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85
" ‘Charles F. King,
Terms, 82.00 a Year, in Advance.
Bellefonte, Pa., Aug. 14, 1896.
P. GRAY MEEK, - Ep1ToR.
Democratic National Ticket.
FOR PRESIDENT
WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN,
of Nebraska.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT
ARTHUR SEWELL,
of Maine.
Democratic State Ticket.
FOR CONGRESSMEN AT-LARGE,
JOHN M. BRADIN, Washington Co.
BENJ. C. POTTS, Delaware Co.
FOR ELECTORS AT-LARGE,
WILLIAM M. SINGERLY, Philadelphia.
JAS. DENTON HANCOCK, Venago.
A. H. COFFROTH, Somerset.
GEO. W. GUTHRIE, Pittsburg.
FOR DISTRICT ELECTORS,
John M. Carroll,
Samuel Dickson,
Chas. J. Reilly,
Albert M. Hicks,
John M. Campbell, J. P. Hoffar,
James J. Ryan, Lucien Banks,
John Hagen, A. J. Brady,
George W. Rhine,
John C. Patton,
William Weihe,
Judson J. Brooks,
John J. McFarland,
C. H. Aikens,
Seymour S. Hackett,
Harry Alvin Hall.
John H. Hickson,
John B. Storm,
Thos. A. Haak,
Chas. F. Reninger,
Chas. H. Schadt,
Thomas R. Philips,
John K. Royal,
William Stabler.
Democratic County Ticket.
FOR CONGRESS.
J. L. ANGLER.
Subject to the decision of the district conference.
{ JAS. SCHOFIELD,
1 ROBERT M. FOSTER.
For Sheriff—W. M. CRONISTER.
For Treasurer—C. A. WEAVER.
For Recorder—J. C. HARPER.
For Register—GEO. WW. RUMBERGER.
os (P. H. MEYER,
LorConpmissioners— | aNiRl, FMECKMAN.
\
For Auditors— ! i Sg
For County Surveyor—J. H. WETZEL.
For Coroner—W. U. IRVIN.
For Assembly—
The Country Store.
There is an American institution, of a
popular character, and existing only in the
rural districts, which has become an object
“of hostile criticism on the part of Republi-
can newspapers, particularly the goldite
journals of the eastern cities. We refer to
the country store.
According to the representation of those
supporters of a restricted currency and
plutocratic domination, the country stores,
especially those in the western States, are
cross-road hot-beds of revolutionary politics,
where a dangerous order of political senti-
ment is propagated by ignorant and dis-
contented farmers, who are envious of the
city capitalists and conceited enough to
believe that they understand the financial
situation of the country and are capable of
correcting the defects that exist in the pre-
vailing monetary system. A New York
paper that indulges in strictures upon what
it considers the evil influence of the ‘‘cross-
roads store’’ upon the political sentiment of
the rural districts, pictures the farmers, in
the character of ‘‘hay-seed statesmen,’
spending the winter evenings and Saturday
afternoons in lounging on the store coun-
ter, or occupying the nail kegs around the
stove, discussing Populistic politics, and
concocting wild schemes of financial and
governmental reform that would ‘‘injure
the business interests and throw the coun-
try into disorder, if they were carried out.”
This is an alarming picture drawn from
the gold-bug standpoint, and it is used to
show the low and dangerous source from
which has sprung the ‘‘anarchistic’’ move-
ment in the rural districts in favor of free
silver and other ‘‘dangerous’’ financial
‘‘heresies.” The country store is charged
with being largely responsible for this
evil.
But let us tell those minions of the gold
standard that the influence emanating from
those places of rural merchandizing, where
the farmers in the course of their dealing
get together and exchange views on public
affairs, exerts a wholesome effect in com-
parison with the influence that emanates
from the bank parlors and stock exchanges
of the cities, where gold-bugs and money
sharks are in the habit of congregating.
If the country store has become a hot-
bed of politics, it is the kind of politics
that has for its object purer government,
more honest and careful finances, and a
system of currency that will be less design-
ed for the advantage of a special class. The
intelligence that is ventilated around the
store stove by ‘‘hay-seed statesmen’’ may
be derided by the smart fellows who serve
the gold interest, but we venture to say
. that the questions relating to the currency,
and other branches of public economy,
have been given more careful attention and
intelligent consideration by the rural popu-
lation, largely through the medium of the
granges and farmers’ associations, than by
" any other class of our people. That these
toj ics have been discussed, as occasion ¥as
offered, in the ‘‘cross-roads store,’’ detracts
nothing from the intelligence of their treat-
ment.
