Bema Ji
Bellefonte, Pa., Jan. 24, 1896."
ONE OR MANY,
BY J. L. 8COTT, D. D.
Should you ever want religion be sure and
get the best,
Not over muck at starting just a sample of
: the rest ;
You may not want to use it and then again you
may,
So I'd write my name ‘upon it and lay it safe
away.
I'd also Fitts upon it and in letters bold and
air,
This isn't your religion so handle please with
care.
And should one try to steal it, as men often
times will do,
Just say it ain’t of value if it don’t belong to
you.
One ought to be religious, at least each Sab-
bath day
It helps to sing the better and better helps to
Dreyy
‘And when the preacher preaches or the choir
sings a song
One wants enough religion to point out what
was wrong.
Those sermops all need sifting and sifting
mighty fine,
They have so many notions that don't come
up to mine. .
We hear too much of mercy, of the wide and
crystal sea,
And too little of the judgment or the wrath
that is to be.
God’s ways are straight and narrow nor can
we preach them wide
Enough for me to walk in with one or two be.
side.
Long years have I been walking through the
scorching heat of day
While few indeed were with me in, the
straight and narrow way.
Alone have I been going toward the land of
distant blue,
Ard I've wondered what awaits me or what
I'll have to.
I dread to think it lonely up there before the
throne,
As Ising the songs of Zion and sing them
all alone.
Perhaps there may be others whom my eyes
have failed to see
Who are on their way to heaven and so very
near to me,
For when the Saviour promised those man-
sions fair and new
More folks he thought were coming than
merely one or two. ,
The ways to God are many, or I half believe it
80,
As many I am thinking as are Those who
wish to go,
And when my journey’s over and the gates
are coming near,
I'll see a thousand faces that I might distsin-
guish here.
Re —————————— ET TN
THE MONROE DOCTRINE,
Something on Its Origin, Meaning and Appli-
cation.—A Masterly Paper by Jon Bach Mec-
Master, Professor of History in the Uni-
versity of Pénnsylvania—Not a Temporary
Policy by any Means, but one that ia Meant
Jor all Time. .
The flat denial by Lord Salisbury
that the Monroe doctrine is alive to-
day and his poeitive assertion that it
never applied to anything but the acts
of the Holy Allies have produced three
views which are current among those
of our countrymen who differ with the
President.
Some agree with the noble Coroner
and declare that the doctrine perished
in early infancy. Some believe it to
be still alive, but not applicable to a
territorial project which does not in-
volve colonization or the erecting of a
monarchy on a spot where a republic
once stood, Otbers believe that noth-
ing dangerous to our peace and safety
is under way in Venezuela
An examination of these views in
the light of our past history may not
be untimely. Nor may it be unwise
to attempt to tell, by “way of preface,
who the Holy Allies were, what they
did, and why their conduct called out
the famous doctrine of Monroe.
As all the world knows, the over-
throw of the French at Waterloo was
followed by a second abdication of Na.
poleon, by a second restoration of
Louis XVII to the throne of France,
and by a gathering of the allied Kings
or their representatives at Paris. On
one of the sovereigns there assembled
these events seem to have made a deep
impression. To Alexander of Russia
the eecond fall of the Man of Destiny
was but another illustration of the way
in which God, in His own good time,
confounds the councils of the wicked
and lifts up those who put their trust
in Him, and, grateful for this signal
_ lesgon, Alexander determined hence-
forth to rule, and, if possible, induce
his fellow -monarchs to rule, in ac-
cordance with the principles of the
Christian religion.
To accomplish this end the more
eagily he persuaded Frederick Wil-
liam, of Prussia, and Francis of Aus-
tria, to join with him in a league
which he called “The Holy Alliance,”
and to sign a treaty which is common-
ly supposed to have bound the Holy
Allies to pull down constitutional gov-
ecroment and stamp out liberal ideas.
It was, in truth, a meaningless pledge,
framed in a moment of religious excite-
ment, and well described in its own
words, which assert ‘“‘that the present
act has no other aim than to manifest
to the world their unchangeable deter-
mination to adopt no other rule of con-
duct eitherin the government of their
respective countries, or in their political
relations with other governments, than
the precepts of that holy religion, the
precepts of justice, charity, and
peace.”
