- 01 . iER :IVE RIVER:
The following beautiful lines, fell of bes•
iy, tenderness. and poetics) itnitgery, were
wring by Miss Nancy Priest, a "Factory
Girl," in Massachusetts. They wore twigs•
nally published in the 6pringgald Repub.
bran, a few years litre :
Over the river ', t hey beokota, to me.
Got etl ones irbo've, gee* to the Labor
side,
The gleam of their engiry robes I sn\n,
But their voioel are drowned in the rush
ing tide.
There's one with ringlets of sonny gold;
And eyes,the reHoction !leaven's own
_ -
;i1;
Ile cyon the tbrilight,
.1/rep and onld r
And pale mint hid him from mortal
view.
We sew not the angels who met him there,
The gate of the oily we 'mold not see I
Over the river—over the river, '
My brother etands waiting ,to welcome
too,
Over the river the boatman pale
Carried another—the household pet—
Her brown curls waved in the gentle gale.—
'Darling Minnie! I see her yet.
She crossed on her bosom her dimpled
And peaeeftilly entered the phantom bark
We watched it guide from the river seeds,
And all our sunshine grew strangely dark.
We know she is safe on the urther side,
Where all the ransomed and angels be;
bver the river, the mystic river,
My childhood's idol in waiting for me.
• 111.
For none return from theee quiet ehtlree,
Who eroo with the boatman culd and
pale,
We hear the dip of the gulden oaro,
And eateh a glimpse of the snowy
eail—
•And to ! they have panned from our yearn
ing heart' ,
They rro•+ the stream, and aro gone for
We may wit sunder the veil apart.
That liides from our vision the gates of
day.
We only know that their barks no more
m a y w i th us o'er life's stormy sea,
Vet, somewhere, I know, on the unseen
shore,
They watch, and lieskon, and wait for
me.
And - T sit sad think, when the sunset's gold
Is flipihing river nail bill and shore,
I shall one day stand by the water cold,
And list fot the sound of the boatman's
oar;
I ,hall watch for a gleam — nf the flapping
ead
,
t ',hall hear the boat an it gains the
• strand ;•
shall pass from Fight with the Loatman
pale
To tbo better shore of the Spirit Land,
I shall know , he loured onenune heroic,
And joyfully xweet will the meeting be
When over the river, the peareful river,
The Angel of Death shall carry ma'
SOUND DOCTRINE
The forowing, the closing portion of
the message of Ilse. Exceleocy, J. W.
Sysvoisoti,_prement Goternot• o r Ken
tucky, should be read and vondered over
by all It is the old caphioned Demo
cratic doctrine—such as wan taught in
the days of JIiFFEBSON, and will benefit
kny one who takes time to read it .{ Eu
vcffss AN.
I FEDERAL RISLATIOIIIII
am oppressed with solemnity when
I turn from the reference to State af
fairs, over which have thus rapidly
glanced, to invite your attention to
those of our Federal relations
I regret to say they present a 'dark
and arid picture. The hope eo fondly
cherished by every patriot,. that a tee
toted Union upon the basis of the Con
stitution was the rich fruition destined
to crown the triumph of Federal arms
overtlietforces of the Confederate States
lu our lale unhappy conflict, has proved
eo far utterly illusive
No error has become of late more m
olar than the one that the States which
adopted the Federal Constitution were
never sovereign Another fraught With
greater mischief, is, that the United
States w i ts not the representative 'and
organ of the several sovereign States, to
the extent of the powersdelegated to it,
but was the government of the people of
the ttarty-sir States united and'consoli
dated
To those erroneous and miechiovous
-- dogmas; thervrore dangerous and start
ling one is for the first time put forth,
by th?arty having present control of
the IF deral Qovarnment, that the States
have RO , rights, but hear to the Federal
Goverment the same dependent relation
of dountisa to the States of their loos
,
tioP.
To whatever eitent this false theory
exhibits a tendency menacing to the
stability of the Constitution, the integ
rity of the Union, or the indeetructible
eharaoter of any sovereign or co-equal
Stale in our Federal system, It demands
and should receive our deliberate con
sideration.
Before the.tbirteen colonies beoame a
confederation of independent Btates,
they were associated only by communi
ty of transatlantic origin, by geographi
cal position, and by - the mutual tie of
„Ammon dependence on Great Britain.