As a factor in the preservation of our
popular institutions may not the influence
of the ‘‘country store’”’ be ranked with
that of the ‘little red school house #’’
——We heard a Republican say. on Sat-
urday night : “I am tired going to meet-
ings to cheer and get up enthusiasm for
fellows who have nothing but mean things
to say -about everyone who doesn’t think
just as they do. If I take an evening off
to attend a political meeting I want to hear
- facts that make arguments and not the
slush which every one knows to be un-
true.”
{ dealing people.
Intimidating Policy Holders.
Every contemptible dodge imaginable
will be resorted to by the money power to
defeat the Democratic presidential ticket.
What can’t be done by deception will be
tried to be effected by intimidation.
The method of hostility to BRYAN and
SEwWALL adopted by the gold interests is
illustrated by some of the insurance com-
panies, which resort to both deception and
intimidation as a means of deterring voters
from supporting the free silver candidates.
They are sending out circulars to parties
insured in their companies representing
that in the event of BRYAN’S election the
policies issued by them would be worth
only half the amount on which premiums
had been paid.
This is intended to operate as a campaign
scare, if that is not its purpose it is an an-
nouncement of a deliberate intention to
commit fraud. There is nothing in the
probable effects of free silver coinage that
will justify the assertion that it would
-| diminish the value of insurance policies,
and these circulars of insurance companies,
if they mean anything beyond a campaign
purpose, mean that those companies design
to use the result of an election as a cover
under which they will defraud their policy
holders.
Such companies should be watched as
unsafe institutions. The interest of their
policy holders requires that the eve of the
law should he kept on them, and it is for
this reason that Mr. PARKS, the auditor
general of Colorado, proposes to take legal
steps to wind up the business, in his State,
of corporations that advertise their inten-
tion of committing a fraud.
Among the companies which are resorting
to this disreputable method of campaign
intimidation is the Couneeticut Mutual,
which is doing work as an
to MARK HANNA'S
Whether its circulars are intended to affect
the election by alarming its bond-holders,
or is an intimation of its intention to cheat
them, in either case it should be an object
of suspicion to all prudent and honest
Why Not Singerly.
We don’t want to be considered as inter- |
fering in the business of others, hut when
we come to think of the trouble the lone-
some man’s party —our friends, the enemy
who have lately deserted the Democracy
and are parading themselvesas the gold
Democrats—are having in finding a presi-
dential candidate, we cannot help suggest-
ing the name of WILLIAM MAKE-BELIEVE
SINGERLY, as the proper person upon
whom the honor of their nomination should
fall. Mr. SINGERLY will accept, for the
reason that Mr. SINGERLY has never been
known to refuse anything that was offered
him. Mr. SINGERLY will ‘make believe’
that he canbe elected, just as he is at-
tempting to ‘‘make believe’’ that his bolt,
backed up by 23 individuals, isa bolt of
the Democratic party of Pennsylvania. As
a candidate he is great. He was a candi-
date for Governor two years ago, and by
hard work and the most active ‘‘make- |
believe’”” campaign he polled a little over
one-half of the Democratic vote of the
State. He was a candidate on the
Democratic electoral ticket, and although
against that ticket, and declaring every day
that those who vote it are ‘‘anarchists,”’
‘‘populists’”’ and ‘‘repudiators,’’ he was
loath get off, ootwithstanding the
fact that the Democratic organization and
clubs, all over the State, had demanded his
resignation. He likes to run, and for this
reason we suggest him as the proper person
to head the lonesome man’s ticket. He
would run and run as well as any man will
on that ticket. In fact his run asa gold
Democrat would almost equal the warmth,
and interest and swiftness of a woods
fire in January.
Last of the Season.
The Pennsylvania Railroad's Popular Excursions to
the Seashore.
$10 FOR TWELVE DAYS.
The last of this season’s series of popular
twelve day excursions to the seashore via
the Pennsylvania railroad will leave Pitts-
burg on August 20th..