That this little society of Christian
monarchs should have any interest for
us of to day is due solely to the fact
that their trealy contains the words
“Holy Alliance,” and that to it have
wrongfully been attributed results
which sprang from the quadruple
treaty signed two months later by
Ruesia, Prussia, .Auetria and Great
Britain ; a new alliance which bound |
the four powers to do four things—ex- |
clude Napoleon forever from power ; |
maintain the government they had just |
set up in France ; resist with all their
might any attack on the army ot oc- |
cupation, and meet in 1818 to consult !
concerning their common interests, '
and to take euch measures as ehould
then seem to be best fitted to seMye the
peace and happinces ot Europe, Each |
pledge war faithfully kept, and in the
autumn of 1818 the four powers niet at
Aix-la-Chapelle avd reviewed the
events of the past three years. Mon-
archy was so firmly establisbed in
France that the army of occupation
was withdrawn and Louis XVIII. was
suffered to have a voice in tne affairs
of Europe. But in Spain matters had
gone from bad to worse. For 10 years
past her South American colonies bad
been in rebellion, first against Joseph
Bonaparte, then against the Cortes of
Cadiz, and since the restoration of 1814
against the King, That Ferdinand,
eingle-handed, could never reduce them
to subjection was apparent. ‘He had
built his lest ship, had sent regiment
after regiment to perish of fever in the
tropics, had spent his last dollar, and
had ~ven appealed to England and to
Russia for aid. Yet the rebels were
as unconquerable as ever.
Russia sold him a fleet 80 rotten
that he dared not send it to sea. Eng-
land would gladly have interfered if
he had agreed not to stop the trade
she was then carrying on with his
South American colonies. This he
would not do, and at the conference at
Aix-1a-Chapeile Russia brought the
matter before the powers in a paper
which described the dangers to which
the monarchies of Europe would be
exposed it a federation of republics
were allowed to grow up in America,
and asked that Wellington preside
over a conierence of ambassadors at
Madrid to decide what terms Spain
should offer her colonies. Against
this England stood out, and Spain was
left to go on with the struggle in her
own way.
Her way was to gather a rabble at
Cadiz in the summer of 1819, call it
an army, and send it to America. But
yellow fever broke out, and before the
troops could be shipped a conspiracy
was hatched, a revolution was started,
and on the 9th of March 1820, Ferdi-
nand was forced to re-establish the
constitution of 1812 and swear to sup-
port it. Ag tidings of this outbreak
spread over Europe the friends of Li-
beralism took heart, and in July, 1820.
the people of Naples forced their king,
Ferdinand, to proclaim the Spanish
constitution and swear toup hold it.
The men of Portugal were next to
awake, and in September, 1820, they
deposed the Regency which ruled in
the name of the absent king, set up a
Junta, and elected'a Cortes to frame a
constitution. For a moment it seem-
not unlikely that France might be the
next pation to throw off the yoke of
absolutism. But Louis cried out for
another meeting of the powers, and in
Oct. 1820, the Emperor of Austria met
the Czar and the King of Prussia in
the little town of Troppau, in Moravia.
England sent an ambaesador, but he
was instructed to look on and do noth
ing. France sent two envoys, but they
took oppogite sides, and her influence
counted for nothing. The three tound-
ers of the Holv Alliance were thus for
the moment baffled, and the congress
was adjourned to meet the next year
at Laybach.
When the congress at Laybach ad
journed, in 1821, it did so with the’un-
derstanding that it should meet in 1822
and take up the affairs of Spain, which
both in the Old World and the New
were now far beyond her control. The
place of meeting was in Verona, where,
in Oct. 1822,'the question of “restor-
ing order,” which, being interpreted,
meant ‘‘re-estatlishing absolute mon-
archy” in Spain, was Jong debated. At
length it was decided that no joint ac
tion should be taken, but that certain
changes in the Spanish constitution
should be demanded, and, if not grant.
ed, a French army should enter Spam.
The demands were made and refused.
The ambassadors of the Holv Allies
then left Madrid, and on April 7, 1823,
a French army crossed the frontier and
occupied Madrid in May and Cadiz in
August.
That moment Canning, who, in
1823, held the place now filled by Lord
Salisbury, began to act. He knew, as
evervbody knew ; that when the allies
had ounce settled the affairs of Spain
they would go on and settle the at.
fairs of her former colonies, now recog
nized as republics by the United States.
