The Many Advantages You Have in
Trading with Us.
Your can Honestly arrive at But one
Conclusion.
Your Verdict will be much more Profit-
able to You than You Anticipate.
that you can be
You Know pleased better,
that you have a much better chance of
finding exactly what you wantin a Large
Assortment than you would have from
a small one and more especialy so is this
where the one assortment is full Five
times Larger than all others.
You Know that spot Cash will
and does procure
the very Lowest Prices for Merchandise.
that goods bought
You Know i, 800 mites
are bought for less money than by Deal-
ers who buy in small lots. Large pur-
chasers, demand, are entitled to and DO
receive every price advantage possible.
that the Cheaper
You Know Goods are bought
the Cheaper they can be sold.
You Know that you can expect
lower prices with us
on account of these advantages than you
will find with any other dealer in Cen-
tre county.
You Know that these advantages
: exist only with us.
Do you care to share in the saving.
If you are not satisfied you
Iry It. can have your Money Back
for the asking.
Brockerhoff House Block,
Bellefonte, Pa.
M. FAUBLE X% SON,
THE LARGEST CLOTHING AND GENTS FURNISHING GOODS
ESTABLISHMENT IN CENTRE COUNTY.
Bellefonte, Pa., April 20. 1300.
Public Opinions.
Opinions From Various Sources on Questions of
the Day.
Why should we treat the Pacitic Isl-
ands, 2,000 miles from our coast, as
American territory? Why should we
discriminate thus, in defiance of all
precedent, practice, promises and the
constitution of the United States?—
Chicago Inter-Ocean, Rep.
The insults and bafling which Mr.
McKinley had to suffer in his policy
of “expansion,” show in actual prac-
tice what was clear in theory from the
beginning—that protection goes with
expansion about as well as strychnine
goes with beefsteak.—New York Even-
ing Post.
If the people of this country wish to
get rid of the trusts they must first get
rid of Hanna, McKinley and Griggs, |
who are owned, body, boots and
breeches, by the trusts. With a presi-
dent in the White House who will an-
force the laws the trust question will
quickly be settled.—Chicago Chronicle.
The United States senate is Repub-
lican. It does not need the vote of
Quay for any party measure. If it de-
liberately violates law and defies the
popular will by seating Quay the peo-
ple will hold the Republican party re-
sponsible for such violation of national
decency.—Chicago Times-Herald, Rep.
The Republican party is pledged to
bimetallism. Were we blunderers when
we shouted over and over again for re-
monetization. I want the double stand-
ard. So do 1,300,000,000 of people of
this world of ours, while only 200,000,-
000 want the single gold standard.
We want the real money of the
world to be $8,000,000,000 in coin.
They want it to be only $4,000,000,000.
The difference means injustice, injury,
suffering and distress to millions of
God’s poor people the world over, while
the gold class is to wax fat at the cost
of their helpless victims.—Senator
Chandler, Rep.
New York is on the threshold of a
Democratic redemption. In 1896 the
Black majority was 246,000. It was
Clevelandism that did that. In 1897
it bleached to 80,000.
ened out still further, and stood as
12,600. In 1899 the Republicans in
their superiority fade and pale to a
trifle above 9,000. In 1900—mark “The
Verdict’s” word-—that superiority will
have died and disappeared—buried un-
der a Bryan plurality of 50,000. And
all this makes the morose and sulky
reason of present Republican gloom.
The farther they travel the darker it
gets.—The Verdict.
Attorney General Griggs declared in
his speech at Quincey, Ills., referring to
the Philippine war, that “the Filipinos
of Luzon who have attempted to drive
the lawful authority of the United
States from the island, comprise not
one-tenth of 1 per cent of the people
of these islands.” This is very thrill-
ing, but let us figure a little. If there
are 8,000,000 people in the Philippines
and less than one-tenth of 1 per cent
of them are opposing our authority we
are confronted by not more than 8,000
enemies. Yet the secretaries of war
and navy announce that within the six
weeks they will have 70,000 troops and
50 warships on or about the islands to
suppress the 10,000 insurgents. Some
of the end men of the McKinley cara- |
van have no sense of proportion. De-
riding the Filipinos as cowardly sav-
ages, they proclaim it takes nine Amer- |
icans to down one Filipino.—Pittsburg
Post.
