@he Huse.
[For the Louisvile Journa'.]
THE PARTING.
BY AG
S LEONARD,
I've said a thousand times my heart,
With all ii2 woe, might love no more —
That Memory ne'er from life could pat.
Nor Love
Yotnov I koow the ashes gray
But waited ere thoy sprung to uns
Until thy hand should tune my heart
To breathe forever thy dear name.
ser haunt my soni’s dark shore,
Yes. now I know the years that flad
And left nty heart a lonsly thir
But vanizhod that, from ashes ol
A fairer bloom mizsht spring.
If I might tell thee all I feel,
And paint the rainbows in my heart,
Then thou would’ t kaow for woe or
I still am thine whers ere thou art?
£
weal
If T might pluck the fadeless bloom
That blossoms in my life for thee,
To light thy eavth lify's woary gloom
I'd do it though t'were death tw me.
If all the joys Uve tosi or known,
Lt ali tho bliss I've opel sigur Be,
Ii all the madduning rapture flown
Were mine. I'D GIVE THEM ALL To THEE!
If rose crowned earth and star gemmed sky,
Their rarest treasures gave to me
4ud joy won'd come if I should die, —
I'd them all and life to thee
And quail the
To Jet th i
iz memories there
dapart
an wave,
yie—alone
lden grave.”
v 3381 ush
it locks my shaded hreagt—
! no 8.0:m2 may cruzh,
i flower that breatues of peace and rest.
#3 bloom
1 creep,
3 that shed a transi
heautifn
oh, the smiles of fate have flown,
And I mnst say ** Farewell” to thee
Musi husii-iny wrung heart's pleadin
Par,
5
sind tu
to misery!
T'o memor) sheand day
Fabs cold and ceuseless on my heart,
away,
thou art ?
Across this pardng's bitter pain.
JA meteor o'er my life's dark sky,
$ Blossom i 1
Will be the u
The mem
ipped (ice.
3 done,
SHisecllancons.
ANTIWAR EPEECH
oF
IOX. TIO 11. SEYMOUR,
Semocratic Candid ote Jor Guoernri of, Cun
necticut at the City Halt. Hart)
Tuesday Eceame, Feo, With, 18
&
!
Ma. Ciarryax axp Frerrow-Crrzens
f thank you for this Kind reception, and
chearfally respond to your eall for remarks
{rom
The time has come when we
K out and plainly dis
should all of us speak
cuss the guestions which these unhappy
Neglect to do
1 do
not mean to incur the penal'y of any such
regret if 1 can help it. and therefore, pur-
pose speaking at your meetings whenever it
may be preper to do so. I helicve we have
in public aflairs when the
boldest Linguage will prove the best for the
occasion and best for our country. We have
got to deal with principalities and powers
which need to be rebuked—and we have got
to deal with men in power who should be
told that there is a point beyond which for-
bearance ceases to be a virtue. For the last
eighteen months the pe ple of the free
States, so called, have sufiered abuse at the
hands of their rulers, 1t has now come the
turn of the people to be heard. It has come
their turn, not to render evil for evil, but to
vindicate their rights under the Consti ution,
and by so doing overwhe!m the men in au-
thority who would abrogate those rights.—
That is their mission, and it is a mission
which 1 expeev to sce successfally accom-
plished.
You have come together. gentlemen, un-
der somewhat better auspices than you have
had to brast of in a long time. You have
days have given biith to.
this way bea suree of fature regret.
reached a crisis
to-day the restoration of that freedom of
speech which was denied to you a year ago.
q
elections.
And this privilege is not only to
be restored to you, but it canuot be taken
I wonld make oath to that.—
Henceforth, my countrymen, never let or-
away again.
ders from headquartess,come in what shape
they may—never let such orders prevent
3 ful-
5 of | orable to the ability and patriotisin of thea war for the Constitution and the Union. —
{1 deny that it has been a war for either,--
om acserting'your right to discus
7, 23 you please. the af
government. Fever!
u | cussed on this occasion, i time
is is due, in a great measure, to the late
Auother thing: 1
had hoped the day of illegal arcests was
over, But the rccent exhibition of the
nailed hand, at the aty of Philadelphia,
proves that the will is not so wanting to re
store the reign of terror. That exhibition
of despotic power should be the last. Or,
if theday of illegal arrests should come
\gain with its bolts and bars and shackles
for freemen, let freemen solemrely protest
against such high-handed measures, and
take their protests to the ballot-boxes. And
if the ballot should fail to correct such enor-
witi s and preserve their liberties, then they
may be driven to lok for some other rem-
edy.