The reason for the great favorin which
these excursions have been held is easy to
see. The rate of $10 for the round trip is
phenomenally low, considering the dis-
tance and the high character of the service ;
the limit of twelve days just fits the time
set apart for the average vacation, and the
dates of the excursions have been most con-
veniently adjusted. There is also the
widest field for choice in the selection of
the resort. Atlantic City, Cape May, Sea
Isle City, and Ocean City are the choicest
of the Atlantic coast resorts, and any one
of them may be visited under this arrange-
ment.
A special train of parlor cars and day
coaches will leave Pittsburg on the above-
mentioned day at 8:55 a. m., and connect
at Philadelphia with special train via the
new Delaware river bridge route, landing
passengers at Atlantic City in twelve hours
Jrom Pittsburg ; or passengers for Atlantic
City may spend the night in Philadelphia
and proceed to destination by regular
trains from Broad street station or Market
street wharf the following day. Passengers
for the other points above named will use
regular trains from Market. street wharf
the following day. :
Tickets will also be sold for regular
trains leaving Pittsburg at 4:30 and 8:10
p- m. from all stations at which they stop,
and from stations from which regular con-
nection is made with them. These trains
have Pullman sleeping cars ‘attached and
arrive in Philadelphia next., morning,
whence passengers may proceed to the
shore on any regular train that day.
Tickets will be sold from the stations at
the rates named below :—
Rate. Train leaves.
Altoona (stops for dinner)...8 00 1245 P. M.
Martinshurg..............cov0enre..e 8 M0 10.25 A. M.
Hollidaysburg. 800 11.08
Bellwood. 12.5% P.M.
Curwensvi 9.15 A. M.
Clearfield.. 9.31 ¢
Philipsburg. 004 ©
Houtzdale.... 8.3 *
Osceola... 10.23
Tyrone....,.,.. 1.08 P. M.
assistant |
political machine. |
“The Crime of 1873.
A FRAUDULENT DEMONETIZATION OF SILVER.
*,
\ —
Proofs That This Act, Which has Caused the American People Untold Financial
Suffering, was Surreptitiously Altered, and That its Enactment was
Purchased by the Bank of England for $500,000
in “British Gold.” :
The Rochester Post-Express is indignant at the use of the above phrase by the ad-
vocates of free silver to characterize the act of 1873, by which the silver dollar was
demonetized. It says:
‘‘How it can be considered a CRIME passes ordinary comprehension.”
We propose to show that it comes within the easy reach of ordinary intelligence.
That a crime was committed is beyond all reasonable doubt—a crime which
should have landed its perpetrator or perpetrators in the penitentiary, if it could have
been brought home to him or them at the time. This will appear in the course of
our remarks on our esteemed contemporary’s article. .
The Post-Express says: a ; :
“It is said that the act was surreptitiously adopted. This is a downright falsehood. No act can
be secretly adopted under the parliamentary rules that obtain in Congress. This act especially
had a flood of sunshine thrown upon it. Submitted by the Secretary of the Treasury, April 25th,
1870, it was under the review of two Congresses, was printed, reported upon, amended, debated,
referred to conference committees, whose reports were approved by the Senate and the House,
and finally became a law on the 12th of February, 1873, Seats shite Years after it was proposed.
It had large majorities in both Houses, the vote in the lower House heing 110 ayes and 13 nays,
many of the affirmative votes being given by the very men—such of them as survive—who are now
most clamorous in denouncing it.” ' :
We propose to refute the above statements by unimpeachable testimony, and
show, first, that the section of the bill demonetizing silver.
WAS SURREPTITIOUSLY ALTERED
after it left the hands of the committee, on coinage and before it ultimately passed
the House ; second that it passed the House in an .unparliamentary manner, with-
out being printed, read or discussed ; third, that the members of Congress were de-
ceived and led to believe that the bill provided for the standard silver dollar when
in its ultimate passage it did not so provide. We now present our witnesses.
