w Sitacee Koy, £<, ~ @he Democratic i The Huse. Jtiseellaneons. Written for the Watchman. ] UNREQUITED LOVE. BY JOHN P. MITCHELL. In scenes of joy, in scenes of grief, I ever meet thine eye; The memories thy presence brings Will never, never, die. Upon my heart they ever beam, With magic in their glow; Ard ever whisper me of bliss My soul can never know. From Heaven’s light they take their glow, With Heaven's fires they burn ; And deep within their depths of blue Love’s mysteries I learn. But all in veir my love for thee, In vain my spirit’s sigh ; The voice of Fate hath bade my love In secret sadness, die, . - Another’s smile hath gained thy love Another’s heart hath won ‘I'he gem to which my spirit turns As planets to the sun. In music sweet I hear thy voice, In every zephyr's breath; But, tuned to whisper love to him, To me, it whispers—death! My harp is strung, by grim despair, To wail the dirge of hope ; For all is fled, and I am left, In darkness deep, to grope. Alas! that love should ever bring Such anguish to the heart ; Alas! that we, for loving well, Should see each hope i®part. Alas! that love can ever live Without a full return; Alas! that unrequited love In human hearts should burn. Alas! that Fate skould e’er allow True love, in vain, to sigh ; Alas! that in a hun:an heart The purest thought should die. Oh! if thy heart responsive beat, And gave back sigh for sigh, ’Twere pleasure, such as Heaven gives, To meet thy beauteous eye. The mem’ry of thy fair young face Would never bring me pain If half the love I bear for thee Were but returned again. But now, the deepest agony My heart can ever know Speaks, thro’ the gloomy shade which falls, In deep, but voiceless, woe. Oh! would that it were only true That Jove is but an art; A dream of bliss, a fleeting shade, To cheat the trusting heart. 1 then could hope, in future years, Some other bliss to find, . When time should wear this love away And bring me one more kind. Tis happiness that is a dream, And innocence a lie— The love which burneth in my soul, Will never, NEVER, die! I've heard that once the god of love With Death exchanged a dart; I would it were the fatal shaft Which quivered in zy heart. Full half the misery of earth, The pain, the death, the woe, - The endless tortures of the soul, From Cupid’s temple flow. His court-yard is a place of skulls, His palace built of bones ; _ His pools, the blood of human hearts, His musie, human groans, Deceit and flattery with him Are ever to be found ; And in a coach—the devil's gift, He driveth them arqund. His victims are the pure and good, Who fall an easy prey, And, when they are securely bound, He steals their hopes away. Their groans are heard in every breeze, And yet, they say, that love Is given to humanity— A type of joys above. When, in the vales of Paradise, True love first had a name, Some purity it might have had Before the devil came ; But, when oid Satan tempted Eve, He taught her mystic arts, Which all her daughters since have used To ruin trusting hearts. But I defy the boasted power Of Satan, Love and all, With every kindred curse which came With father Adam’s fall Thine eye may beam upon my sight Until its glazed in death ; And I will curse the power of love With my last earthly breath. My harp hath wailed a mournful strain Its last note now iso’er; 1°11 twine itround with eypress leaves, And sweep its strings no more. Howarbp, Pa., Aug. 28, 1863. } Co. . NOT DEAD. Hurrah! hurrah! the sale is closed ! «She was not dead but sleeping.” Dear friends, our Liberty still lives, She was not dead, but sleeping, Oh, blessed news! spread through the land, Go forth like lighting leaping, ‘Wherever patriot hearts are sore, And patriot eyes are weeping ! And tell them Liberty still lives, She was not dead, but sleeping. SPEECH op’ JOHN H. ORVIS, Esq. Delivered at the Democratic Meeting, in Bellefonte, Pa., August 26th 1863. MR. PresmuNe AND FeLrow Crrrzens : In umes of great public excitement, when the very existence of the government, as well as the liberties of the people are in jeopardy, citizens should not 11 their politi- cal meetings, expect to be entertained with humgrous anecdotes or trifling witicisms at the expense of their political opponents. At all times, in fact, should the discussion of public questions, questions involving the happiness of millions of the present genera- tion, and of countless millions yet unborn, be conducted with the candor and temper- ance befitting the magnitude of the subject, and the importance of the interests involved, But especially at this time, we want no un- becoming levity, and no artificial excite- ment, The passions of the people are arous- ed, their feelings are excited, and their natural impulses and instincts are stired up to the highest possible degree, What we now need, are carefnl investigation, sober reason, and deliberate judgment. A fearful crisis is upon our country ; our duty as citizens, is to fully understand the exact na- ture of this crisis, and the proper means to be employed to meet it. For the last fifteen years, but more espe- cially since 1854, has there existed in the United States a fearful and bitter excite- ment on-the subject of negro slavery, This rapidly assumed the character of sectional- ism, until a majority of the Northern