When that tie was sundered, they sev
ally assumed the powers and rights of
absolute self-government. The municip
-11 and social institutions of each—its
laws of property and of'personal
reln
tion—eve,' Bs political 'organization—
were snob only as eaoh one chose to es•
tablreh, wholly without ipterferenoe
from any other. In the langulage of the
Declaration of independence, "each state
had full power to levy War,' conclude
peace, oonteaot alliances, establish cons-
Ineroe, and to do all oilieraotsand things
whioh independent States may of right
do." The several colonies differed in
climate, in soil, in natural production,
in religion; in systems of eduoation, in
jegialation, and in forms of pOlitioal ad-
Democratic Watchman
VOL. 113
ministration ; and they continued to
differ in these rrspects when they vol
untarily allied themselves, as States to
carry on the war of their independence.
The object of that war wan to disett
thrall the united colonies from the op
proesi•e I rule of their mother country.
That country had turned a deaf ear to
their growing complaints against a long
series of oppressions, which at last cul
minated in a claim of 'a right to tax,
without its correlative one of represen
tation
The success of the war . led to a per
manent separation betweenlthem.
The political result was the founda
tion of a Federal Itepiablio of free white
men of the colonies; constituted, as they
Wore, in distinct and reciprooally lade-
The first union of there thirteen inde
pendent State governments, under arti
cles of confederation, proved inefficient
to achieve the objects proposed and in
tended. That union had been the act of
thirteen Stale gcvernjnents, and was a
union of governments.
These Suites found, it convenient to
modify the condition of their association
hi resorting to a more effective system
of-govertnental union They adopted a
duplex system of government, compoun
ded of the separate governMent of the
several St-tee / composing''' . the union
and one common government of all its
members, called the Government of the
United States. Each was framed by
written Constitutions; those of the sev
eral States Ly the people of each acting
separately and in their sovereiga char
acter, and that of the U6lfitd - STefetF'by
' the mime agenoywchng jointly instead
of separately Both State and Federal
Constitutions are marked by the divi
sions of poll tte al pewit into Legislative,
Executive and Judtctat
Each rest on the same great American
foundation- that the people are the
source of all power, and that rulers are
dfrectiy responsible to the ryled
The entire.powers of the (Infernaletit
are divided between the two To the
Federal government wax delegated'wll
power necessary for the execution of
certain well-defined functions of a gen
eral nature, lodking to the common de
fence and security of :ill the States—
leawyg all power not delegated ex pres.ly
to the States and people thereof.
Both Federal and State,. within their
pre•aribed sphere, possess all the at trl
butes and perform all the functions of
government Neither is complete with•
lout the other The sovereignty and
l equality of the Slate% underlaid, and
was the fundamental coodit,,ion of the
I Coostitutiow •
The States went into the Union on the
agreed pretnines of exerting their com
mon strerrgth for the defence of the
whole, and of all its parts, but of utter
ly excluding all capability of reciprocal
aggression Each solemnly bound -
self to nllthe others neither to under
take nor permit any encroachment upon,
or intermedling with ancititsr's reserved
rights
The independent sovereignty of the
States assured to eaeivby the constitu
tional provision for co-equal•rfpresenta
tion in the Senate of the United States.
was the fundaviental condition of the
American Union
Suith is the brief outline of the consti
tutional theory of that noble structure
of free representative governmept erec
led by our fathers as an intrenchment
of and religions liberty against the en
eroaohment of ci•ilge•er.
It has stood the shoWnf nearly eighty
yearn. It has blessed its as few nations
have ever been blessed tinder its pro
tection we have enjoyed liberty, jeCU
ritT, prosperity and happiness.
A distinguished lividg! , ;nglish states
man in 1823 in proraoing a aetedco of the
Government and ConStltution against the
liberals, who, in support of their •iews t
pointed to the American success in free
institutions, said :
"Nor can the United Slaty of Amer
ica be fairly quoted as an example
against me. Whether she be more or
ass happy than England, her standing
in the world is not yet such Its to enable
her to draw any triumph from the mon-
Parsion of her institutions with those of
other nations. Since she first conquer
ed her independence she has been as
little exposed to the Internal dangers
arising from war as the Itepublid of an
Marino. She has had a continent to
spread in, and a huge wilderness to re
ceive the unquiet and fermenting spirits
among her people. Esoh State has gov
erned iteelf with as little difficulty as
the Quarter Sessions in England regulate
the county expenses; her Congress has
"STAMM BIONTIII_,4ND rpnimuLL lINXON."