Gentlemen, the bitter experiences of the
past year have solved a new problem in our
institutions. They have proved that the
most dangerous of all experiments, under a
form of government like ours, is that which
aims (0 stifle the voice of a free people. —
Such an (xperiment may be successful fora
while, but it can’t Inst.
their free thoughts, th y are driven to re
flect more deeply than befne on the value
of their liberties.
Forbidlen to speak
Their rights under the
and
again; the audacious insolence of the bad
Constitution ara studied over over
men in power, who would deprive them of
those rights, is sternly set before their eyes;
the heroic example of their Revolationary
Fathers comes up befor: them; admonishing
them that the price of liberty ig eternal vig-
ilince and al at once the storm bursts
forth, the soul asserts its independence, and
the wronged, abused, insulted citizen is free
azain, and pow: rful to assert, maintain and
| defend his rights against the powers that be
though backed by-a million of bayonets, —
Such is the problem which has just now been
i solved in our very midst, and such the les
son which it finnishes to present and future
{ be rightfully coerced by force of arms. —
BELLEFONTE,
they could to save the Union, The part
that Virginia took in those preceedings was
a purely national one, as everybody could
see. Though smarting from the effects of
the John Brown raid, she, nevertheless,
showed herself anxious to keep the peace,
whatever might be said of others. But in
vain. The Conference broke up without
having accomplished anything; it was a
failure. .
And who, let me ask, are responsible for
hat failure 2 Who prevented the confer-
ence from adopting the measures which were
The
rame class of men who defeated the Critten-
don bill. They defeatad the peace proposi-
tion of the conference. Unfortunately for
the country the delegates from the Free
States appear to have been selected by Re-
publican Governors on account of their
krown hatred of these men to compromises
of all kirds. Those who were sent from
this State voted, with one exception
against the peace measures of the confer-
ence. That assembly, which for a bricf pe-
riod had given us some hopes of preserving
the Union, broke up in despair —and the
brink of destruction seemed reached at last.
Another failvre to restore harmony, and the
ruin would be complete. Tt seemed to be
pre-determined that there should be atother
failure any way, and the gulf of perlition
reached at last. Bat before I come to the
last and worse phase of this question, a sin-
gle word as to certain conservative opinions
which began to prevail after the Administra-
tion went into power.
Shortly alter Mr. LinccIn was sworn into
office the question began to be seriously de-
buted as to whether a sovereign Sate could
needed to prevent a fratricidal war ?
[ am not going into the discussion of it at
generations, Refl ction on the in‘quitous
proceedings of the government which sup-
pressed fice speech and a free press, and
sought to punish ame for sazgesting peace
1 f] measures as a neans of saving the Un
{i mn which we all had so mae at heart - the
f result of their meditation on these thing
| is a clear, convincing. unanswerable, power |
| ful ad pafeedy erushing argament against }
{ the present Administration.
There are many things that might be d's
would per-
| As you have cilled me out, gentle
| men, let me netice some few of them which
| 80 to strengthen the argament to which 1
|
|
{
i
|
|
| mit.
have jast retired, You all know how of. |
i . . + . . 1
ten it is remarked ~this war might have |
: |
{ have been prevented —and the reasons usual-|
Let ui look into |
(17 given for such a remark.
| this vi ! may do so without tir-
¢ how the cae stands. i be-
of Saath
waediately followed
ing you,
1gin with the SHIN Carolina
When this occurred, 14 became a seri
Yuu ht
j
an army and navy ia your hinls, which
her,
lous water for the entire country,
|
{
and (we Sates which
|
1
some supp s:d shonld be launch] at once |
More considera ¢ men!
it They |
chose to treat the act of disunion as a poiie_|
|
ust the South,
ted on taking a diffi rent course.
al rather than a military one—and dea]
[with it accordingly. Of this number
"Mr. Crittend:n, of K
i nons for saving the
was |
: |
entucky, whose resolu
Unton preventing
bloodshed ure farsibar to you all.
and
These
resolutions were weceptanle to our consery-
they had
been aaupted. as they shou'd have been ad.
ative clilzins generally, and if
op’ed, as they might have been, there wou'd |
(have been no war- the States wou'd have
been united, and we should have gore on |
again in a
reer of peace and prosperiy
[and happiness. The assertion of che Nor-
thern opponcats of these resolutions, that
“the South would not accep of thar, is dis-!
proved by Gov. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, in|
Ie has!
men in
Congress, at that time, whose names are
[most obnoxio is to the North. were willing
"to acaept of the compromise as a finality. —
I 'Lhey did. indeed, claim that they were en-!