people were arrayed in antagonism to the whole population of the South. We have upon former occasions, traced the course of this agitation step by step, and demonstrated its natural and inevitable results to be disun- ion and civil war. We have shown that| those Northern fanatics who forced this agi” tation upon the country are justly responsi- ble for all the evils we are now suffering. We shall not at the present time, weary you with a repetition of the facts and arguments then predueed; hat will pass over all the causes, real and imaginary, ..s..cu uave pro- duced our present complications, in order to learn if possible, whether the proper course has been pursued by those, who for the time kerpirg and control. : Soon after the elections of 1860, the peo- ple of the Southern states, inaugurated the movement for taking those states out of the Union, and forming them into an inde- pendent government or cenfederacy, in pur- suance of their oft repeated declaration, thag they would not remain ia the old Union af- ter the people of the North should solemnly declare through the ballot box their determ- ination to make the anti-slavery views of the New England school of politics the control- ling ideas and principles of the federal gov- ernment. The right of one or more states to secede from the Union was generally denied by the people of the non-slave-holding states, though admitted and vigorously sup- ported by most of the leading men of the anti-slavery party. Horace Greely always maintained the right of secession till the commencement of the civil war, as is eyi- denced by the following extracts from the New York Tribune for November aud De- cember, 1860 and Feb. 1861: Nov. 9. “If the cotton states shall Dbe- come satisfied that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists never less. * * * Whenever a considerable sec- tion of our Union, shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall resist all coercive meas- ures designed to keep them ia. We hope never to live in a republic whereof one sec- tion is pinned to another by bayonets.” Nov. 26. ¢If the cotton states unitedly and earnestly wish to withdraw peacefully from the Union, we think they should and would be allowed to do so, Any attempt to compel them by force to remain, would be contrary to the principles enunciated in the immortal Declaration of Independence, contrary to the fundamental ideas on which human liberty is based,” Dec. 17. ““Ifit (the Declaration of Inde- pendence) justified the secession from the British Empire of three millions of colo- nists in 1776, we do not sce why 1t would not justify the secession of five millions of Southerners from the Union in 1861.” Feb. 23. «We have repeatedly said, and we once more insist, that the great princi- ple embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of American Independence, that governnients derive their just powess from the consent of of the governed, 1ssound and just ; and that if the slave states, the cotton states, or the Gulf states only, choose to form an independ ant[nation, they have a cleaismoral right to do so. * * * Whenever it shall be clear that the great body of the Southern people have become conclusively alienated fro the Un- ion, and anxious to escape from it, we will do our best to forward their views.” On the 4th of Dec. 1856, Benjamin F. Wade, mn the United States Senate, advo- cated the right of any portion of the people of a country, whenever their government fail- ed te protect their rights, to withdraw from such Government, and set up a new one Im its stead ; and made the revolutionary par- ty the sole judge of the character and con- duct of the old ‘government! The following extract will be found on page 25, vol 34, Con. Globe, 3rd Sess, 34th Con: «If they (the Southern people) do not feel interested in upholding this Union—if it really trenches on their rights—if it en- dangers their institutitions to such an ex- tent that they cannot feel secure under it— if their-interests are violently assailed by means of this Union, I am not oneof those who expect that they wiil long continue under it. I am not one those who would ask them to continue in “such a {n- ion. 1t would be doing violence to the plat- form of the party to which I belong. We have adopted the old declaration of inde- pendence, as the basis of our political move- ments, which declares that any people, when their government ceases to protect their rights, when it is so subverted from the true purposes of government as to oppress them, have the right to recur to fundamental principles, and if ne:d be, to destroy the the government under which they lived, and to erect on its ruins another more condusive to their welfare. I hold that they have this right. I will nct blame any people for exercising it, whenever T#ny mmnk the con- tingency has come.” As early as Jan. 12, 1848, Abraham Lin- coln asserted thc seme doc‘rine in & more genersl and woliciited manner. In a speech in the House of Representatives (page 94 Vol. 19, App. Con. Globes, 1, Sess. 30. Con. Leuvs:sthe following remarkable and sweeping language : ‘Any people, any where, bsing inclined, and having the power, have the right to rise up and shake oft the existing* government, and form a new oue that cuits them better. This 15 a