Judge Kelley, of Pennsylvania, was chairman of the committee on coinage,
weights and measures in 1872, when the bill originally passed the House. When
charged with having advocated the demonetization of silver, he said on the floor of
the House : ’
“In connection with the charge that I advocated the bill which demonetized the stand-
ard silver dollar, I say that, though the chairman of the committee on coinage, I was as
ignorant of the fact that it would demonetize_the silver dollar, or of its dropping the sil-
ver dollar from our system of coins, as were those distinguished Senators, Messrs. Blaine
and Voorhees, who were then members of the House, and each of whom a few days
since, interrogated the other: ‘Did you know it was dropped when the bill passed ?” ‘No,’
said Mr. Blaine; ‘did you? ‘No,’ said Mr. Voorhees. I do not think there were three
members in the House that knew it. I doubt whether Mr. Hooper who, in my absence
from the committee on coinage and attendance on the committee on ways and means,
managed the bill, knew it, I say this in justice to him.” (Congressional Record, vol.
vii., part 2, Forty-fifth Congress, second session, page 1605.)
In the Forty-sixth Congress the same Judge Kelley threw an X-ray into the mys-
tery when he said ;
“All that I can say is that the committee on coinage, weights and measures, who re-
ported the original bill, were faithful and able, and scanned its DEV closely ; that
as their organ I reported it ; THAT IT CONTAINED PROVISIONS FOR BOTH THE
STANDARD SILVER DOLLAR AND THE TRADE DOLLAR. Never having heard
until a long time after its enactment into law of the substitution in the Senate of the
second which dropped the standard silver dollar, I profess to know nothing of its history,
but I am prepared to say that in the legislation of this country there is no mystery equal
to the demonetization of the silver dollar of the United States. I have never
met a man who could tell just how it came about or why.”
(Congressional Record, vol. 9. part 1, Forty-sixth Congress first - session, page
1231.) Agaic Judge Kelly said: “It (the bill) was passed without
sion in Jehu to the question ot the retention or the abandonment of the standard
silver dollar.” :
Here we have the chairman of the committee that prepared the bill declaring posi-
tively that it made provision for the staudard silver dollar. Yet, after it passed the
standard silver dollar was found to be omitted ! Now, the crime of 1873 was com-
mitted on that bill after it had left the committee, and before it was voted on in the
House. : : =
IT PASSED BY FRAUD. A
Congressman Bright, of Tennessee, thus tells how it passed :
“It passed by fraud in the House never having been printed in advance, being a 1b-
stitute for the printed bill ; never having heen read at the clerk’s desk, the reading hav-
ing been dispensed with by an impression that the bill made no alteration in the coin-
age laws ; it was passed without discussion, debate being cut off by operation of the pre-
vious question. It was passed, to my certain information under such circumstances that
the fraud escaped the attention of some of the most watchful, as well as the ablest states-
men in Congress at the time. Ay, sir, it was a fraud that smells to heaven. It was a
fraud that will stink in the nostrils of posterity, and for which some person must give
account in the day of retribution.” (Congressional Record, vol. 7, part 1, second ses-
sion, Forty-fifth Congress, page 584.)
Senator Allison late candidate for the Republican nomination, ought to be good
authority for our Republican contemporary. Here is what he said in reference to
the subject :
“When the secret hist: of this bill of 1873 comes to be told, it will disclose the fact
that the House of Represéntatives intended to coin both gold and silver, and intended to
place both metals upon the French relation instead of on our own, which was the true
scientific position with reference to this subject in 1873, but that the BILL AFTER-
WARD WAS DOCTORED, if I must use the term, and I use it in no offensive sense, of
course’’——MTr. Sargeant interrupted him and asked him what he meant by the word
“doctored.” Mr. Allison said: “Isaid I used the word in no offensive sense. It was
changed after discussion, and the dollar of 420 grains was substituted.” (Congressional
Record, vol. vii., part 2, Forty-fifth Congress, second session, page 1058.) Senator Beck,
in a speech in the Senate, said : “It (the demonetization bill) never was understood by
either House of Congress. I say that with full knowledge of the facts. No newspaper
reporter—and they are the most vigilant men I ever saw in obtaining information
—discovered that it had heen done.” (Congressional Record, vol. vii., part 1, Forty-
fifth Congress, second session, pagé 260.)
Senator Thurman said : “‘I cannot say what took place in the House, but I know
when the bill was pending in the Senate, we thought it was simply a bill to re-
form the mint, regulate coinage and fix up one thing and another ; and there is
not a single man in the Senate, I think, unless a member of the committee from
which the bill came, who had the slightest idea that it was even a squint toward
demonetization.”’