[titled to something better; they Lelieved |
they were entitled to the benefit of the de-
i cision of the Supren ce Court in the Dreg
| Scott case, giving them an equal share in
| the territories. Nevertheless, for the sake
of Peace, they would accept of the Critten-
den bill, with the understanding that it
!should be a final adjustment of the difficul-
his able letter on this subject.
shown us that the leading Southern
was the state of the case when the bill came
to a vote in Congress. Itis scarcely necces-
sary to ask who defeated the bill? The
Republicans went against it in a solid pha-
lanx, and it was killed. They had it m their
power to pass the bill, but they would not;
they defeated it, and by so doing took on
themselves the consegn neces which might |
follow such a defeat. S me of them may
have hesitated in the course they were tak-
ing on that occasion ; but pressed on by ul-
tras, who required ¢¢ blood letting,” the!
« peace measures’’ were thrown overboard,
and our country swept along toward the
brink of ruin.
But there is yet another chance to save
the Union.
Jnion and preventing bloodshed, whs the
¢ Peace Uonference” of March, 1861. That
body came together some time carly in
March; it was composed of representatives
from the border States, and from the Mid:
dle, Western and Northern States, The pro-
ceeding ot this Conference were highly hon-
Border State delegates. They did what
! no one more ably than by your worthy fel-
I strument voled down every proposition of
"in power at Washington, with the at solute
ties between: the slave and free States. Such P¢« Put not your faith in Princes.”
Let us see how that was thrown
. . «
away also. The next chance for saving this
the present time. I only wish to remind
you that such a question was raised and
that the negative of it was. ably sustained
by men of great worth and ability —and by
low-citizen, Mr. Eaton. It wae proved be-
yond controversy, that the founders of the
Jonstitation never provided, nor intended
to provide, for any such military schemes
as are now on foot for the conquest of the
Southern States. On the contrary
it was shown that the founders ot that in-
Never!
the sort. All this was proved and more
than 1 need vouble you with at ths time.
Now what 1 mean (0 say is this, before 1
come to another matter— that these undeni-
able proofs ef the true in‘ent and meaning
of the Constitution on the subject of cocr-
cion, or force, ought to Lave impressed men
necessity for using great forbearance in their
dealings with the Secseded States.
while these consideratigns may have bad
me weight with them- butthey were soon
to give way for others.
For a
This biingsme to speak of ove chanet|
nore, which, if it had been nightfully im
proved, might have averted the horrors of |
war. We shail see bow that was thrown
away also and the Uni u dashed on the rocks
It so happened that the whole question of
This denial you will find sustained by al-
most every leading act of the Administra-
tion since the first blow was struck. From
the moment troops were first ordered to
Washington, in April, 1861 the Constitu-
tion has scarcely been regarded at all by the
men 1n power Some of their most zealous
supporters more than half admit this. But,
say they, the South having broken the Con-
stitution, we are no lorger bound by ir. —
This confession, if it amounts to anything
at all, is a virtual impeachment of the Pres-
ideat, who has taken an oath to support,
maintain and defend the Constitution of the
Uuited States. Nothing h~s occurred. that
I know of, since he took the oath, to release
him from its solemn obligations. I repeat it
this has not been a war for the Constitution
and the Union, but one fearfully destructive
of both. Louk for a moment at the numer-
ous violations of the Constitution, to which
and tell me how much of that instrument
is left, or how much nearer are we to resto-
ring the Union than the day the battle cry
first went forth ? Is it strange that the
people of the South should hesitate about
returning to a Government which is contin-
ually striking dowu the dearest righis of the
citizen 2 The moment the war power be-
gan to make itself felt, State rights were
set at neught. We had a daring illustration
of this carly in the contest, when the Fede-
ral authorities directed the seizure of tele-
graphic dispatches —an order which ought
to have been resisted by an appeal to the
courts. But this is nothirg to what follow-
ed, Next we had arbitr ry arrests, the
search of houses and seizare of private pa-
pers. without the authority of law : then
came the suspension of the habeas corpus ;
and lastly, martial law, which is no law at
all, but the will of some despot, was extend-
ed over a people remote from the theatre of
war. And as if these things were no‘ enough
to break down a free people, a bill is intros
duced into Congress, which threatens to
‘take from them what little is left of their
liberties. 1 refer to the Senate's military
bill, for the organization of the malitin—a
bill which if it should become a law, would
annihilate State Sovereignty, and place our
citizens at the feet of Executive power. If,
follow citizens, the spirit of your patriotic
fathers yet burns in your bosoms, your in-
diguant remonstrance against these things
should be loudly proclaimed.