Turaing to Richard Rush, who repre:
sented our country at London, he pro
posed that the United S.ates should
join with England in a declaration
that, while neither power desired the
colonies of Spain for herself, it was im-
possible to look with indifference on
European intervention in their affairs
orto see them acquired by a third
power. Hardly had the request been
made, when Canning received a formal
notice that later in the year a congress
would be called to consider the affairs
of Spanish America, and again press
ed Rush for an answer. Rush bad no
instructions, but with a courage that
did him honor, he replied that ‘we
should regard as highly. anjust and as
fruitful of disastrous consequences any
attempt on the part of any European
power to take possession of them by
conquest, by cession, or on any o'her
ground or pretext whatsoever,” and
promised {0 join in the declaration if
England would first acknowledge the
independence of the little republics.
This she would not do, and the joint
declaration was never made.
One of the arguments which Can-
ning used is given in Rush's letter to
Secretary Adams, and shows that he
at least had no temporary policy in
mind. “They,” (the United States),
he said, “were the first power establish-
ed on that continent, and now con-
fessedly the leading power. They were
connected with South America by their
position and with Europe, by their re-
lations. Was it possible they conld
see with indifference their fate decided
upon by Europe? Had not a new
epoch arrived in the relative position
of the United States toward Europe
which Europe must acknowledg - ?
Were the great political and commer-
cial interests which hung upon ihe
destiny of the new continent to he can
vassed and adjusted ou this hemisphere
without the co-operation or ven know-
edge of the United States ?”
When Mouroe received the letters
of Rush he seems to have been greatly
puzzied how to act, Tne suzgextion of
England that the time had come to
make a declaration of some sort ad-
mitted of no dispute. But how was it
to be made ? If he joined with Great
Britian would he not be forming one
of the ‘‘political connections” Wagh.
ington had denounced in his “Fare-
well Address ; one of the ‘“entang.
ling alliances” which Jefferson had
given warging ‘in his first inaugural
speech ? ould be make it alone,
would be not be violating that policy
of non-interference in the aftairs of the
colonies which he had himselt advised
in eix messaves and two inaugural
speeches ? Uacertain what to do, he
turned to Jefferson for advice, and
seut the letters of Rush to Monticello,
and late in October received a reply.
“The questiun presented by the let
ters you have cent me is the most mo-
mentous which has ever been offered
to my coutemplation since that of In-
dependence. That made us a nation ;
this sets our compass and points the
course which we are to steer through
the ocean of time opening on us, And
never could we embark upon it ‘under
circumstances more auspicious. Our
first and fundamental maxim should
be, never to entangle our~elves in the
broils of Europe ; our second, never to
suffer Europe to intermeddle with
cisatlanuc affairs, America, North
aod South, har a set of interests dis-
tinct from those ot Europe, and pecu-
liarly her own. She should, there-
tore, have a system of her own, sepa-
rate aid apart from that of Europe.
While the last is laboring to become
the domicile of despotisin, our en-
deavor should surely be to make our
hemisphere that ot freedom,”
Thus encourzed, vot simply to meet
an emergency, but to point the course
which. we are to steer through the
ocean of time opening on us,” Monroe
consulted his eecretaries, and, with
their approval, announced the new
policy of our conutry and applied it in
these words : i
“The political system of the -allied
powers is essentially different in this
respect from that ot America. This
difference proceeds from that which
exis'a in their respective governments.
And to the defense of our own, which
has been achieved by the loss of so
much blood and treasure, aud matured
by the wisdom of their most enlighten
ed citizens, and under which we have
enjoyed unexampled felicity, this
whole Nation is devoted. We owe it,
therefore, to candor and to the amic-
able relations existing between the
United States and those powers to de
clare that we should consider any at-
tempt on their part to extend their
system to any portion of this hem-
isphere as dangerous to our peace and
safety. With the existing colonies or
dependericies of any European power
we have not intertered, and shall not
interfere. But with the governments
who have declared their independence
and maintained 1t, and whose indepen-
deuce we have, on great consideration
and on just principles, acknowledged,
we could not view any interposition for
tbe purpose of oppressing them, or con-
trolling in any other manner their
destiny, by any European power, in
any other light than as the manifesta-
tion of an unfriendly disposition to-
ward the United States.