‘A COLOSSAL SWINDLE.”
Mr. Holman said that in the House of Representatives :
“I have before me the record of the proceedings of this House on the passage of that
* measure, a record which no man can read without being convinced that the measure
and the methods of its passage through the House was a colossal swindle, I assert that
measure never had the sanction of this house, and it does not possess the moral force of
law.” (Congressional Record, vol. iv., part 6, Forty-fourth Congress, first session, ap-
pendix, page 193.)
Again, on another occasion. he said : 0
“The bill which finally passed the House and which ultimately Became a law was cer-
tainly not read in the House. =
Representative Cannon said : *‘This legislation was held in the Forty-second Congress,
Feb. 12th, 1873, by a bid to regulate the mints of the United States, and practically
ABOLISHED SILVER AS MONEY by failing to provive for the coinage of the silver
dollar. It was not discussed, as shown by the record, and neither members of Congress
nor the peonle understood the scope of the legislation.” (Appendix, page 197. Con-
_gressional Record, vol. iv., part 6, Forty-fourth Congress.)
Senator Hereford, discussing the subject in the Senate said : ‘‘SO that I say that be-
yond the possibility of doubt (and there is no disputing it) that bill which demonetized
silver, as it passed, never was read, never was discussed, and the chairman of the, com-
mittee who reported it, who offered the substitute, said to Mr. Holman when inquired of
that it did not effect the coinage in any way‘ whatever.” (Congressional Record, vol!
vii., part 1, Forty-fifth Congress, second session, page 989.)
In view of this testimony the advocates of silver, and every one else who has a
shred of moral sense left to him, are justified, nay, bound by the obligation of ve-
racity to designate the law demonetizing silver as the ‘‘Crime of 1873,” the as yet
unpunished crime that has brought untold misfortune on the American people. The
The St. Louis convention has resolved to maintain that fraudulent law and perpet-
nate its evil results. The Chicago convention has concluded to blot it from the rec-
ord and remove as far as possible the evils it has produced.
THE CRIME OF 1873.
According to the statement of Judge Kelly, given above, the silver bill, when it
left the hands of the committee on coinage, did not demonetize the silver dollar.
On the contrary, it made provision for its continued coinage. After the bill was
it was discovered that the provision for the silver dollar was omitted—had
been SURREPTITIOUSLY OBLITERATED from the document! Here we have
the crime of ’73. Who did this nefarious work? By whose request or suggestion
was it that this doctored substitute for the original printed bill was not read in the
House? Who shut off debate by a demand for the previous question ?
To bring a crime home to its perpetrator, the first question asked is: Who
benefitted by it? The foreign and Wall street bondholders made millions by it.
This fact in itself is not enough to convince, but it affords a clue. With this clue in
band, we intoduce Mr. Ernest Seyd into the conspiracy. A writer, quoted by
Samuel Leavitt in his book, ‘‘Our Money Wars,’ says :
“The English capitalists raised $500,000 and sent one Earnest Seyd to America to have
silver demonetized. He came. In the bill was skillfully inserted a clause demonetiz-
ing silver. Before the bill passed a member of the committee which had the bill in
charge stated that ‘‘Ernest Seyd, of London, a distinguished writer and bullionist, who
is now here, has given great attention to the subject of mint coinage. After having ex-
amined the first draft of this bill he has made various sensible suggestions, which the
committee adopted and embodied in the bill.’ (Congressional Record, April 9, 1872.)”
As Ernest Seydis an interesting and important character in this conspiracy, we
will follow him to London and see what he has to say about his missionary work in
America.
THE BANK OF ENGLAND FURNISHED THE MONEY TO DO IT.