1 shinuld be glad to say something of the
arbitrary arrests, of the imprisenment of un-
offending citizens in American Bastiles, a
dark chapter m the history of this afflicted
country ; but what I weald say of these
outrages must be reserved for a future occa-
ston. They wers borne in silence a long
while, and the wonder is that they were
borne as long us they were. It scemed for
a while as if the people were dead, almosts
to a sense of ther rights and 'iberties, and
inca able of asserting cither. Bat they were
[aroused at last,
Bat, sir, we might have gone on in this
way, regardless of the true condition of
things, but for another act of supreme folly
or someting ‘worse, ‘The people lay pros
pe
we have all been witnesses, in the past year, |
| they came amorgst us, their sons and daugh-
ters eame with them to be educated.
brought hither their genius to be kindled
| at our fires,” Ilere theirsyoung men marri-
|
led, anc with their northern wives returned
| to the plantations to spend the rest of their
days. And young men of the North went
South also, and married there and grew to
love, the good people of that country, who
took them by the hand, and helpid them
forward in the world. And let me tell you
sir, that to-day there is probably a million
south of the ¢ invidious line’ whose ances-
tors are buried in your giave-yards, or
whose grand-parents and brothers and sis-
ters sre residing at the North. And your
troops the kindred blood still trickling in their
veins, are to be male the unwilling instra-
ment. Is not this game of carrying into ef-
fect a proclamation of the most uncalled-for
Sir, T have no
languaze to characterize it as it deserves, —
Thank God New York has rebuked it ; Ohio
has rebuked it ; New Jersey and Pennsyl-
vania have rebuked it; Towa Wiscon-
I'sin have rebuked it: and in less than two
| months Connecticut will rebuke it m such
tones of thunder as shall be heard from
Maine to New Orleans,
Bat there ie one other topic [ would no-
tice befcre quitting this subject. These
despotic acts of which I have spoken, and
especially the last one, are justified on the
ground of ¢ State necessiy.” The doc-
trine of S ate necessiiy was admirably ex-
posed and torn to pieces vears ago by the
eloquent Senator from New Hampshire, and
true patriot, the Hon. Franklin Pierce. since
President of the United States. [ regret
that [ have not his speech by me, that]
might give you an extract from it, which
would be more to the purpose than any-
thing I can say.
This plea of S-ate necessity, which is
sometimes called the ** tyrants plea,” has
no business in the atfiirs of freemen. Cer-
tainly, it is a plea which never should be
tolerated under a constitutional for of gov-
entment. Where there is a written consti-
tution, we must abide by that, or go staight
to a despotism. The wan, therefore, in
goverument affairs, who sets up such a plea
as the one named, as an excuse for acts not
sanctioned by law, violates his oath of of-
fice ; and though he may have been wisled
by bad adviscrs, cannot escape the con-
sequences of such an act,
I pass over the numerous infractions of
the constitution, some of which I referred to
only a few moments since, and take what, in
some respects is the worst of al!) the Proe-
lamation of Emancipation, and ask you to
look at this as it is. [It presents us the mil
i'ary necessity of the case. Sir, it was pre-
cisely this kind of military necessity which
dictated the employment of the *¢ merciless
wrongs" to butcher your forefathers, This
was justified by Lord Suffolk, in the British
| Parlinment on the ground that the govern-
"ment should employ all the that
i+ God ant nature’ had put in its hands for
{ suppressmig the wicked rebellion. The m.
| dignant reply of Lord Chatham is familiar to
{ « What idens,” 5 id the
and barbarous character!
and
means
every school boy.
or war was destined to turn on ouc | trate in the dust, huggmg the chains that | *¢ great commoner.” «¢ the noble Lord may
a: sii .