“Our policy in regard to Europe,
which was adopted at an early stage
of the wars which have so long agitated
that quarter of the globe, nevertheless
remains the same, which is not to in-
terfere in the internal concerns of any
of its powers ; to consider the govern-
ment de facto as the legitimate gov-
ernment for us ; to cultivate friendly
relations with 1t, and to preserve those
relations by a frank, firm and manly
policy ; meeting in all instances the
just claims of every power, submitting
to injuries from none. But, in regard
to these continents, circumstances are
eminently and conspicuously different.
[vis inpoesible that the allied powers
should extend their poliiical system to
any portion of their continent without
endangering our peace and happiness ;
nor can anyone believe that our south-
ern brethren, it left to themselves,
would adopt it of their own accord. It
is equally nnpossible, therefore, that
we should behold euch inposition, in
any form, with indifference.”
The doctrine was tor all time, snd,
put in plain language, was this :
1. The United S:ates will “not in-
tertere in the internal concerns” of any
European power.
2. “But in regard to these conti
nents (North and South America) cir-
cumstances are eminently and con
spicuously different,” and if any Euro-
pean power atliempts at any future
tune to extend its political system to
any part of this hemisphere “for the
purpose of oppressing’’ the nations or
“controlling in any other manner their
desuiny’ the United States will inter-
fere.
Of this doctrine an immediate ap-
plication was made to the Holy Allies.
It might have been conveyed to each
of them under cover of an official note.
But Monroe preferred to announce it
before the world, and in this message
waroed them that any attempt on their
part to violate the doctrine would be
“dangerous to our peace and safety”
aud a “manifestation of an unfriendly
disposition toward the United States.’
Having thus announced that we
would not meddle in European affairs
, ror suffer the nations of the Old World
to intertere with the domestic concerns
of the nations of the New, it soon be-
came necessary to define our own atti-
tude toward the young republics of
South America. . Indeed, two years
had not elapsed when the United States
! was tormally invited by Columbia and
Mexico to be represented in a con-
gress of republics at Panama, at which
It was officially stated the delegates
would be expected ‘to take into con-
sideration the means of making effec
tual the declaration of the President of
th- United Sates respecting any ulter-
ior der'gn of a foreign power to colonize
any portion of this continent, and also
the means of resisting all interference
from abroad with the domestic con-
cerns of American governments.”
To cite the debate which in the Sen-
ate and House followed the request of
the President that commissioners be
gent to Panama is idle. Adams, as
President, and Clay, as Secretary of
State, approved, and that was reason
enough why Hayne, of South Carolina,
and Woodbury, of New Hampshire ;
White, of Tennessee; Van Buren,
Buchanan, Polk, Berrien and Rives
should oppose it. The discussion was
partisan throughout. But the resolu-
tion which the House spread in its
journal is worth citing :
“It is therefore the opinion of this
House that the government of the
United States ought not tebe repre
sented at the Congress of Panama ex-
cept in a diplomatic character, nor
ought they to form any alliance, offen-
give or defensive, or negotiate respect-
ing such au alliance, with all or any of
the South American republics; nor
ought they to become parties with
them, or either of them, to any joint
declaration for the purpose of prevent-
ing the interference of any ot the Euro
pean powérs with their independence
or form of government, or to any com-
pact for the purpose of preventing colo-
nization upon the continents of Amer
ica, but that the people of the United
States should be left free to act, in any
crigis, in such a manner as their feel-
ings of friendship toward these repub-
lics and as their own honor and
policy may at the time dictate.”
Thus was affirmed two parts of the
Mouroe doctrine :
1. Not to form any alliance with
any foreign nation, nor join with it in
any declaration concerning the inter-
ference of any European power in its
affairs.
2. To act toward them “in any
crisis’ as our “honor and policy may
at the time dictate.”
Thus was oar true attitude toward
the nations of the New World defined
and the Monroe doctrine completed.
Of the men who took part in that
famous debate two are of especial in-
terest to us, for the course of time each
was called on to apply the doctrine he
opposed, aud each in turn abandoned
the position he held in 1826. One is
James K. Polk ; the others is James
Buchanan.
“In 1826 Po'k in hia speech said :
“When the message of the late Pres-
ident of the United States was com-
municated to Congress in 1823, it was
viewed as it should have been, as the
mere expression of opinion ot the Exe-
cutive, submitted to the consideration
and deliberation of Congress ; and de-
signed probably to produce an effect
upon the counciis ot the Holy Alli-
ance in relation to their supposed in-
tention to interefere in the war between
Spain and her former colonies. That
effect it probably had an agency in
producing ; and, if so, it has performed
its office. The President had no power
to bind the nation by such a pledge.”