moct valuable, a most Sacred right—a right which we hope and believe is to liberate the world. Nor is this right con- fined to cases in which the whole people of an existing government may choose to exer- cise it. Any portion of such people that can, may revolutionize, and make their own, so much of the territory as they in- habit. More than this, a majority of any portion of such people may revolutionize, putting down a minority intermingled with or near about them. who may oppose their movements.” . We have selested the above from a mass of similar productions, because the authors were the representative men of their party, gave it character, and claimed the right to speak for it. - Notwithstanding this was the position of nearly all the leading anti-slavery agitators, yct the n asses of the Northern people did not recognize the right of the Southern States to secede, and consequently few, if any, complained of the President for refusing to recognize theirindependence, In justize to Lincoln, it must be admitted that the government was placed in an em- ergency, at the ime of his nauguration had found if." "LIVEHMNg SiR IHiAkiRY passed ordinances of secession, and claimed to be independent of the Federal govern- ment. That a man, almost entirely inex- when called upon to discharge the responsi- ble duties of Chief Executive magistrate at such a crisis, commit some serious errors, was naturally to be expected. Under the circumstances, the people would have been inclied to pardon those minor faults and errors, which are generally used as weapons to assail an admimstration and its - party, bad Lincoln been willing to pursue a mag- nanimons and pririotic policy, —such a pol- icy as all statesman had agreed could alone save the country, : The new President, for a ume, apparent- ly hesitated as to the policy he would pur- sue. We say apparent’y hesitated, for many believe that from the beginning he and his party determined to use no means or egency but military force, to meet the difficulties ; and that his, non-commital course in his inagural address, and for some weeks thereafter, was intended only to luil the fears of the Northern people and lead them gradually into a war, from which they would have started back in horror, had it been openly announced from (he first. There were three and only three courses of action, which could have been pursued by the new administration : 1st, Compromise; 20d, Recognition of the independence of the States ;'and 3rd, War and subjugation. No one complained because Mr. Lincoln did not. choose the second of these, although many of the ablest men of the North believed that even that course would have been far prefer- able to the one he did select. Indeed, eve- ry patriot, every christian,every right-think- ing man and woman, then believed, and must ever believe, that in a country like ours, a civil war of such immense magnitude and inevitably attended by such incalculable sacrifices of men and means, snd Ly innum- erable acts of eruelty, outrage and barbar- ism, would be the sreatost curse that could possibly afflict a peeple, not even e:tcenting territe.izl dismemberment. The great and lamented Douglas, who al- though always an’ uacompromising oppe- nent, of the anti-slavery fanaticism which was the giound worl: of the Republican party, cannot justly be accused of any ea- mity towards the administration of Mr. Lin- coln, nur of any undue favoritism to ti.e peo- ple of the South, in the last oficial act of his life, the speech delivered by hun in the Senate, March, 15th 1863, stated so clearly the different propositions from which the administration had to select; and ‘heir re. lative meri(s, thatwe Lere quote his remarks upon this point : «I repeat it is time that the line of policy was adopted and the country knew it. In my opinion we must choose, and that promptly, between one of three lines of pol- icy. ys The restoration and preservation of the Union, by such amendments to the con- stitution, as will insure the domestic tran- quility, safety and equality of all the states, and thus restore peace, unity and fraternity to the whole country. 2. A peaceful disolution of the Union, by recognizing tke independence of such States as refuse to remain in the Union, without such constitutional amendments, and the establishment of a liberal system of com- mercial and social intercourse with them by treaties of commerce and amity. 3. War, witha view to the subjugation and military occupation of those States which have seceded, or may secede from the Un- ion. dn my opinion the first proposition is the best, and the last is the worst.” After proceeding to show Low a compre- mise could be made, which would be Just aud equitable to both North and South, he says : “I repeat, whatever guarantees will sat. isfy Maryland and the border States [the Olates now in the Union] will create. a Union party in the seceded States which will bring them back by the voluntary uc- tion of their own people, You can restore and preserve the Union in that mode. You can do it an no other. Waris disunion. — War us final, eternal separation. Hence, dis- guise it as you may, every Union man in America must advocate such amendments to the Constitution, as will preserve peace and restore the Union, while every disunion- ist, whether openly or secretly plotting its destruction, is the advocate of peaceful secession, or of war as the surest means of rendering reunion and reconstruction im- possible | As the unconditional supportersof Lincoln's administration, who indorse all its acts and every feature of ils policy, are so fond of quoting sayings reported to have been ut- tered by Douglas on his sick bed, they ought to-have given respectful consideration and earnest heed to the arguments and warnings contained in this last great effort of tthe Giant of the West.’ But Douglas was not the only one of our great statesmen who held the same doctrines and uttered the same warnmgs. Gen. Jackson whose name 15alsoinvoked by the subjugationists, as hav- Ing set the example of coercion in 1833, af- ter all bis experience with nullification, and after more than four years, aditional ex- perience, observation and reffection, came to the same conclusion which Douglas reached namely . that concilliation and compromise, and not military power, were the only means by which our government could be perpetuated. In his Farewell Address he says: ‘But the Constitution cannot be main- tained, nor the Union preserved, in opposi- tion to pulhe feeling, by the mere exv1tion of the coercive powers confided to the gen- eral anvernment. The fanndation. mua he security 1t gives to life, liberty, character and property, in every quarter of the coun 4'y ; and in the fraternal attachments which the citizens of the several States’ bear to being, had the national destinies in their |, jon00d in the affairs of the nation, should, | one another, as members of jone political family, mutually contributing to promote the happiness of each other.” We are not however compelled to relysalore upon the teachings of the great dead of our own party,in support of this proposition, how ever high our opponents may pret:nd to esteem their memories ; although this we might safely do ; for notwithstanding the men opposed to us politically, do now as they ever have dene, villify and abuse in outrageous terms, every living democrat yet they are ever willing to do full justice and honor to them, when they are number- ed with the “mighty dead.” TUgon this one point threre never was any conflict of opin- 10n, until within (he last three years. Al- exander Hamilton, in a speech delivered * in the New York convention, on the 20th of June, 1788, States the same doctrine in the following strong and nervous language. It has been observed, to coerce the States is one of the mudest projects ever devised. A failure of compliance will never be con- fined to a single State. This being the case, can we suppose it wise ‘to hazard a civil war, Suppose Massachusetts, or any large Stata should refuse, and Con- gress” should attempt to compel them, weuld they not have influence to procure assis- tance, especially from those States which are in the same situation as themselves ? What picture does this idea present to our view ? A complying State at war with a non-complying State ; Congress marching the troops of cue State, into the bosom of another ; this State collecting auxiliaries, and forming perhaps, a majority against its federal head. Here is a nation at war with itself. Can any resonable man be well disposed towarde a government which makes war and carnage the only means of support- ng itself—a government which can only exist by the sword ? Every such war must involve the innocent with the guilty. This single consideration should be sufficient to dispose every peaceable citizen against such a government,” When we remember that Gen. Hamilton was ous of the most ardent, active, and efii cient supporters of the present Constitution: that he possessd the unlimited confidence of | the “Fataer of his country ;” aud moreover was the strenuous advocate of a strong, centralized government, and persistently op- posed to the end of his life, the doctrine of State rights as advoented by Jefferson, Mad- ison and other great leadars of the demo- cratic party, his testimony ought to have no incousiderable influence with our pohti- cal enemies. We could add to all this, the opinions of all, or nearly all of taeir own representatives men, but shall content our- selves with one or two quotations, Ben- jamin F. Wade, in the speech before refered to, says i “You cannot forcibly hold men in this Union, for the attempt to do so, it seems to me, would subvert the first principles of the government under which we live.”” W. H. Seward in the last important speech delivered by him in the United States Senate, stated that it was aseless to go to war, for the pending question could not be settled in that way ; but would have to be settled by compromise, even at the elose of later, when he became Secretary of State, in a dispatch to our Minister to England, he declared that & war upon the seceded States would be in violation of ‘the fanda- mental principles upon which cur govern- ment was founded. That the American Republic had not ita foundations laid upon military power, but upon the enlightened consent of the people, and that 1t must be maintained and perpetuated, if at all, by a strict adherance to the principles upon which it was based. Without one dissefiting voice from any great American statesman, of whatever party, as