Since the cession Puerto Rico has!
been denied the principal markets she
had long enjoyed, and our tariffs have
been continued against her products
as when she was under Spanish sov-
ereignty. The markets of Spain are
closed to her products except upon
terms to which the commerce of all |
nations is subjected. The island of
Cuba, which used to buy her cattle
and tobacco without customs duties,
now imposes the same duties upon
those products as from any other coun-
try entering her ports. She has, there-
fore, lost her free intercourse with
Spain and Cuba without any compen-
sating benefits in this market. Her
coffee was little known and not in use
by our people, and, therefore, there
was no demand here for this, one of
her chief products. The markets of
the United States should be opened
up to her products. Our plain duty is
to abolish all customs tariff between
the United States and Puerto Rico, and
give her products free access to our
markets.—McKinley’s Message.
When a trust can make $42,500,000 a
year on a capital of $25,000,000, as the
Carnegie-Frick combine has done;
when the Standard Oil irust declares
a quarterly dividend of $20,000,000;
when Mr. Carnegie’s annual income is
over $24,000,000 and Mr. Rockefeller’s
$30,000,000, it is not necessary to say
that such imperial revenues can only
be derived from the exercise of monop-
oly’s power to tax the people unjustly.
Neither Mr. Carnegie nor Mr. Rocke-
feller can possibly render such ser-
vice to society as honestly to earn
wages so colossal. And these two gen-
tlemen represent a class who are daily
milking the public as they do, though
with less dazzling results. The trusts
lay the entire country under enforced
tribute—which simply means robbery.
The trusts are lcoting the American
people as truly as though they were
successful invading armies. Their wea-
pon of extortion is monopoly. The in-
terstate commerce commission has
been about as serviceable in curing the |
abuses of railroad administration as a
snub from Professor Hadiey to Collis
P. Huntington would be. The Chica-
go conference adheres to the true prin-
ciple. It strikes at the root of the
trust tree instead of concerning itself |
with the branches. The partnership
between the railroads and the trusts is
at the bottom of most of the monopoly
which piles up such fortunes as Mr.
Rockefeller enjoys. That neither Mr.
Carnegie nor Mr. Rockefeller is in
need of any government protection is
as clear as daylight.—Philadelphia
North American, Rep.
In 1898 it whit- !
Current Comment.
Notes and Comments, Political and Otherwise, on
Matters of Public Interest.
That was a merited but almost cruel
stab that Senator Foraker gave Mr.
McKinley a few days ago on the floor
of the senate. He was discussing some
question when he was interrupted by
some one’s asking him what President
McKinley’s opinion was on the matter.
{ Foraker’s sense of the eternal fitness of
things got the better of his political
caution, and he replied that the ques-
tioner would better ask Mark Hanna.
Senator Depew likes to talk, and his
sense of modesty is so strong as to
prevent his talking a good deal about
himseif. In a recent interview he de-
breath he tells with evident pride of
receiving $200,000 as a fee in a single
case. The moral difference between
getting money for nothing and getting
a hundred dollars for a dollar’s worth
of work is very slight, yet Mr. Depew
seems entirely satisfied with it.
Judging by the amount of abuse that
Republican papers are bestowing upon
Bourke Cochran, it is safe to assume
that he is again in full harmony with
his party. Like all men who have
ability and a sense of honor he has
no use for a trimmer like McKinley,
who has no idea today as to what he
will believe a month hence. Every-
body despises a moral coward, and
after all the flip flops of McKinley on
the currency question, Puerto Rican
question, civil service reform and crim-
inal aggression all thinking men have
come to the conclusion that he has
no convictions on any subject that he
has the courage to stand up for against
the wishes of Mark Hanna.
The subsidy scheme which Mark
Hanna and other millionaire members
of congress will try to force through
i will compel the taxpayers of the United
| States to pay for plants to be used by
| these millionaires and their friends to
{ carry on shipbuilding, a business that
they declare is profitable. This ship
subsidy scheme is not in the interest of
the whole people, but is intended to
put unearned public. money into the
pockets of a few individuals by grant-
ing them special privileges. It is on a
par with the plan of levying tribute on
the consumer to protect such infant
industries as the Carnegie Steel com-
pany, which makes a clear profit of
$300,000 every day of the year.