-BELLEFONTE, TA, FRIDAY JAN. 3, 1868.
carried on war and negotiations without
the smallest apprehension o? conquest
It is when the Iteputilic weary
,of peace
and prosperity shall measure her new
forces, and sigh for (her greatness and
glory; when a national debt and .2 tia
tiou army shall be created by the will
of vi total opinion ;Iyhen Mexico dell
I
be bordering and rivet empire ; when
ge r ata shell-Arise with more brilliant
to me R lees virtuous character
t Washington—it is then, it will be
decided whether the institutions of
America ere wiser than those of Eng
lapd " -
•tit must be oonfeeeed, howerer, that
should America eland this test, or even
should she oontinue,to flourish for the
next century, it will no longer bejuet to
among the governments of the globe
Horne of the perils thus forshadowed
and proposed by England's enlightened
find living statesman R 9 a practical test
of the:6oll'lEller American Constitution
al Government now surround and en
compass us Shall his doubt be realized,
or shall we Wits his mewl of approba
tion
Will our matchless form of represen
tativegov ernment,:with it. well-arrang
NI system of (Meeks and balances, prove
still a barrier sgsinst,,„all the antagouiz
log forces now threatening integrity?
Is - the 'stability of the Constitution of
the United States, which in the past
achieved so many triumphs o•erseotien
al prejudice, now to become subverted
by the fanaticism or errors of our own
people' Shall the • ital interest of
thirty four fnillions of free American
white citizens be surrendered to the do: *
urination of the relatively few negroen
in We United States ? Or, rather will
not the American rosettes conlinue.....to
übordinate their w ill' to those limita
tions placed by thrmselves as cheeks and
barriezad against the popular necessity
and-frenzied passions of thehour? Shall
-net self-control and reldy obedience to
law, in the future, as in the past, con
ioue 'to be the crowning chaeacterlitle
our American institutions
Will the people of the sovereign abd
independent Slates constituting the
American Union premit any change in
their fundamental system of government
nave In that ezprees tno-le and manner
prescribed In the Constitution ' Will
they tolerate the overthrow of a solitary
' barrier in that instrument erected to
protect the equality and preserve the
reserved rights of each if the States
These are vital questions Their is
sue unquestionably involves the con
tinuance of eelf-gdvernment Upon their
determination rests the life of the Ito
public They must be met. We can
not avoid it.
They must be considered calmly but
fearlessly—fully—but with wisdom
Consider them as thoughtful friends of
self-government—as true lyvers of Con
stitutional liberty—and as free hut
fearless Representatives of Kentucky
,„ I Wive already ellown.the inviolabil
ity of the reserved rights of each State
as a fundamental condition of the
Union.
The party now in power, in their plat
feria of principles at Chicago onr the
ltith of May, 'SOO, In their North re
solution, say "Viet the' ;in inteinanee
inviolate of the rights of the States, and
especially the right of each State to
order and central its own domestic in
stitutions according to its own judg
ment exclusively, is essential in that
balance of power on which the perfect
lion anthendurancs of our political fab•
ric depends ; and we denounce the law
less invasion blar.ned force of the soil
of any State or Territory, no matter un- 1
der what pretext, as among the graves t
of crimes."
I rejoide to find myself sustained in
my opinion of the inviolability of the
reserved rights of the States by this
emphatic indorsement of the entire Re
publioan party. That platform was put
forth by their representative men.
They doolare,-as a canoe of their poli
tical faith, that the iuterferenoe by the
Federal Governnient with the domestic
institutions of any State is a usurpation
Wholly unauthorized by theConstitutionl
of the United Stales.
If we turn our eyes to ten Slates of
the Union, we shall behold them, at this
'time, stripped by Federal legislation of
their equalltr their sovereignty, their
right of suffrage, and all right of repre
sentation In either house of Congreap%
All the bulwarks of personal freedom—
habeds corpus, freedoms of speech, free
dom of the press, trial by jury—hire
been egthiesely taken away. It were
an apt 'question to inquire where the
to subvert the govetomento of thrse.tro
=EI
The government 'of the United States
is one of limitations. YL possesses no
power not• delegated, and no express
povier to subvert can be shown, Hew,
then, does the instrumentality of the
States becom_ e the epgino of their de
struction? It cannot be - derived from
the war power. The maiptenanee of
the Union brings with it the support: of
the State governments in all their rights.