In 1892 Frederick A. Lukenbach, a former member of the New York Stock Ex-
change, made an affidavit in which the following statements occur :
“In 1865 I visited London, England, for the purpose of placing there Pennsylvania oil
properties in which I was interested.
gentlemen in London, among them one to Mr. Ernest Seyd, from Robert M. Faust, ex-
treasurer of Philadelphia. I became well acquainted with Mr. Seyd and with his brother
Richard Seyd, who, I understand, is yet living. I visited London thereafter every year,
and with each visit renewed my acquaintance with Mr. Seyd. In February, 1874, while
on one of these visits, and while his guest at dinner, I among other things, glluded to ru-
mors afloat of Parliamentary corruption, and expressed astonishment that such corrup-
tion should exist. In reply to this he told me he could relate facts about the corruption
of the American Congress that would place it far ahead of English Parliament in that
line. After dinner he invited me into another room, where he resumed the conversa-
tion about legislative corruption. He said: “If you will pledge me your honor as a gen-
tleman not to divulge that I am about to tell you while I live, I will convince you that
what I said about the corruption of the American Congress is true.” I gave him my
Qn py vier erie era Nr —~ LT rr EAI re vain. Are mas sr
: v
promise, and he ‘then continued : ‘I went to America in 1372-73 authorized to secure, if
I could, the passage of a bill demonetizing silver. It was to the interest of those whom
I represented—the Governors of THE BANK OF ENGLAND TO HAVE IT DONE. I
took with me $500,000, with instructions, if that was not sufficient to accomplish the object, to
draw for another $500,000, or as much more as was necessary. I saw the committees of the
House and Senate and paid the money, and stayed in America until I knew the
measure was safe. Your people will not now comprehend the far-reaching extent of that
measure, but they will in after years. Whatever you may think of corruption in the
English Parliament, I assure you I would not have dared to make an attempt here as I
did in your country.’ ”’
Such is Ernest Seyd’s confession ; such the history of the ‘Crime of 1873 ;’? such
the way in which the standard dollar was dropped from our coinage.
THE ST. LOUIS PLATFORM ENDORSES THE CRIME OF 1873.
Strange and incredible as it may seem, the platform of the St. Louis convention
maintains as a party principle that the law thus passed by the intrigue of English
capitalists must not be abolished without the consent of those same conspirators
against the welfare of the American people ! Our national honor, we are told, re-
quires that we may continue indefinitely to suffer the evil results of the criminal
conspiracy. Every effort to free ourselves from the iniquitous burden is called re-
pudiation. In view of these things, it is not difficult to understand the intense ear-
nestness and enthusiasm of the common people at the Chicago convention and the
brusque manner in which they treated the professional politicians, the political
hacks, the pliant tools of the organized and conspiring wealth that caused the evils
any allu- .
I took with me letters of introduction to many
of which the laboring people are the victims.—New York Freeman's Journal.
I
Bryan’s Trinumphal Tour.
From Lincoln to New York He was Accorded the
Greatest Ovation Ever Given any Man.—The Free
Silver Sentiment Has Crazed the East. Thousands
of People all Along the Line Greet the Next Presi-
dent.
William Jennings Bryan, the Demo-
cratic candidate for President, left Lincoln,
Neb., his home, on last Friday afternoon
for New * York city, where he was form-
ally notified of his homination and where
he delivered his speech of acceptance.
He passed through Harrisburg Tuesday
afternoon and reached New York Tuesday
night at 9 o’clock.
Although the weather has heen torrid
from the time the candidate started his
tour was 2 continuous ovation, hundreds
and thousands of people crowding every
railroad station through which his train
passed. Wherever circumstances permitt-
ed he made short addresses which were re-
ported by the representatives of the large
city newspapers that accompanied him,
and every speech made was admirably
adapted to the place and occasion and was
enthusiastically received. :
On Monday he passed through Canton,
the home of the Republican candidate, and
was given such a reception as was never
given Mr. McKinley at Canton in all that
gentlemen’s long political career. People
were packed around the railroad station,
climbed up on top of the omnibusges, on
shed and house roofs and wherever they
! could get a sight of the man.
At Pittsburg it is estimated that 20,000
people awaited his coming in and around
the railroad depot and the police labored
for fully ten minutes before they got Mr.
Bryan and wife from the car to the carriage
that was waiting to take them to their ho-
tel. He spoke three: times on Monday
night in Pittsbyrg, twice in public in two
theatres that are near each other and once
at a reception at the Samuel J. Randall
club. From Pittsburg through Pennsylva-
i nia the interest and enthusiasm increased
and great crowds were in attendance wher-
ever the train stopped, but the candidate
did not attempt to speak as he was saving
his voice for Wednesday night.