When Polk uttered these words he
was a member of Congress from Tenn-
essee. But when our country was
next called on to apply the doctrine
Polk was President of the United
States and had been elected by a party
whose cry was “Give us Texas or di-
vide the spoons!” “The whole of
Oregon or none; fifty-four, forty or
fight!” and saw before him a war
with Mexico and serious trouble with
England. In 1827 the Monroe doc-
trine, he thought, had been “designed
to produce an effect on the councils of
the Holy Alliance” and “bad per-
formed its office.’ Now be found it
had still an office to perform, gave his
“cordial concurrence in its wisdom and
sound policy,” and sent his message to
Congress : :
“It is well known to the American
people and to all the nations that this
government has never interfered with
the relations subsisting between other
governments. We have never made
ourselves parties to their wars or their
alliances ; we have not sought their
territories by conquest; we have not
mingled with parties in their domestic
struggles ; and believing our own form
of government to be the best, we have
never attempted to propagate it by in-
trigues, by diplomacy, or by force.
We may claim on this continent a
like exemption from European inter
ference. The nations of America are
equally sovereign and independent
with those of Europe. They possess
the eanye rights, independent ot all for-
eign interposition, to make war, to
conclude peace, and to regulate their
internal affairs. The people of the
United States cannot, therefore, view
with indifference attempts of European
powers to interfere with the independ-
ent action of nations on this conti
vent.”
The cause of these remarks was the
dispute—in which we were then en-
gaged with England—regarding the
ownership of the Oregon country.
She claimed as far south as the Co-
Jumbia river. We claimed as far
north as 54 degrees 40 minutes. It
wag as much a territorial dispute as
that now going on’ with Venezuela.
Yet Polk did not hesitate to apply the
Monroe doctrine and to assert that ‘in
the existing circumstances of the
world, the present is deemed a proper
occasion to reiterate and reaffirm the
principal avowel by Mr. Monroe, and
to state my cordial cocurrence in its
wisdom and sound policy. The reas-
gertion of this principle, especially in
reference to North America, is, at this
day but the promulgation of a policy
which no European power should cher-
ish the disposition to resist. Existing
rights of every European nation
should be respected, but it is due alike
to our safety and our interests that the
efficient protection of our laws should
be extended over our whole territorial
limits, and that it should be distinctly
announced to the world as our eettled
policy that no future European colony
or dominion shall, with our consent be
planted or established on any part of
the North American continent.”
Again a little while and Polk ap-
plied the doctrine to the purely territo-
rial case of Yucatan. A war had
broken out between the Indians and
the whites, who, driven to desperation
appealed for help to England, Spain
"and the United States, offering in re-
turn the dominion and sovereignty ot
the Peninsula. This was not a case of
interference by any foreign power.
No effort was being made by any Eu-
ropean nation to “extend its system.’
Two such powers bad bgen invited by
a bard pressed people struggling for
life to defend them and take in return
their country. But Polk taking the
broad ground that any European peo-
ple who by any means gained on our
continents one foot of territory more
than they had in 1823, even with the
consent and at the request of the own-
ers of it, were ‘‘extending their system?’
sent this message to Congress in 1848 :
“While it is not my purpose to tec-
ommend the adoption of any measure
with a view to the acquisition of the
dominion and sovereignty’ over Yuca-
tan, yet, according to our established
policy, we could not consent to a trans-
fer of this ‘dominion and sovereignty’
to either Spain, Great Britain, or any
other European power. In his mes-
sage of December, 1823, ‘we should
consider any attempt on their part to
extend their system to any portion of
the hemisphere as dangerous to our
peace and safety.’
It would be controlling “the destiny’
of the people concerned.
Precisely the same view was taken
by Caes when Secretary of State
under Buchavan, in the case of Mexi-
co. The political condition of Mexico
was frightful. Since the day Spain ac-
knowledged her independence in 1821
there had never been a moment ot qui-
et. In 33 years 36 governments had
been set up and. pulled down, and of
them all, the worst were those of Mira.
mon and Juarez, by whom such enor-
mities were committed that England.
France and Spain decided on armed in-
tervention in Mexican affairs.
Against this, in 1860, both Cass and
Buchanan protested.