It must be humiliating to the great
| jingo expansionist, Senator Beveridge,
i to learn that he has been instrumental
| in putting jzenewed determination into
the hearts of the insurgents, and there-
by prolonging Mr. McKinley's scheme
of criminal aggression. It is said that
his speech has been translated into
Spanish and dis‘gibuted among the in-
surgents to confVince them that they
are to be subjugated in order to hold
the islands for commercial exploita-
tion. Beveridge accused Senator Hoar
and others of having encouraged the
Filipinos by condemning McKinley's
policy of “benevolent suffocation’ as
an outrage against a liberty loving peo-
ple. Now Mr. Beveridge is open to the
far worse charge of inciting the Fili-
pinos to fight all the more ardently for
their freedom by admitting the reason
given by Senator Hoar as to the real
motive for the subjugation of the isl-
ands.
In the canton of Rerne, Switzerland,
the man who refuses to pay certain
taxes is punished by being prohibited
from entering a restaurant. The gov-
ernment reasons that the man who has
money to spend for coffee, beer and
liquor ought to pay his debt to the
state. A law in this country forbid-
| ding those who owe the butcher, baker,
| grocer, clothier or dry goods merchant
from entering salcons or theaters
would be a good thing both for the
tradesmen and those who spend money
for drink and amusement that ought to
go for the necessaries of life. Perhaps
such a law would be declared unconsti-
tutional on the ground of being a cruel
punishment, for it would be a terrible
punishment on some men to be denied
the privilege of entering a saloon.
How lightly certain United States
senators regard their oath of office and
| their duty to their constituents is well
illustrated in the case of Senater
Thurston, of Nebraska, who recently
appeared before the supreme court of
his state as attorney for the Standard
Oil company. He receives a salary
from the government and took a sol-
emn oath that he would faithfully rep-
resent its interests, and yet he appears
as the paid attorney of one of the
worst enemies of the republic. His
time as senator does not expire until
1901, and his place until that time is
in the senate chamber instead of ap-
pearing against the attorney general of
lis own state under pay of a trust that
does not hesitate to bribe courts to
set aside laws passed to curb its power.
A man possessed of any sense of pro-
priety would have resented the offer
of a retaining fee under such circum-
stances, but the average United States
senator, being much more politician
than statesman, is ready to turn his
back on the proprieties whenever a
chance to promote self interest pre-
sents itself.
Some of McKinley's warmest friends
and the ablest men of his party are
disgusted at his lack of courage. He
changes front on important questions
! of government policy as easily and as
| frequently as he changes his coat. In-
sisting in his message that our plain
duty is to give Puerto Rico free trade,
he lacks the spinal column to insist on
the performance of that duty, and fell
in with the members of congress who
were bribed into a deliberate attempt
| to violate the plain dictates of the
| constitution by the tobacco and sugar
| trusts. Editor Kohlsaat, owner of the
i Chicago Times-Herald, one of the lead-
| ing papers of the country, severely
|
| criticizes McKinley's policy or lack of
| policy in dealing with the Puerto Rican
i question. Kohlsaat is a radical Re-
| publican, and one of the men who help-
| ed to pull McKinley out of the financial
hole a few years ago; but Hanna is
the man who holds the line attached
| to the bit in McKinley's mouth, and he
| drives him withersoever he will. If
| Mr. McKinley thinks he can better af-
ford to part company with the Kohl-
saats than the Hannas he will discover
his mistake later on.
1
|
|
——Sub 'ribe for the WATCHMAN.
| point him again.
Pablic Opinion.
Opinions From Various Sources on Questions of
the Day.
1f Mr. Guay is seated in the United
States senate the next legislature will
not elect a senator. Mr. Quay will not
have encugh votes in that body to
elect him, but he may have enough
without spending several hundred
thousand dollars to prevent the elec-
tion of any one else, and at the end of
the session Governor Stone can ap-
And that is exactly
what is now in contemplation.—Phila-
delphia Press.
They tell us the tariff does not pro-
tect trust! Take two instances that
i are familiar in this section. The borax
clared that he never got anything ex- |
cept by work. Almost in the same |
trust is sclling its product to Ameri-
cans at seven and one-fourth cents a
pound, and to Europeans at three and
cne-half cents. It is enabled to do this
by a tariff of five cents a pound. The
steel and wire trust is selling barb
wire to Americans who have kindly
provided it with a protective tariff for
this purpose, at $4.13 a hundred pounds,
to Canadians at $3.25 and to Europeans
at $2.20.—Clinton Democrat.