It was denied .that the States could Se
cede. if this rightbe denied, the Fru
premacv of the Federal arms restored
the vigor of the Union and all the States
composing it. with their constitutional
rights. I it has been judicially held that
no State in a confederated government
Beeides all.this, the solemn faith of the
nation was pledged through the execu
tive and Cohgreen that the war way waged
alone for the restoration of the Union
without any intention on the part ol the
Goxernment to interfere with the reserv
ed rights of the States
Among the rights of a State hone
can be more vital this thati...of represen
tation. It lies at the root of free gov
ernment. ft le the vital breath of free
institutions. The People are the only
source of power They can not act le
MAN!. nl4l right to choose a represeu-
(alive is every man's port ton of sovereign 1 1
power Yet it become!' my duty to in
form you that Kentucky in at this mo
ment deprived of her rightful represen
tation In -the more popular branch of
our National Legislature,
lions John It Young,James B Beck,
Thomas L. Jones, Asa P. Grove., J. P.
Knott, John Young Brown Lawrence S.
Trimble, Elijah Hive, and George M.
Adams were elected on the 4th day of
May, 18Q7, from their reepective dia
-1
tries, at a free and fair election Hem
resenfiitives from this Commonwealth to
the Fortieth Congress of the United
States. Elijah Hive died but a few days
after his election, and did not reach
Washington They were all constitu
tionally eligible at the period of their
election They repaired to Washington
nod demanded to be sworn and admit
ted to their right!! be Itepresentativee
from Kentucky All were at first re
fused admission Sesequently, George
MI Adams was admitted The other
gentlemen, including Hoe J. 8 Holli
day, who was elected as the nuccessor
of lion. E. Iliac, are still refused theii
seats Kentucky, entitled wider the
roast Itution to nine Itekesentati ves, has
at this moment but one
This wrong is rendered still more ap
parr ,t by the fact that I, 8 Trimble
had been a member of the las( Congress.
Congrese has the constitutional right
to inquire into the rigularity of the
returns of the eleertK of its members.
It may demand to know that the Repre
sentative is of the requisite age s , and
has resided the requisite period fixed
by the Constitution as a period of hie
eligibility. If the member is willing to
take the oath, Congress came neither add
to or substract one iota from that con
stitutional provision. which :prescribes
II is qualification I f Congress, upon party
suggeqion of private individuals, can
deprive a State of item 'representation,
then Congress in supreme, and the State
powerless.
.The equality of the States
was secured, as we have shown, by that
provision in the (institution, glarantee
ing to each State equal representation
in the Senate. Yet in the face of this
plain creation of the Constitution a Sen
ator from 'Maryland, duly elected and
constitutionally eligible, is refused O
mission, and no reason assigned for his
exclusion
Palpable sad flagrant as these ♦iola
lions of the tights of the Stare are, I
am pained to say we are confronted with
more fearful usurpations.
The recent scheme of congressional
reconstruction of ten Slates of the
Union. and the practical operationsnow
occurring under it, must in their effects,
if successful, sweep away every vestige
of our Federal system of free govern
ment,
The wrong now perpdirated under
that plan vitally affeets every free white
cilium of every Sinte in our Confedera
cy. It rests on the monstrous outrage
of enfranchising the blacks And disfran
chising' the whites. It is not negro
equals l ; but the results of the late
pretented elections exhibit the startling
tact that it is negro supremacy+ tight
'millions of white people, through.,Con.
gressional instrumentalities of registra
tion, and military ocimmandsre. !ire nR•
der tip absolute rifle of segroes! Eve-
of
1
power is derived under the ebuslitulion
which conferk-Upon congrra thluight
ry barrier and bulwark of the Constitu
tion broken through, every vestige of
State equality swept away!.
When the equality of our Federal sys
tem, as already briefly portrayed, Is en
croached upon, ,then oppressions and
frightful inequalities appear. The bal
ance is destroyed—its Om Usti ons •gone
The effect of this reconstruction scheme
is strongly presented by a philosophic
and diatinguished &talesman of New!
York, in a powerful argpment recently
made es effectinj the Northern States.