“While,” said the Secretary, “we do
not deny the right of any other power
to carry on operations against Mexico
for the redress of its grievances, we
firmly object to its holding possession
of any part of that country, or endeav-
oring by force to control its political
destiny.) * ® x
“I deemed it my duty,” eaid the
President in his message in December,
1850, ‘‘to recommend to Congress, in
my last annual message, the employ-
ment of a sufficient military force to
penetrate into the.interior. * * *
European governments would have
been deprived of all pretext to interfere
in the territorial and domestic con-
cerns of Mexico. We should thus
have been relieved from the obligation
of resisting, even by force should this
become necessary, any attempt by
these governments to deprive our neigh-
boring republic of portions of her terri-
tory—a duty from which we could not
ghrink without abandoning the tradi-
tional and established policy of the
American people.” :
Three statements are contained in
this exposition of the doctrine :
1. That we have a duty resting on
us which we cannot shirk without
abandoning the traditional and estab-
lished policy of the American people.
2. This duty is to resist any at-
tempt by a European gevernment to
deprive our neighboring republic of
portions of her territory.
3. That, it necessary, resistance
must go even to the use of force.
Thie exposition * by Buchanan is
1 sound and good and is exactly the posi-
tion taken by Mr. Cleveland. Great
Britain is to-day attempting to take
from Venezuela, not 30,000 square
miles, as is commonly stated, but 109,-
000 square miles, to which she has no
just claim whatever ; an area as large
| a8 Nevada and exceeded by no State
in the Union save Texas. California
and Montana; an area 99 times as
large as Rhode Island, 54 times as
large as Massachusetts, and 40,000
square miles larger than the six New
England States! When a European
power rightfully or wrongfully attempts
to acquire 80 immense an area as this,
she does, in the worde of Monroe,
“spread her system ;’ she does at-
tempt to ‘‘control the destinty” of
Venezuela ; she does, in the language
of Polk, ‘interfere with the indepen-
dent action of the nations on this con
tinent ;” she is, as.Cass expressed it,
holding possession of that country”
and endeavoring “to control its politi-
cal destiny,” and the Monroe doctrine
does apply. We are bound, as Buch-
anan asserted, to resist this attempt
“to deprive our neighboring republic
of her territory,” and we should in duty
to a sound American policy use force
if necessary.
From 1783 until 1842 we had a dis-
pute with England over the boundary
of Maine. Had she during that time
extended ber claims till they ‘included
all of New England and “seven-eights
ot New York, would she not have
been extending her system ? Of all
the nations of the world she is the most
aggressive. Take a map of the world
and mark on 1ther possessions in
1800, in 1825, in 1850, in 1896, and
see what she bas been doing. Then
take Mr. Gignilliat’s map of the British
claims in Venezuela and see that his.
tory repeated. For 56 years she has
slowly but surely been spreading her
claims from the Essequibo to the Or-
inoco river till they now touch its
mouth. Are we to consider this of no
moment ? JorN Baca McMaster.
Almost An Insult.
The legislative member turned red in
the face and shook his fist violently un-
der the lobbyist’s nose.
“What !”” he thundered, in 8 gust of
indignation, ‘you come to me—me—
and seek to buy my vote for your in-
famous measure for $1,000? I've a
notion to knock your head off, and then
publicly denounce you from the floor of
the House 1”
The lobbyist shook the ashes from his
cigar.
“Suppose,” he said in a soothing
manner, “we make it $2 000 ?”’
The member from Jay Centre took
off his hat-und wiped his forehead.
“Now,” he answered in a calmer tone
—“now you're talking!”—New Fork
Recorder.
For and About Women .
Plunge the feet into cold water, rub
briskly and quickly put on your stock-
ings and shoes is a formula which if fol-
lowed will insure you against cold ex-
| tremities when you go out.
Yawning is said to devolop the throat.
If it happens that you are detected in
this very reprehensible act in church
this morning you can argue that you
can easily listen to the sermon and add
to your physical loveliness at the same
time. z
The up-to-date woman storns ice
cream. Her preference is for toasted
crackers and cheese, with a cup of black
coffee for dessert.
Women who walk well are the ex-o
ception.
Shawl capes are among the newest
fashions.
Green and brown is considered a sty-
lish commingling.
Dreseing and recurling ostrich tips
may be done at home with a little prac-
tice. Hold the feathers over a kettle
containing boiling water and shake
them energetically through the steam,
not allowing them to become too damp.
