for them. From their official au-
thors and justifiers nothing but persistence
in them can reasonably be expected. and
should McKinleyism prevail in the pend-
ing election, who shall say—in view of the
Administration's proved capacity for re-
versing itself—that we shall not soon find
onrselves in the toils of a Chinese problem
even more costly, menacing and insoluble
than the Philippine problem itself?
Surely every argument urged in defense of
our seizure of the Philippines can be used
a second time with even greater force to
justify ourappropriation of a slice of China.
To support the conclusion to which I
have come it is only necessary to consider
what McKinleyism stands for—what is the
necessary effect of endorsing it—what it
will mean if the American people now sol-
emnly record themselves as appfoving the
McKinley administration and all its works.
PRESIDENCY FROM THE CAPITALISTS.
First—It will mean that the American
people sanction a syndicated Presidency—
a Presidency got for the Republican party
hy the money of a combination of capital-
ists intent upon securing national. legisla-
tion in aid of their particular interests.
Second—It will mean that the American
people approve the legislation thus obtain-
ed and justify such legislation as the Ding-
ley tariff bill, with all its devices for tax-
ing consumers and wage earners—that is,
the great mass of the people—in exonera-
tion of accumulated wealth. 0
Third—It will mean that the American
people uphold the policy of greed and con-
tempt for alien peoples whose retributive
consequences are seen in recent events in
China; approve of our joining the ranks of
international land grabbers, and sanction
the rapacity as well ae folly by which,
while pretending to buy, we in fact forci-
bly expelled Spain from her Philippine pos-
sessions and without excuse either in the
demands of national honor or in considera-
tions of the national interest have saddled
ourselves with the gravest responsibilities
| for some eight or ten millions of the savage
or at best half civilized brown people of the
ropics. aie ;
Fourth—It will mean that the American
people approve the tactless and brutal pol-
icy pursued since the Philippine acquisi-
tion was made, whereby what was pressed
upon the country as a treaty of peace was in
fact but the signal for another more costly,
bloody and prolonged war. !
Fifth—It will mean that the American
Detple approve the extraordinarily fatuous
po
which the ilippine Archipelago, many
thousands of miles from our shores, be-
‘comes an integral part of the United States
‘while Cuba, the cause and inspiration of
the war, lying right at our door, the key
to the Gulf of Mexicoand absolutely essen-
tial to our defence against foreign attack,
cy or policy; or ‘no policy at all, by |
ee — ————
is declared alien territory and entitled to
rights of an independent sovereignty.
ABDICATION OF POWER BY CONGRESS.
Sixth—It will mean that the American
people approve an abdication of its fune-
tions by the national legislature which
leaves millions of human beings outside
the pale of any recognized code of law and
signifies for our new ° ions for an in-
definite period militarisna of the most un-
adulterated sort.
Seventh—It will mean that the American
people, having in their President the sole
representative of the nation as a whole, ap-
prove of a national executive who fails to
uphold the dignity and the independence
of his great office; who. exercises its func-
tions in subservience both to other branches
of the government and to the clamor of
special pecuniary interests; who, condemn-
ing the acquisition of territory by force as
‘‘eriminal aggression,’”’ wrests her posses-
sions from a foreign state by the menace of
continued war; who finds the *‘plain Suny
of the government to be one thing to day
and exactly the opposite tomorrow, and
whose disregard of the elementary princi-
ples of civil service reform is a scandal as
notorious as it is indefensible. :
Eighth—It will mean that the American
people indorse the policy by which the
United States of America sets up in busi-
ness as an Asiatic power, and will welcome
the large standing armies, the increased
naval forces, the new administrative
agencies, the enlarged and more costly dip-
lomatic service, the onerous taxes, the in-
ternational complications and the entangl-
ing alliances which, and all of which, are
the inevitable incidents and consequences
of the Oriental role to which McKinleyism
bas undertaken to pledge us.
MONEY INFLUENCE IN POLITICS.