At Harrisburg the schedule provided for
a stop of only five minutes, for change of
engines and crews, but notwithstanding
the fact that this was generally known, the
people flocked to .the depot as if they ex-
pected an hour's speech. The railroad
authorities at Harrisburg made strong pro-
visions to keep the crowd out of the depot
shed, placing a strong force of policemen
wherever any pressure was expected. The
people kept accumulating until they sur- |
: rounded the depot likea wri
and when the train was fairly under the '
ling cordon
shed, and the candidate was seen standing
upon the steps of a coach with uncovered
head, the crowd broke over all barriers and
rolled in like a deluge, filling up the great
shed in spite of all the police and uniform-
ed gateman could do. They rushed for a
grasp of the candidate’s hand, struggled
and almost fought for it, trampling and
jostling each other as if their lives were at
stake. At times a whole sheaf of hands
was extended towards the man and the
situation was so ludicious that he was
forced to smile. Mrs. Bryan* would some-
times come to his relief and help him shake
the public hand. Cheer after cheer was
sent up for him, and loud calls of “‘speech,’’
“‘speech,’’ followed but he could not be
persuaded to break silence. He however
kept on shaking hands—although it was
evident that his hand had beeh shaken so
much that the formality was positively:
painful to him and he occasionally gave ex-
pressions of it upon his countenance.
At Philadelphia, where the train made
only a short stop to take on a few people
who were to accompany the party to New
York, there was a tremendous out pouring.
The police were unable to control it_and it
is said no demonstration in that city ever
came near approaching it except the one
that was accorded Gen’l Grant on his re-
turn from his tour around the world.
After the party left Philadelphia there
was nothing eventful until New York was
reached where it was one continuous shout
from the time the party - landed until Mr.
and Mrs. Bryan were safe in the home of ex-
banker St. John, where they are staying
during their sojourn in that city. :
How Bryan Was Notified.
How Candidate Bryan's Speech Affected the New
Yorkers. :
MADISON SQUARE GARDEN, N. Y., Aug.
12.—William Jennings Bryan and Arthur
Sewall were formally notified tonight that
they were the choice of the Democratic par-
ty for the highest offices in the gift of the
people of the United States. The occasion
was one to which the entire country had
been looking forward for many weeks and
interest had arisen to the boiling point
through repeated promises and hints that
the speech the young Nebraskan would de-
liver would exceed in eloquence, vigor and
magnetism his great effort before the Chi-
cago convention.
Again, it has been given out that the
speech would be of the greatest importance
to the Democratic party and to the nation ;
it had been stated that it would be the
oratorical effort of the young nominee’s life,
with all that implied : hints had been
thrown out that the policy of the Demo-
cracy in the present campaign would be
fully outlined ; rumors were circulated
based on something more than the active
minds of political pessimists ; that planks
in the Chicago platform, about which
many were uneasy, would be explained in
such fulness of detail that no doubt would
exist as to their application, if victory
came to the Chicago ticket. :
Outside the garden the wildest excite-
ment had been prevailing. At 6 o’clock,
Inspector Cortright, who had charge of the
police arrangement, established his post at
the corner of Madison avenue and Twenty-
sixth street and began the work of detail-
ing his assistants and their commands. In
a very short time a perfect cordon of police
had been perfected on the four sides of the
building and none were permitted to cross
'
the line until the time advertised for the
opening of the doors. Over one thousand
uniformed policemen were stationed in and
about the hall. The crowd began to as-
semble shortly after 6 o’clock and an hour
later the avenues leading to the garden
were literally thronged with the waiting
multitude. The extreme heat of the day
had by no means spent its fury and many
of those who had arrived early to secure
good positions in the line were obliged to
drop out and retire to more favorable
places.
At 7 o’clock the doors were thrown opon
aud despite the efforts of the police to re-
strain them the crowds on every side made
desperate rushes for the entrances. In the
struggle many women fainted and had to
be carried away. The police finally began
to use their clubs in an effort to restore or-
der.
A wild scene of turmoil ensued at the
main entrance. Men, women and police-
men were jumbled together in an indis-
criminate mob. Men tore each other’s and
their own clothes in their frantic endeavor
to gain admission and matters looked se-
rious for some moments. Then the police
rallied and with a. vigorous use of their
clubs soon formed a line and thereafter
there was a semblance of order.