Negro rule is established at the South to
govern the people there, and that is sec
tional ltStoes to Washington, and then
it becomes national. The States of
nuitdena end Trial, afb entitled to
thirty-two members of Congress ; New
York has thirty-ono members of Con
gress; New York is outnumbered by
these States The New York Represen
tatives represent four millions of people
and seven hundred and fifty thousand
voters The thirty-two Representatives
from the South. with en aggregate ma
jority •f over one hundred thousand,
have The privllege of outvoting them.
Again: The ten States now under
military iule are - etttitled to fifty Repre
sentatives in Congress. Under a full
representation—five-fifths instead of
three-fifths—they will have sixty. The
aggregate negro majority in these states
is over RITMO. New York, rennsylva.
"nix and New Jersey have fifty-nine Rep
resentatives. They have eight million,
and. will bie.aulesoled 1iy416,660 of the-
Afrleanized portion of the South.
in the Senate of the United States the
contrast is still more startling.
Florida, with a population of '154,000
but with a registered vote of 5,000
whites an& jit,toA tierp-)es, ivalancee
New York.
South Nl.,lina, with a population of
700 o'_o, a rigistered vote of 21,000
whites and 46,000 negroes,,• balances
Pennsylvatfla.
with a population of regis
tered white voters of 44,0(K), and negro
of (42.1(00, haltooes Ohio.
Its effect must be still more general
and disastrous in the F.lectoral College
Dottie present Representatives of the
Congress of the United States represent
faithfully a fre white contiituettley in
these open riltald, direct usurpations of
. •
power? /
Are the people of the Stated tired of
the Government of their fathers? Do
they desire to see the Conalitution under
winch our great Republic has become
thifirst power in Christendom, supplan
ted by an unwritten constitution, repre
senting the National will as embodied in
the act of Congress' Do they wish to
transfer the legislative control to the
ignorant negro; their great commercial
and industrial interests-from the supe
rior to the inferior race? It cannot be
Will the people of the / States permit
the usurpations of Congress upon re
served rights, which the party in power
have denounced at crimes! The ques
tion involves thA self-preservation of ev
ery State. Another of greater solicitude
presses
_itself upon the serious deliber
ation of every friend of Constitutional
government. What means da the gov-
e rnme t of a State possess to prevent
the Government of the United States
from encroaching on its reeerved . poyers?
Clearly notby any State veto 6f any
Federal enactment• It could r.ot be
productive of good. Besides, no such
power, in my judgment, is possessed by
any State to nullify at mill a Federal en
aol mcnt.
the remedy most oertninly is not se
oession Its madness hto too recently
been illuetrated in blood to find any ad-
•ooatee
We have several remedies which we
have in the pant proved efficient.
We have the right of remonstrance—
of manly protest against any and all en
er9aohnients upon our rights.
We have the right of adopting resolu
tions against any violation of the Con
stitution.
But that which I recommend is an ap
peal,to the people of our dieter States.
I suggest that you 'Shall put forth a
balm, temperate address, setting forth
the startling encroachments of Con s .
gress• its utter overthow of self-govern
ment by usurpations unauthorised by
the leUer or spirit of the Constitution,
addressing it to our sister fillets., call
ing upon them to unite and 00-operate
Ith us, is opposition to per despotic
usurpations.of lti6 reserved rights of the
§talee.
Dispel the prejudiceerwhleii for design.
ing purposes, Is itttesigted (It he eteatett4
against us. Counteract the falsehood'
that we desire to re-eetablielt slavery.
Kiiitse the trick that we have nutria* ,
if kgislation againdt .those lately ea
slaves, and discriminate against them in
faun of • the whitee. Throw bank the
stigma so basely cast upon our humani..
ty and benevolence by theno•disioyal en
emies of Constitututional Government
who would *pander Kentucky, hoping
thereby to irritate our Northern birth-
ren by or/lilting the false impression that
the negrcrer were ndt fatty - protected lir
the enjoyment of their rigida of permute.
end PATESIOrt..
Above all, let our brethren throughout
the Union know that the people of Ken
tucky are united, and that they present
for the conjoint action of the people of
all the States a platform of principles
which every true' man who loves hie
country can warmly and thoroughly in
dorse.