Ninth—It will mean that the American
people either do not see or seeing approve
the great and growing if not already over-
whelming influence of money in our poli-
tics. Our government was not conceived
or framed as a money-making machine
even for the profit of all the governed. Its
vital principle and its crowning merit are
that it stands for equal opportunities to all
—that by the maintenance of order and
the administration of justice it is designed
to give every man a free hand in the strug-
gle for the prizes of life. This theory of
the true functions of government McKin-
leyism greatly antagonizes—by protective
tariffs, by the most intimate relations be-
tween the United States Treasury and the
general money market, by subsidies to par-
ticular industries, by an agressive colonial
policy, and in other ways it practically
holds out the government as an engine for.
use in the acquisition of private wealth.
The natural, inevitable result is that the
money of the country hotly pursues the
control of the government as the source of
more money—that the flag figures as a sort
of commercial asset, replete with possibili-
ties of pecuniary profit for its fortunate
custodians. That under the influence of
McKinleyism such is the unmistakable
trend of things in this country at the pres-
ent day, giving to the best devised policy
of all times somewhat the aspect of a stock
jobbing Democracy, is only too apparent.
Should McKinleyism now again prevail,
for example, it will not be because it is not
cordially distrusted and disliked by the
great body of the American electors. It
will be because of the influence of the
purse and of the felicitous application of an
enormous campaign fund—becaunse of an
“investment scare,”’ which, if in some
measure genuine, will be in much larger
measure artfully worked up for election
ends. To excite the alarm of voters for
their immediate pecuniary interests is easy;
to evoke patriotism, courage and unselfish-
ness required to effect serious political
changes and indispensable to dislodge a
party which, comparatively short intervals
excepted, has been intrenching itself in the
government for nearly forty years, is in-
finitely more difficult.
PANICS MADE TO ORDER.
If the success of the Republican party
next November means all that I have
stated—and how can it mean anything
less ?—but one conclusion seems possible.
The calaminous possibilities said to inhere
in Democratic success in the ensuing elec-
tion. exaggerated as they are by partisan
zeal and subsidized ingenuity, are out-
weighed by certainties of mischief involved
in four years more of McKinleyism.
Stock Exchange panics, often made to
order, generally irrational, and now freely
predicted by those who know how to make
their predictions: good, and are sure to,
profit by whatever caprices the market may
indulge in, are as dust in the halance com-
pared with the enduring evils to result
from the vicious national policies which
the American people are now desired to
‘impress with the seal of their favor, and to
thus perpetuate indefinitely. In the de-
feat of the Republican party in the coming
election lies the only hope of the reversal.
of those policies and of the beginning of a
return to more wholesome conditions.
Such a defeat would be all the more sig-
nificant and emphatic because obviously
due to the co-operation of citizens in many
things quite at odds with the Democratic
party and its leadership. And it is a de-
feat that should come now and not later,
because not to reject McKinleyism at once
tends to fasten it permanently upon the
vitals of the country. a
For myself, therefore, I find it tolerably
clear that a citizens duty in connection
with the coming presidential election not:
only permits but requires him to desire the
success of the Democratic party. Yours
very truly. RicHARD OLNEY.
Captain O'Farrell’s Great Speech
At the Recent Meeting in Cooper Union New York.
~The speech of Capt. Patrick O’Farrell,
of Washington, at the: Cooper Union anti-
imperialistic: meeting in New York has
found its way into the Congressional Record.
It is of a very impassioned sort, and the
Captain says of his present’ position : *‘I
am still a staunch Republican, and for that
‘reason Iam for Bryan and liberty.” He
was introduced as a life-long Republican
and a brave soldier, who: served in the
Sixty-ninth. New York under Corcoran,
and spoke without notes, as follows:
While we have not an ideal government
of our own, yet I contend that we have the.
best system so far devised by man to regu-
date our own affairs, while we have the
‘worst system to regulate the affairs of
others. You cannot govern foreign colon-
ies or run imperialism with Republican
machinery. It requires a king or an em-
peror—like the Empress of India—whose
rule will be continuous, to do that. We
elect our Executive every four years, and
we change policies and officials with every
change of party. : MEIN Le
‘We nt a postal agent or tax collect-
or at Mindanao x Manila. I
bring his wife or children there on acconnt
of the climate. He has a four years’ job.
He will try and feather his nest before the
other party comes in ; and when it does,
he will be succeeded by another, who will
also go into the nest-feathering business.
President.
Manila. . He can’t |.
(Great applause and cries of “That's so!