Between 2,000,000 and 3,000,000 vot-
ers will oppose the administration and
support anti-imperialists. We will in
all probability hold a convention after
the regular convention, and we
will select a standard bearer and a
platform, probably in the way of in-
dorsing an already nominated candi-
date. The Puerto Rican tariff has had
the effect of cutting the Republican
party in two. McKinley himself does
not know what imperialism is. He is
like Hamlet, who, trying to make
Polonius believe he is crazy, gazes at
the moon, and says, “It is a ship,” and
again, “it is a rat.”—Erving Winslow,
Secretary Anti-Imperialistic League.
“President McKinley has committed
the first almost irreparable mistake of
his administration,” and “a mistake
big with the possibilities of serious dis-
aster for his party in this year’s elec-
tions. It may not jeopardize his own
nomination,” Mr. Kohlsaat goes on,
but it “puts a whip in the hands of
every Democratic speaker with which
to scourge Republican congressmen
wherever they appear for re-election.
If congress and the president persist in
their present course nothing can save
the Republican party from defeat next
November. It will surely cost them
the house of representatives and it
may cost them the presidency.”—Chi-
cago Times-Herald, Rep.
The ratification of the 1i-eaty of
peace with Spain brought Puerto Rico
and the Philippines under the consti-
tution, according te the precedents es-
tablished by decisions of the supreme
court, and it is impossible to ignore
the situation thus created. Puerto
Rico should be constituted at once as
a territory of the United States. And
holding the comfort, happiness and
prosperity of Puerto Rico in our hands
and possibly the lives of the people,
no prejudiced notions of “protection”
should lead America into an unjust
course toward a defenseless people.
‘Whatever may be done in the case of
the Philippines our duty to Puerto
Rico is plain and unmistakahle.—Mead-
ville Morning Star, Ind. Rep.
There is larger need than ever in our
nation’s history for the old time reso-
lute independence of character and po-
litical judgment which once character-
ized the American farmer. Fifty years
ago the present corrupt party boss,
with his assessment of corporations
and control of legislation, would not
have stood for a moment before the
courageous farm judgment of the
country. Today this political mer-
chant, who trades in the temple on the
political and material fortunes of his
fellows, has fastened, octapus like, on
the nation and exercises a most dan-
gerous power in state and national
legislatures. The sentiment of the
farming class is no longer regarded by
the political boss with the wholesome
dread that ought to exist. This is
largely due to a serious decline among
farmers of individual independence,
of political thought and action, a sub-
stitution of mere party for patriotic
standards of judgment.—Hon. William
D. Hoard, President of the National
Farmers’ Congress.
The Puerto Rico bill is the first leg-
islative translation of expansion into
a language understanded of the peo-
ple. They see now what all the
rhetoric means. Expansion promised
glory, and it produces brutality. It is
asked for bread and it gives a stone.
Under the cruel whip of the organiza-
tion which controls the organization
the party of moral ideas has been
driven against the moral sense of the
ccuntry, has given its opponents heart
and hope, and enters upon the presi-
dential campaign divided and dis-
credited. President McKinley's atti-
tude in this whole matter is to be dis-
cussed on higher than personal
grounds. The poor figure he cuts as
a man we pass by, but as the incum-
bent of a great office he has brought
humiliation upon it as well as upon
himself. To “stand by” him is impos-
sible for his most earnest supporters,
since he does not stand by himself. No
man can serve two masters, nor a sin-
gle master with two minds, neither of
which he himself knows. “I had
hoped,” sneered a Democrat in the
house yesterday, “that there was one
question of which the president was
not on both sides.” There was no an-
swer to the taunt, for there could be
none. What a pity that Mr. McKinley
forgot that a handful of tobacco grow-
ers and sugar preducers had no right
to usurp the office of president of the
United States.—New York Evening
Post.
A Kansas City (Mo.) negro was a few
days ago sentenced to 40 years in. the
penitentiary for pocketbook snatching.
Trusts and monopolies of all kinds
are grabbing property by the million,
but instead of their members going to
the penitentiary they go to congress
and the White House and induce the
legislative and executive branches of
the government to violate the piain
mandates of the constitution by impos-
ing a tariff duty against the preducts
of our cwn country. They will next
try their persuasive powers on the si-
preme court. Will it surrender to the
demands of the tobacco and sugar
trusts and violate the constitution by
declaring a Puerto Rican tariff valid?