point-—and that a fort in Charleston harbor. | bound them, cheated into the belief that this | have of God ard nature, [ know not, but
By a concurrence of circumstances, Fort |
| Sumpter became the point upon which the |
But, |
in com: arison with the wor h of the Union,
and the direful evils which might follow a
serions co lision in that quarter, the for
was of little conscquence to anybody. A]
coliision Letween the Suate and Federal
troops, should, if possible, have been avoid-
ed. All that was wanted was to gain time
for reason to have its twin. The Govern-
ment might go on with its blockade, but it
should do nothing to provoke the shedding
of blood. Now it was seen, and plainly
seen, that sny attempt to reinforce Fort
Sumpter would prove, the very crisis
which some of the best men in the country
wished to avoid, And this was not only
seen, but the Federal authorities at the Cap-
ital gave their pledge to Justice Campbell,
of the Supreme Court of the United States,
that no cuch attempt should be made to re-
inforce Fort Sumpter ! In proof of this I
refer you to the Judge's letter published in
the Journal of Commerce and other papers
some two months after the war broke out.
The
pledge 1 have just referred to had scarcely
been made when measures were actually
taken by the Federal authorities for doing
what seemed to be the’ very thing which
the Government had agreed not to do. A
government flotilla was sent to Charleston
harbor, somewhere between the 10th and
15th of April, 18¢€1--and sent there for
what 7 It was sent there to accomplish
a certain purpose—and that purpose was
to draw the fire of Fort Moultrie, in occupa-
tion of Southern troops, in order that the
Federal authorities and the mén who were
urging them to “blood letting,”’ might have
the overt act they required to justify a dee-
laration of war against the South. Their
plan succeeded and we were pushed over
the brink of suin, and plunged into the very
vortex of horribly Cestructive, awful and ru-
inous civil war the end of which no man can
tell.
Having done with occurrences which pre
ceeded the war, let me briefly revert to what
has singe taken place. The war haviog been
inaugurated, we were told that it was to be
very existence of the Union hinged.
chastiscment was for their good and be
giled by the falsehood that wai was not
waged for the purpose interfering with the
domestic institutions of the South, or the
rights of the States, but for some other pur-
pose : they might, I say, have gone on in
of the 24th cf September. That opened
their eyes and aroused their indignation,
aud that it is which bas done much towards
correcting public opinion as to the true char-
acter and real purposes of the war.
Bat, gentlemen, the Proclamation has not
been exposed, as it should have been. Tt tas
only Leen ocesionally denounced, when it
should hawe been everywhere, often and
loudly rebuked. I propes: saymg a few
words about it before | take my seat. There
are two features of it which are open to the
severest condemnation. Ia the first place
it encourages the blacks to rise and mar-
der their masters.
away from this' Now I do not apprehend
there is any danger of such a rising of blacks
except where the Federal arms may have
penetrated on some day next week, or next
month—but there is the damned license to
initiate a series of atrocities at the South
which, if once began, and it were possible
they could become general, would convert
that portion of our countrv into another San
Domingo.
Bat, sir there is another feature of it
scarcely less revolting to my mind than the
one just named, That feature is this ; Your
soldiers, many of them from New England,
worthy young men brought up under the
droppings of the sancluary, and taught. I
suppose, to love mercy and hate iniquity,
these men formed into battalions and regi-
ments and sent South to follow their lead-
ers wherever ordercd, are forbidden by the
Proclamation to interfere in cases of scrvile
jiinsurreciion. In other words they are to
ulation seek the destruction of the whites. —
I do not believe tho trocps could refrain
from interfering in such an emergency, but
the barbaroys decice ts them is, * hands
oft.”
South.? Iu the better'days of the Republic,
———
th's way, waking any and every sacrifice |
for the cause, as explained to thew, if jt]
had not been for the Abolition proclamation |
There is no getting!
g 3
stand with folded arms whilst the black pop- |
| this I do know, that sach sentiments as he
| avowed, are cqually abhorrent to religron
and humanity.”’ It was some plea of this
sort that laid Wyoming in ashes, and at a
later day. and in the memory of mot of us,
promoted the massacre of Texan prisoners
at the Alamo. And coming down to the case
before us, it is the plea of the haters of the
South who will be sati- fied with nothing less
than its destraction,
Itis from doctrines Lke these the people,
without distinction of party, tarn away with
undissembled horror and disgust, and seek,
in the ranks of your political organization,
the means of putting an end to such ultra-
ism, and of inaugurating a new and better
shall have some kind cf foun-
dation in Gospel precepts. Tn no other way
fellow citizens, can I account for the recent
{ victories in New York and other States.—-
The mistakes, the errors, the follies and the
worse than blunders of the Linco'n Admin
{istration are by those victories signally re-
buk-d or the ballot is a mere shaw, and
the great events of no more
consequence than the shifting sands of the
d sert,
But, fellow citizens, I have something
more to say of this before T quit th's stand.