You're right 1?)
1 now boldly state that this acquiring
and keeping of foreign colonies will bring
Republican institutions. When it comes
to looting, swindling and crookedness, the
Spaniards were not *‘in it”’ with our fel-
lows. I said this toa United States Sena-
tor (General Hawley) a few months ago,
aud he exclaimed. **Ob, Pat! don’t say
that about your own countrymen.” I say
it advisedly, on good proof. Didn’t we
rob and plunder our own countrymen in
the South during the ‘‘carpet-bag regime,
and after we had robbed and beggared the
whites we then plandered our wards, the
negroes, and looted the Freedman’s bank.
This is no reflection on the honesty of the
American people in general. It only il-
lustrates the fact that we cannot govern
honestly. even at home, by military rule;
and how can we expect to do it abroad in
our foreign colonies, and over a people
whom we despise as a subject race? If we
continue in the colonial imperialism busi-
ness, I suggest that we amend our Consti-
tution #o that the title of our President
shall read as follows : ‘‘William McKinley.
President of the United States and Em-
peror of the Philippines.’”’ (Cheers and
laughter.) Abraham Lincoln said, “We
cannot last long half slave and half free,”
and now, at the beginning of a new cen-
tury. we are going to he half-subject, half-
citizen.
I remember when I first saw the sacred
soil of Virginia during the great civil war
—yes, the war for liberty—I read a sign on
a large brick building in Alexandria ‘‘Price,
Birch & Co., dealers in slaves.” Iremain-
ed South long enough to shoot that slavery
business todeath. Oh, Iam awfully proud
that I was an abolitionist avd a Republican
in those days! (Tremendous applause.)
Those were the days of Lincoln and Liber-
ty. Now, when I walk up Pennsylvania
avenue, I look up at the White House and
I am carried back to the. days of ‘‘Price,
Birch & Co., dealers in slaves,’’ aud I read
on that White House, in imaginary lines,
‘‘Hanna, McKinley & Co., wholesale deal-
ers in Filipino slaves.” (Great applause.)
There is another feature of this colonial
business that the country has not noticed
so far. That is the matter of church and
state. McKinley is trying to work the
church—1I mean the Catholic church—but
he ‘‘wobbles on that as well as on other
matters. What he said last week he con-
tradicts. A weak man is a dangerous man
when placed in high position. Nero was
one of the weakest Roman emperors, but
at the same time the most dangerous.
Just look at President McKinley mak-
ing tracks on hoth sides of the stream.
We find him last summer at the Catholic
summer school at Plattsburg. N. Y., hold-
ing forth and telling the people there about
the flag, and you would actually think he
Next week we find him at Asbury Park,
N. J., preaching to the Methodists about
piety and patriotism. And the next week
we find him executing a treaty, offensive
and defensive, with the Sultan of Sulu,
whereby he recognizes slavery, polygamy
and the religion of Mahomet.
To crown all we next find the President
of the United States going on his knees to
the Pope of Rome, and asking him to help
him out of the difficulties which neither
his generals nor his peace commissions
could do. He holds several secret sessions
at the White House with Archbishop Cha-
pelle, the papal delegate, and commissions
Fatber McKinnon, ostensibly as a chaplain
in the United States Army, but actually as
the secretary of the papal delegate, and
sends both in princely style to Manila to
negotiate with the Spanish archbishop
there as to the confirming of the Spanish
friars and monks in their possession of some
20,000,000 or 30,000,000 acres of the best
land in Luzon and the other islands. This
is the first time in the history of the Unit-
ed States when the President dared to in-
terfere in a matter of church aud state.
What right has our government to summon
or invite the papal delegate to aid or assist
us in settling our political affairs ?
I feel keenly on this subject, knowing that
there are many gentlenien on this platform
who. if they could speak as I do, would run
the risk of being called A. P. A’s. But I,
as a Catholic, lest there shonld be any mis-
take, a Roman Catholic, who lived in Ire-
land until I was a man big, and under-
stand all about landlords, the church and
state, the glebe lands, and the established
church, I don’t want to see my church go-
ing into the landlord business in the Phil-
ippines oranywhereelse under the protec-
tion of the American flag. (Tremendous
applause, which broke out again and
again. )
The student of history knows well that:
it was this ownership of land by the
church that was oue of the causes of the
bloody revolution in France, and it enabl-
ed King Henry VIII to sncceed in his so-
called reformation in England. Daniel
O'Connell, my illustrious countrymen,used
to say : ‘*‘We take cur religion from Rome;
but not onr politics. Keep the priests
poor and they will always the friends of
the people.’” Landed property has always
been the curse of the chinrch.