to the only means by which the federal republic could be maintained; with all the great lessons of history, corrobora- ting these great men; with the experience of other governments in cases of rebel- lions and revolutions, such as the American Colonies, Ireland, Vendee, Greece, Poland, and Circassia, proving the same thing; how could Mr. Lincoln have blundered as he did, in his choice of means for effecting his ostensible purpose, the maintenance of the Union ? It can only be accounted for upon the supposition that those who influenced hin and controled his policy, were infatua- ted with the Abolition dogmas of their party and self-deceived as to tie powers of endur- ence and resources of the Southern people. Charity asks us to believe that it was a mistake, a terrible blunder, though wany are of the opinion that Lincoln deliberate- ly chose Lhe course he took, because he be- lieved with Douglas, that war was disurion final, eternal separation. It cannot besaid in extenuation of Lincoln's choice, that he had no alternative but waror recognition —that Congress having rejected the Crittenden Resolutions, there was no compromise which would satisfy the South that could be made. Future genera- tions will not so read the history of those few terrible months. ILineoln’s friends alone were responsible for the defeat of the Crittenden proposition. This fact is fully established by tne records of the last ses- sion of the 36th Cungress, besides the testi- mony of Douglas, Pugh, and other Norihern men who supported these resolutions. One word from Lincoln before, or at the time of his inauguration, would have changed the position of the republican party upon that anestion Haq ha haldle neanlaiypiad. that the more than twenty five thousand offices within his gift, until some proper and jnst compromise was agreed upon, by which the stability and harmony of the Union could be maintained, and at once called an extia session of Congress for that purpose, fuch a popular pressure would have teen brought to bear upon the Republican Senators and members, that one week would not have elapsed after the assembling of Congress before the Crittenden Resolutions or some similar proposition would have been adopt- ed by the requisite majority. of two-thirds of cach house ; and all the horrors and suf- ferings which this nation has endure! and witnessed for the last thirty months been averted ; whiie Lincoln's friends could then have justly claimed for him the title of the «Second Washington”. Two fatal delusions seem to have taken possession of the clouded brain of the inex- perienced President. He appeared satisfied in the first place, that nothing was going wrong, there was no danger ahead, no ensis was upon the country—every thing was peaceful, prosperous and promising. In the second place, whateever the future might have in store, he had unbounded confidence that the party which elected a President was abundantly able to take care of him.— Therefore, contented, and jovial when every one else was fearful and desponding, he did not decm it necessary to distinctly d e- clare his own policy but left the people to gather it from mystified propositions, and loose and obscure questions, while at the same time, he left the country to drift into civil war, desolation and utter ruin. But one explanation can be given of all this.— Lincoln in common with his party hated the South, its people, and their iustitations.— Instead of recognizing Southerners as part of the great American people, for whose benefit in common with our own, this gov- ernment was established and ought to be administered, he looked upon them only as enemies, over whom it would be a pleasure to triumph. Believing them to be wesk and helpless, through utter ignorance of the ac'ual condition of that half of the repub- lic, he hailed with deli ht any act of folly or madness of theirs, which he supposed would place them in his power and at his mercy. Having thus distainfully rejected every means which Statesmen believed adequate to restore and preserve the Union, and ac. cepted the worst possible remedy for exis- ting political tronbles. [if remedy it was at all] the people had a right ts require this remedy to be used in the most affective manner, They had a right to demand tkat the war, being the only agency Lincoln would conseut to use for the restoration of the Un- jon, should be so conducted as to gain the greatest possible number of the Southern people over to the Union side of the contest. Every effort should have been made to pre- serve the friendship and alliance of that por- tion of the South, which had not yet been committed to secession. Every motive and facility should have been offered to <¢hose who had taken that fearful step, to return a war of two or three years duration. Still and join forces with us, so that our num- bers would have been steadily increased, and our foes as steadily diminished. Every motive which controls human action st ould have been appealed to—reason, interest, passion, and prejudice, should all have been made auxilaries to our er mies, The victories won by these allies, through bloodless, would have been far more noble and honorable, and far more en- during in their consequences, than the most brilliant and bloody victories of the battle