(If ever there was u time to speak out and
| speak plainly, now is that time—to-1 orrow
{ may betoo late, [ ask noone to be responsi-
ble for anything I have said or for what else 1
may have to say. 1 stand here to give free
utterance to my thoughts, on the present
crisis in our national affsirs, without fear or
favor of any man, and as God is my Judge,
and not any worm of the dust, T mean to be
true to my conyictions of what [ believe to
be right in this matter, let the consequences
be what they may. Now, my conviction
is that these elections of which I have spo-
i ken mean . something more than appears on
“the face of electivn returns or in. the plat-
forms of the tiiumphant party. They have
"a deeper meaning stili—and if not, if T am
mistaken in this—then [ have no business
| Lere, and should take my leave of you forth-
| with. Nay, if they have not a deeper and
better meaning than is £5 be found in aay
special endorsement of the war policy. you
policy, whiet
murch of
Well now let ne ask, what is the his-' may close the map of the Union at once, for |
tory of our relations with the people of the henceforth it will only be wanted to find the |
grave of the republic.
But they do mean something more, some-
thing which should arouse us to a sense of
present daties, and turn our thoughts in a
new direction. I see in them the mission of
the hour. These popular uprisings are not
merely special in their charac er, but broad
and general as the umversal air, and sweep,
as the wings of the archangel, the vast ho-
rizon of the mal-adwministration, and of hor-
rible battle-fields. The trae meaning of
this is tha: the people arc s'ck of this hor-
rible fretricidal war, and demand that it
should be speedily termmated. I avow my-
self opposed to it, and ask for a cessation of
hostilities. It is vain to protest against il-
legal arrests and wicked proclamations, if
you have got a war policy that justifies both.
Tcannot for the life of me see how great
wrongs are to be redressed, and the Union
re-established, whilst measures are on foot
which render it impossible to accomplish «i
ther on the war plan. Now 1 an for re.
dressing these wrongs, and do ng what can
be done for Union cause. I am for getting
back the Southern States by fair and hoan-
orable means, if such a thing
and [ hope for the best.
them back as they were. 1 don’t want con-
quered, blood-drenched Sates, with “their
ruined homes, ana a weeping population to
makea Union for m2? Such kind ofa
Union woull he a mockery of the name.—
The Union I desire is a union of hearts and
of hands, such as our fathers gave us.—
When the great Irishorator. E mand Birke
took the part of America in 1775 he denoun
ced the British policy which would destroy
* The Plantations.” «My opmion,” said
he, ¢* is mach more in favor of prudent man-
agement, than of force ; the nse of force is
but temporary. It may subdue for a mo-
ment, bat it does not remove the necessity of
subduing again. A further objection to
force is, that you impair the object by you
every endeavors to preserve it. The thing
you fought for is not the thing you recover,
but depreciate, sunk, wasted and consum-
ed in the contest.” Anl then raising bis
voice, till the old arches of Irish osk re-
sounded’ to his trumpet tones, he ex liim-
ed, in never-to-be-forgotten words— ¢ Noth-
ing less wall satisfy me than wnoLE Amevi-
cal” Apply these noble sentiments to the
case before us, and we shall be at no loss
what course to pursue. In the spirit of the
great apostle of Constitutional liberty and
of an enlightened humanity—if [ may dare
to take hus laggua ze on my lips, 1 now say,
nothing less will satisfy me than the
Southern States.
But T do not expect fo get them back as
they were, by sacrificing hetacombs to the
demon of Northern fanaticism, or in any
such wag The voice of the people, speak®
ing through their public servants and thro’
such journals and Christian yulpits, of
which there are some few lufi—that voice
demands something better than the exter
mination of a kindred race. This is the true
vox populi vox Dei of the hour —the only in
terpretation we have had of it since the war
began, and for one I give eur to its voice—
for it 13 the voice of Peace and good will to
man. lis demand is for peace, fraternity,
brotherhood ; for a Union based oa the
rights gnaranteed to us by our fathers, such
a Union as the sword can never purchase,
establish or maintain.