In conclusion, I appeal to my old time
Republican friends—yes, and to the men
of my own blood and race; yes, and to the
to seek that liberty which was denied us in.
our own native lands; yes, and I appeal to
my old comrade soldiers, who marched
‘eral whom I served under, Tam proud to
see on this platform tonight. ' (The speak-
.| er here seized General McIvor by the hand.
The great audience seemed to catch the in-
spiration and fairly jumped to their fees.
cheering and hurrahing for several min-
utes. ) I
Yes, oy
did the fighting, not to the ‘‘carpet-bag-
garg who aig the iehbite. Cher.)
Again I appeal to my old time Republican
frionds to not bother about dollars or tar-
iffs. In this campaign the battle cry is
“Republic versus empire.” ‘That should
be the thought uppermost in the mind of
every citizen from now until next Novem-
ber.
The trusts anda few millionaires have
the Grand Old Party by the throat. These
corrupt, unscrupulous politicians have
shunted it from the constituticnal track.
Let the plain people, the common people,
‘the ‘sovereign people—Republicans and
Dem rally to the standard of Will-
iam J. Bryan, who is a brave and coura-:
geous man of the Lincoln type—an Ameri-
can who believes in American grineiles.
Who is the same today as he was four orsix
courage and his honesty, and we will
stand’ by him and make hi
oy (ve endous applause.)
Heels Cut Off. :
PET Rh tS
Lloyd McCarthy, of Muncy, will be
lame for life, as the result of a peculiar ac-
J. Russell Glass, up Glade Run. He was
riding on: the carriage and the saw caught
his feet, cutting off both heels.
disgrace on our flag and discredit upon our |
was born next door to the blarney stone..
Germans, and to all others who came here.
with me to Appomattox; yes, and the gen-
appeal to my old comrade who
years ago. = You and I may differ with him |
about dollars and tariffs, but we admire his,
cident which befell him at the saw mill of
Looting was Shamefal.
An Outbreak of Barbarism at the Capture of Tien
Tsin.
TIEN TSIN, July 17th, (by mail). [lhe
ancient stone wall of the Chinese city of
Tien Tsin surrounded on the days of its
occupation by the allied troops a square
mile of such filth, ruin and death, such
turmoil and pillage, as history could hard-
ly duplicate. :
Under normal conditions the place was
no better than a huge cesspool, festering
with the accumulated rubbish and slops
from a population of nearly 1,000,000 pack-
ed into a labyrinth of hovels around the
palaces of the viceroys and petty taotais,
who absorbed their wealth and gave them
not even sewers in return. Now it is the
incarnation of all the suffering, horrors and
waste of war.
The European soldiers when they fought
their way up to the walls, saw floating in
the canals and ditches outside dozens of
Chinese elain by their own people because
they refused to fight. The bodies were
headless and their hands were tied behind
their backs. The heads were discovered
afterward. Rows of them decorated the
outer walls, hung by their pigtails.
Five flags were flying from the high
pagodas on the city wall when the news-
paper correspondent entered—the French,
Japanese, American, Russian and British.
“‘It was hard enough to get those flags up
there,”’ remarked a foreign officer, ‘‘but
the real trouble will be to get them down.’’
Most remarkable of all the sights was
the looting of the city. The middle of the
place was like an ant hill kicked open.
‘Chinese swarmed everywhere, thousands
and thousands, of them, diving into the
flames of the burning shops, getting under
falling walls and into choking clouds of
smoke. Most of them were half naked,
grimy with smoke and sometimes dripping
with blood. They preyed upon one anoth-
er. A Chinese appearing with a prize had
to fight his way; other Chinese sprang up-
on him and clutched his plunder. They
rolled among the corpses, pulling and tear-
ing, while children, being trampled down,
cried for help, and the mob poured right
along over them.