This freshens the tips, absorbs the dust,
and restores the lustre. Take a few of
the flues between the thumb and the
blade of a dull knife,draw them easily
over the edge, and repeat this until they
are curled as closely as desired. Do this
down each side of the feather. Then
take a very coarse comb and carefuily
comb out each one, and the plume will
look like new.
The deep corsage has put in ite ap-
pearance once more on many of the
new evening gowns. This looks well
made of cream-colored lace studded
with very large clouds of jet, while
again it is to be found in gold tinsel em-
broidered in many-colored jewels; and
it is no less successful when made of
satin to match the skirt.
——
Satin ribbons and lace are the most
appropriate trimmings for young wom-
en, but for the older the smartest effects
are produced with sequin trimmings in
various shot colorings, which are more
brilliant and effective this year than,
ever. Bright, irridescent trimmings and
spangles may be bed, which will tone
with alorost any colored dress, and look
well on black also. These sequin trim-
mings may be had on flounces and frills,
and they are also made in the form of
insertions for trimming bodices and
panels on skirts. Some are made with
spangles sewn on flat, and others have
banging sequins, which glitter with
every movement of the wearer.
Ribbons are to be extremely tashion-
uble next year, and already they are be-
ing put to the new purpose in the way
of trimming for evening and other
smart dresses, while at the same time
milliners are once more resorting to
them. It is principally owing to the
sudden reaction in favor of a simpler
style of hat for ordinary wear that rib-
bons are to the fore again atthe mil-
liner's. For thy sailor-shaped silk hat
| and the smooth felt Amazon hat turned
up at the side, ribbun trimmings are re-
quired to compose the decoration, with
the addition of quill or cocks’ plumes,
or sometimes a large bunch of flowers.
The ribbon is banded round the crown
and arranged in simple bows or flutings
on one side. .
When you are dieting to reduce flesh
you must eat stale bread and give up
potatoes, rice, beets, corn, peas, beans,
milk, cream, all sweets, cocon—indeed,
anything which even suggests sugar or
starch. Dry toast without butter, tea
without either milk or sugar, rare meat
with no fat, and, as far as possible, no
vegetables at all should form your diet.
Take all efercise you can in the way of
walking, go twice a week to Russian
bath/ (where possible) and invariably go
to bed hungry. Anybody brave enough
to live up to these laws will certainly
lose flesh.
One style of evening wraps this sea-
gon, cut circular fashion, has in the back
deeply-laid godet plaits. A shoulder
cape with plate collar of one piece is
gathered around the neck and divided
behind in the centre, where it tapers to
a point. This shoulder cape has ostrich
feather garniture matching the stuff
and a Stuart colar trimmed with the
same garniture. For these wraps are
employed light woolen fabrics of such
shades as red, terra cotta, ciel, dark blue,
garnet, cherry, heliotrope, reseda, brown,
tabac, etc., and lined with suitable satin-
stitched lining.
Another sample of dark blue stuff,
also has loose Empire folds in the back
and a double shoulder cape, the lower
pelerine of which is uniformly rounded
and hangs in folds. The upper pelerine
is plain, without folds, and scalloped
Eliffel like. ~The scalloped cape is
trimmed with colored bead embroidery
and surrounded with swansdown or
feathers, as one might choose. The
Stuart roll colar is also scalloped and
trimmed with a feather bow.
One of the best and latest utility
‘‘creepers’’ is very easily made. Gingham
is the fabric used. First measure baby’s
length and breadth in order to allow
the little one room for freedom of mo.
tion. The gingham is then cut bag
shape, sewed up at thesides and Sottom
and then it is gathered into a band with
buttons and button holes. In each lower
corner openings are made. These ure
bemmed and are ready for the chubby
legs. Drawing them up over the child’s
limbs you will find the dainty clothes
snugly incasea, and yet the limbs of the
toddler at liberty to move at will.
It is only for the very informal party
that a high-necked bodice is permissable,
The months of January and February
literally teem with engagements for
dinners, balls, cotillions »nd card parties,
What to wear is the ne “ding ques-
tion. This winter the my gowns
are more elaborate than - Toey ara
made of silk, satin or velvet, the skirts
and bodices often elaborately jeweled,
the sleeves and herthes formed of tulle,
mousseline de sole or chiffin.