field. That portion of our enemies whom our policy drew over to our side of the con- flict, swould have required no exchange nor parol, but have been the most efficient and successful supporters of our cause. No portion of the South thus conquered, would require garisons or standing armies to protect it, bui on the contrary, become a powerful weapon in our own hands to prosecute the struggle in a similar spirit against the balance of the South. But no! Lincoln would listen to nothing of this kind, A revolutionary movement, growing out of deeply seated and long continued prejudices, passions and prin- ciples, participated in by five millions of the white inhabitants of a republic, assisted by the physical labor of three millions of negro slaves, must be treated as an ordinary riot of acity mob, and suppressed by officers with the posse conutatus! He would tolerate no flags of truce, no exchange of prisoners. no recognition of the official character of those commanding the oposing force, for this would be: a semi-offical recognition of the insurg- ents as betligerents and their. organization as a government de fucto ! Not ene word of concilliation could be uttered, for th: fanatics and fools had declared that no ‘compromises should be mad: wth traitors with arms in their hands.” Baron Macaulay, the most philosophic of English historians, animadverts with becoming se- verity, upon this spirit pervading the brain of short sighted and narrow minded in the following caustic language. “ We know of no great revolution which might not have been prevented by compro- wise early aud graciously made. = Firmness is a great virtue in public affairs, but it hs its proper sphere. Conspiracies and insur- rections in which small minorities are en- gaged, tke outbreakings of popular violence, unconnected with any extensive project or enduring principle, are hest repressed by vigor and decission. To shrink from them is to avalia dpa, fered LY, Tit one, tote the focal irritation. ~No wise raler will reat the deeply seated discontents of a great party, as he treats the conduct of a mob which destroys mills and power-looms. The neglect of this distinction has been fatal even to governments strong in power of the sword. * * * Jp all movements of the human mind, which tend to great revolutions, there is a erisis at which moderate concessions may amend, coneiliate and preserve.” If fate has decreed that this government is never more to resume its proud position among the nations of the earth ; ttheglorious old Union of our fathers is never to be re- stored to its former grandeur; if this peo ple may never again enjoy the peace, pros- perity and harmony of by-gone years, but on the contrary be ever subject to the civi! commotions, revolutions, counter-revolu- tions and anarchy which have cursed other lands, with what terrible emphasis will some future historian of America apply this lan- guage to President Lincoln and bis advisers. An entire misconception of the character and magnitude of the revolutionary move- ment inaugurated in the South ; the selection of the worst possible means for meeting and counteracting it ; and a willingness to take counsel of the worst prejudices and most malignant passions of the human heart, in- stead of being guided by a serene and cle vated philosophy; we conceive to be the first great mustake "of Lincoln’ Administra. tion. . By the election of Lircoln, and the s2ces- sion of the Cotton States, the Republicen party obtamed full control of the Federal Government. Republicans alonecould com- promise with, they alone could make con- cessions to, the South. Democrats were powerless to act in the premises. We gave the moral weight of our party influence in fa- vor of compromise. We openly declared for conciliation, and proclaimed our want of confidence in the bloody and barbarous doc- trines of coersion and sul jugation. But all our efforts to prescrve peace were scornfully ri jected, and the collivion came. We saw that force, physical force. atid that alone wou'd Lincoln consent to use agairst the South.” No choice was left to us, but to as- sist mn the use of that forse, or refuse to do anything at the moment of our country’s most imminent peril, Patriotism and par- ty principles, alike required one course, We could not follow the pernicious example sct by our political opponerts in other wars. As we could not preven: the war, we must if possible make it successful. We deter- mined that the new President should have a full and fair opportunity of trying his ex perument untrammelled by faction or party opposition. We conceded to him the entire resources of the North. When in April, 1861 he called for seventy-five thousand men, they were furnished in less than a week. and thousands morc were offered. When three months later he asked for five hundred t housand, they came faster than he could arm and equip them. When in 1862 he de- sired still six hundred thousand more, he ob- tained them all, unless it might be a few thousand from the intensely abolition states of the East. He has required untold sums of money and it bas all been furnished, rulers History will record the fact, that the demo- cratic states of New Jersey. Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois, have not been behind any of their sister states in responding to the various calls of the President for men and money. The most malicious dare not deny that democrats have done their full share in furrishing the means for carrying on the war from its begining. All this a sense of duty constramed us to do. But knowing the fearful, tatal consequences of entrusting such vast military power to men, if that power should be misused or abused, we would have been reereant to our duty ag freemen. we would have been forgetful of our obligations as citizens, we would have been false to cur trusts as sentinels on the watch towers of liberty, had we failed to watch with jealous anxicty the manner in which this immense power was applied, and the purposes for which this almost countless army was used. When the President gradually changed his policy from the originally declared pur- rose of eanducting the war for the restora- tion of the Union, the supremacy of the Constitutation and the enforcement of tho laws, to a crusade against the long estab- lished inst tutiens and constitutional rights of States; when we caw all those great principles of personal liberty for which our Saxon ancestors struzgled in the field and senate for six centuries to establish, one by one, assatled upon the thread-bare plea of t, - rants, ‘public necessity ;’ when we hear | that portion of the Northern people wh.» differed in political sentiment from the a '- ministration, threatened by men high in the camp and cabinet, with extermination, as soon as tue sriny could be spared for that porpose from battling with its southern foe ; when we saw s ates refused readmission ii - to the Union uw less their inhabitants would aboli-h ins itutions believed by them to highly useful and necessary ; when leading mer, men standing Ligh in the confidence of the President, declared that the old Union should not be restored under the Cunstitu- tion as it is; when we saw systematic ef- forts made by the adherens of the feder- al administration, to inculcate and enforce the monarehical dogmas of ‘passive obeci- ence” and ‘‘wunconditional loyalty ;* when we saw the President willing and ready to sacrifice every principle of public liberty, every feature of ane nrocant Consti- dds damental 1deq, upon which lusive fantom of territorial unity, we natur- ally took the alarm, and refused further to follow whither the President was leading. Then for the first time we hesitated about complying with every demand made upon us by an administration which repudiated the Constitution and trampled up every one of our individual rights. . Vast territorial extent is undoubtedly a great destderat:m with every nation. There- fore our party favored the acquisition of Louisiana, Florida, Texas, California, and everv other addition which has been made to our area during our governmental exist- ence. The great and paramount reason in support of such acquisitions, was, that by this means we were extending the principles of free government over countries previously the theater of despotic rule, or anarchical confusion. It was not merely for the pur- pose of laying the foundations of a mighty empire ; it was uot as the means of building up a ccllossal despotism, whose ponderous wheels would crush to atoms the liberties of the people more certainly than are the devo- tees of Krishna crashed under the wheels of Juggernaut, that we made these several ac- quisitions. Every motive that ean opera'e on the ha- man mind, every consideration that can in- fluence human conduct; appeals to the dem- ocracy of Peansylvama to favor the restora- tion of the old Union, the re-esiablishmens of the old government, over every one of the thirty-four States, We are determined that this great end shall be accomplished if pos- sible. We are willing to sacrifice our own convenence, we are willmg to give any amount of money. we are willing to sacri- fice any n' mber of lives, if we can be assur- | ed that such sacrifi'es will restore the States to their former relations of Union, friendship and concord. We are anxious and determised to maintain the principles of the Constitution in all of the Swtes if that can be accomplished : but we are deterniin- ed to maijatain them in Pennsylvania atall hazzards, We are willing to sacrifice every thing for the sake of Union, but our own liberties ; these with the help of God, we will surrender upon no pretext whateeer. — These liberties we new believe to be in dauger. The fundamen‘al principles of re- publican go: e nm nt are put in Jeopardy, by the course of the federal Administration. The great question is not over how many square milrs can any kind of go crument be maintained in America ; not how many millon acres of ‘forest p:sture and ara- ble” can be cluded within the boundar- ics of one government, wh thor free or despotic ; but can those great principles of free government recognized and establ shed by our fathers, be maintained at all or ni t2 In failing to appreciate the true nations of the crisis which is now upon the country, in failing to understand the real question at issue and fb use the proper means for obtaining the desire . solution of it, Presi- dent Lincoln is committing another mistake equally as fatal as his first, Having as far as time will permit, examin. cd these national questions, let us sec how