These fundamental truths are:
NO. I
The supromsoy of the Constitution
and laws of the United States within
their allotted sphere; -
The inviolability and perpetuity of the
Union under the Cons/halloo ;
The incompetency of a State, or States
or of the Oeneral Government, to impair
the integrity of the Union by secession
on the one hand or exclusion on the
other ;
The perfect equality among all the
States under the Constitution;
The exclueive right of each State to
regulate its domestic, and internal af
fair', subject only to euth special ex-
established
The right of -each State to regulate
suffrage
Let the ieeuebe made to the people of
every State. • I cnpuot persuade myself
that such au appeal will Llamado in vain.
We have no hostility to_ the black ;ace,
.ut are for the self-preservation of our
0.
The interest, the honor, the peace, the
safety, the prosperity of the people of
all notions, are involved and imperilled
in the tnainteoance of these guarantees.
I am not, dark as the hour is, without .
hope. I pee beams of light across our
political horizon. They indicate, though
dimly, coming day. I hare faith in the
people. I persuade myself that reoent
popular expressions of the m indl
sate that- the storm of fanaticism and
error, which has almost shipwrecked us
in the wild chimerical cabernet, of social
change, will yet dash:itself against the
rock of the Constitution, and expend its
fury without danger.
Bur above all, my trust is in a higher
Power.
I look to Him ~ who stillelb the ra
ging of the eel, and'the noise of the
warts, and the madness of the people."
His strength has always upheld
_ga .49,
every hour of our acknowledigirkliedl,"
when_the dark c . londs baronet don
ne
around us, He has interposed &sir to
baffle human wisdom, astonish human
foresight, and bring out of darkness the
rainbow or prowler." To Hisproridenoe
I commend you, wish an assurance ,of
my hearty co-operation in all rueeeufes
tending to the glory, peace, and pros
perity of our beloved Commonwealth.
December 2, 1867
"Protootion"—lts Workings
It has become. painfully manifest, du
ring the past few weeks, that a crisis in
financial affairs is approaching ; n o t
from a scarcity of money, nor from the
usual causes that bring about such Elia
linters, but from the unhappy and blight
ing effects of the legislation of Congress
upon the industry of thecountry “Pr-o
tection" was one of the bobbies of the
old Whig party ; and when the “Repub
lican" party obtained the control of the
government, it mounted the out nag, and
ensuring the people of the good times i n
store for them through his "good points,'
set off on a brink canter. Well, the raft
is run, and you see where it ix ended—
by running into the ground;" on the
principle of the old Spanish proverb, we
presume: ' Met a beggar on horseback,
and he will ride to the devil " In We
case, unfortunate, it is the people who
have been ridden to death, so far as
their materiel interests are concerned.
"Protection" is a very eke
theory: but it works baxi in practice.—
It is very nice to say to foreign mants
facturers, "You shall sell none of gour
goods in this country without paying en
high a duty as to prevent your compet
ing with American manufacturers. nut,
unfortunately, the protectionists over
reached themselves, as people generally
do when blinded by OClfitiliness. The
manufacturers, flnilifig. they had thirty
their °Wu way, (Skied their piece no
high thirst few would buy, while the pro.
hibitory tnriff cut off the the Joupply
from abroad , and so, after a brief Bea
con of prosperity, we find the menufse
hirers flat on their backs, lusti ly appeal
ing for —" r no, ECTION I" We cannot say
that we pity thorn
"Protection" does not furlash n mar
ket for the products of our country, nor
does it put money in the pookets.of the
people. It has simply enriched a few,
at the expense of the ninny. That it
will fail to do even this, in future, seems
evident.
The workings of Miu protection'"
policy of the ~Inctsbins may be Keen'
the unsettled condition of the country
to-day, and I ha still darker _prospect*
store for us, in the net distant f*"..aure.
Many of the factoriei, iron etc.,
throughout the country are closed for
want of business" and thousands of peo
ple who dep.:Ll44 on their labor la thaw
for a Hying, are thrown out of employ
ment, and will loon be askitig for
bread—
Of whom? Will the Congress that en
acted the "protection" laws, protect the
workingmen in their hour of need? We
doubt it. flow can it be expecebd, whet!
it has NEG4O6.IS to clothe and feed, a mil
itary despottsM over ten States of the
Union 0 maintain, and a vast horde of
hungry cormorants to fatten at the pub
lic crib I
Workingmei. of America—behold the
workings, and enjoy the blessings of
the "protective" policy of the Jacobin
party, and say vlsetber you aro ,reliiy
to give them a newleash of power.—
Jeektonian,(Pontiaeh Mick)
J. W. STINNNOON