The palaces, the mint, the pawn shops,
the stores of silks, furs and jewelry, were
the first objects of attack. Near the mid-
dle of the city was the most prosperous
pawn shop, an institution that had proba-
bly existed for centuries.
The Chinese were accustomed to store
their winter clothing there for safekeeping.
When the doors were battered down the
looters flowed in like a tidal wave. There
were British officers, naval and military,
soldiers and sailors, with a good sprinkling
of Sikhs, but principally Chinese. Ina
twinkling all was pandemonium. The
Chinese knew where the best treasure was
to be found and the soldiers followed them.
Two forces collided in the gateway, a
rush line of Chinese struggling to enter
and a line fighting to get out with great
armfuls of loot, while an occasional sol-
dier went through the crowd like one of
the ‘‘Broadway squad.’’” Tien Tsin ex-
perienced a sweeping redistribution of
wealth, but on the old scheme of prizes to
the strongest.
The looting flourished three days. On
the first day it was entirely unrestrained.
Many white men accumulated stacks of
goods by simply standing at the city gates
and holding up the best laden Chinese
from the endless procession that flowed
out. Pack horses and carts, rickshaws,
coolies loaded with trunks and sacks piled
with loose silks, furs and bronze crowded
all the roads. English officers rode with
their horses concealed under dry goods and
soldiers slung bundles over their bayonets.
On the second day a conference of com-
manding officers decided to adopt repres-
sive measures. The commanders, except
the Freneh, empowered the British, who
were doing provost duty, to seize the lot.
This order the British attempted to execute
by holding up the looters as they entered
the foreign settlements. They took all
bundles and reported the names of claim-
ants for future inquiry.
Naturally this step provoked grumbling,
particularly among the soldiers of other
nationalities. Captain Bailey. the provost
marshal, a big-bodied, big-voiced English-
man, explained that the prohibition was
designed to restrain civilians from getting
the spoils which should go to the men who
did the fighting. The official statement is
that all seized loot will be sold, the pro-
ceeds to be divided among the soldiers as
prize money, but soldiers, wise through
former campaigns, comment skeptically.
The Japanese, so far as casual observa-
tion showed, did the least looting because
of the admirable discipline under which
‘their soldiers are held.
The Americans had all to themselves one
large arsenal, which they occupied on en-
tering the city. It contained not only
cannon, but a fine store of small arms,
swords of curious and rich pattern, rifles
of various makes, with stands of the long
two-man guns, which are simply giant
rifles. Munitions of war were not the on-
‘ly contents of the arsenal. High officers
had lived there and io flight had left stacks
of clothing and other articles of great value.
All this stuff is to be sold or shipped to
Washington as spoils of war.
On the third day of the occupation a
more effective method was: followed by
compelling looters to give up their loads at
the city gates. Even this measure did not
‘prevent the loss of much gold and silver.
Civilians made a general raid on the salt
commissioner’s ‘treasure and many suc-
ceeded in smuggling loads of silver bars
through to the settlement. The Ameri-
cans seized nearly a million taels’ ($650,-
000) worth of precious metals, which are
piled up in the marine barracks. . :
To-day the walled city looks as if a tor-
nado had struck it. Enough valuable
property has been seized to give every sol- -
dier a considerable sum if the distribution
is honestly administered. :
Engines Met in Awful Crash.
speed two freight engines on the Fall
| Brook district of the New York Central
railroad, crashed together at Torbert’s a
small station a few miles from Jersey
‘Shore, at an early hour Sunday morning,
‘both locomotives were badly wrecked and
agnumher of eats Be hg
The engine crews esca y jumping.
Fireman thor however, was hurled
‘against a barb wire fence nearly fifty feet
distant receiving internal injuries which
will likely result fatally.
'' Eprror’s AwruL Priaat.—F. M. Hig-
on our’ next’ gins; Editor Seneca, Ill., News, was afflict-
ed for years with Piles that no doctor or
remedy helped until he tried Bucklen’s
‘Arnica Salve, the best in the world. He
‘writes, $wo boxes wholly cured him. In-
fallible for Piles. Cure guaranteed. Only
25 cents. Sold at F. P. Green's drng
store. %
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' While dashing along at a high rate of