Whatever might be the political inclina-
tions of any person who attended this
grand ratification of the Democracy at the
spacious Madison Square garden, he must
have been permeated with the blindest pre-
judice not to have been thrilled by the ex-
citement and enthusiasm which prevailed
during the entire time the notification cere-
monies lasted. The presence of so stupen-
dous a crowd of human beings was in itself
an zloquent tribute to the importance at-
tached to the occasion. And such a crowd
as it was. Men and women poured into
the vast auditorium through many inlets.
They came in droves, in sections, and in
orderly marching steps. The opening of
the doors was followed by a hurrying,
scurrying rush of feet and in they came,
shouting, jumping, shoving, pushing, all
intent on reaching the places hest available
to see and hear all that was to be seen and
heard. After awhile the ingress became
more orderly and the entrance of the au-
dience settled down into a constant move-
ment inflow of human beings.
Seats on the platform immediately in
the rear of the rostrum had been reserved
for members of the. national committee,
members of the notification committees
and a few distinguished Democrats. Sena-
tor Jones, of Arkansas, chairman of the
| national committee was an early comer.
i Senator Stewart, of Nevada, a pioneer in
the silver cause, was conspicuous’ by his
white beard and the broad brimmed cream
colored hat held in his hand. Many of his
colleagues in the Senate were near
at hand. There were the two Louis-
iana Senators Blanchard and Caffery ;
: Camden, of West Virginia ; Blackburn, of
Kentucky ; ‘Tillman, of South Carolina,
whose resolutions at the Chicogo conven-
| tion condemning President Cleveland had
been withdrawn through the protest of
William J. Bryan ; Pasco, of Florida, and
a number of congressmen, including Me-
Millin, of Tennessee.
In the boxes surrounding the platform
were seated Mrs. Bryan, ex-Congreesman
and Mrs. Bland, Senator Blackburn, of
Kentucky ; Congressmen Sulzer, of New
York, and Walsh, of New York ; General
Bond, of Maryland. and many others.
Richard P. Bland, the man who so near-
ly caytured the prize that fell to Bryan,
entered the garden at 7:40. With him was
Mrs. Bland, but they came in so quietly
and unostentatiously that no one noticed
their entrance.
The members of the ratification commit-
tee had entered without exciting any dem-
onstration. Then came the local commit-
tee, and with them Arthur Sewall, the
vice president candidate, who occupied a
place second only to the Nebraskan in to-
night’s proceedings. He was recognized
by only a few, and the vast majority of the
audience did not understand the sporadic
cheering in the audience and the haud-clap-
ping on the stand.
But it was when the young wife of the
Nebraska nominee entered the box reserved
for the use of herself and her friends that
the assemblage let itself loose for the first
time. « All,men are anxious to do honor to
a woman, and the fan waving beings who
thronged the garden were only too willing
to follow precedent. Cheer after cheer
went up from floor and gallery and plat-
form, and the pale little woman open-
ed her eyes in surprise and then went
ahead calmly seating herself in her seat in
the box nearest to and to the right of the
rostrum. Mrs. Bryan rose to bow her:
thanks. The cheering became more in-
tense. She bowed again and again, and
still they cheered.
It was just 8 o’clock when the principal
actor of the evening entered. Mr. Bryan
had reached the garden in company - with
his wife and Mr. St. John, but had re-
mained below until they were seated.
But when he stepped on the stand and was
recognized hy many in the audience, a
great cheer went up. ‘‘Bryam, Bryan,
Bryan’ was the shout of those who knew
him, and as others in the crowd realized
that the hero of the evening had Gome “the
cheering became louder and louder and
threatened not to stop. But it did stop at
last and those who timed it said that the
ovation had lasted six minutes. It was
merely the first tribute of the enthusiasts.
The crowd was reserving itself for the event
of the evening.
At 8:15 o'clock Senator Jones, of Ar-
kansas, chairman of the National commit-
tee, after several attempts to call the audi-
ence to order managed to get enough quiet
to announce that he had been directed by
the National committee to nominate as
Chairman of the meetingiHon. Elliott Dan-
forth, of New York. Mr. Danforth was
cheered with hearty good will. He told
the people that he knew they did not want
a speech and he was not going to disap-
point them. He closed by presenting Gov-
ernor William A. Stone of Missouri, chair-
man of the Notification committees.
There were many more cheers as the tall,