Fellow-citizens, 1 will decrin you no lon-
ger. Thereare a thousind things which
the cris's demands should be said -and they
may be said as we get further in the com-
paign. Tam in for this eampaign--and 1
trust it may be a successful one. Yon have
suflered much for opinions sake since the
clash of arms was first heard, and have had
some experience in the dak days which civ
1l war brings on one’s country. Some of
you have been often reviled, persecuted and
abused in your business, and in your peigh.
horhoods—-and even threatened with vio-
Isnce. But possessing your souls in pa-
ticnee. you have risen above all this, and
are now rewarded by a change of public
opinicn which ! rings with it hope of better
days. True, 1t is winter yet—lut spring,
is not far off !
Our birds of song are silent now,
There are no flowers blooming ;
Yet life Veats in the frozen bough.
And freedom’s spring is coming!
And freedom’s tile comes up alway,
Though we may stand in sorrow,
And our good bark, aground to-day,
Shall float again to-morrow !
KiLt ‘eum !-=The Tribune reports that at
the caucus, in Hartford, the night before
the Convention which nominated: Seymour
met, the Hon, James Gallagher, of New Ha-
ven‘ spoke of the arrests made by this tyr-
annical administration, and in connection
with the subject said : **We shall say to the
Government, ¢ Lay hands on a citizen of
Connecticut, and, by the gods, you shall
die, or I will?’ He said. ‘“ A friend of
mine asked me what [ would do. if Mar-
shal Carr should undertake to arrest me. I
gaid, ‘ I would kill him—damn him! I
would kill him I" And I say to you, it one
of these infamous whelps should attempt to
arrest any of you, without due process of
law, kill em. damn ‘em, kill ’em !" [Cries
of * kill em, damn ’em, kill em !’’ all over
the house.]
be possible;
whole
gr eo
07” The negro-orator, Fred. Douglas,
i gave a lecture or a speech at the Cooper In-
stitate, New York, a few days azo, on the
President's Prozlamation. Among other
things he said : * Since the utterance of this
proclamation 1 have grown taller, and felt
whiter, and comb my hair with much less
I diffisulty,”
i
i
|
Anil want to get!
“Ly
Eo
THE COMPLETE OVERTHROW OF
: PUBLIC LIBERTIES.
This is the darkest hour since the outbreak
of the rebellion. Congress, by the act pas-
sed yesterday authorizing the President to
suspend the writ of habeas corpus through-
out the whole extent of the country, has coi-
sama ed its series of measures for laying
the country prostrate and helpless at the
feet of one man. It was not enough that
Mr. Lincoln has been invested with the purse
and the sword ; that, with an immense pow
er to raise or manufacture money, he has
unrestricted command of the services ol eve-
ry-able-bodied man of the country, Congress
hay thought it cecessary to give the finish-
ing stroke to its establishment of a military
despotism by removing all checks on the
abuse of the enormous m netary and milita-
ry power with which they have clothed the
President. VW hat assurance has the country
that we will ever have another prosidintil
¢'ection 2 None whatever, except what may
be found in the confidence, reasonable or
unreasenable reposed in the rectitude and
patriotism of Mr, Lincoln. If any person,
in any part of the country, shall think it tos
duty to resist unconstitutional encroac
ments on the rights of ci izens, Mr. Line
is authorized, by what purports to be a aw
to snatch up that individual and fwwmurae
him m one of the government bastiles
long as he shall sce fie. and there is no pow
er in the land to call hin to an account. --
He can send one of his countless provost.
marshalls into the house of a Governor of
state, or any other citizen, in the doad of
night, drag him from his bed, hustle bia
away under the cover of darkness, plungs
him into a distant and unknown dungeon,
and slow Wis friends to know no more of
the whereabouts of his body than thay
would of the habi-atien of Lis soul, if instead
of imprisoning, the provost-marshall hal
maidered him. With this tremendous po #-
er over the liberty of every citiz'n whom he
may suspect, or whom he may choose to
imprison without suspecting, the President
is as absolute a despot as the Saitan of Tur-
key. All the guarantees of liberty are bro-
ken down ; we all lie at the fect of one man
dependent on his caprice for cvery hour's
exemtion from a bastile. If he wills it, the
state governments may continue in the dis-
charge of their functions ; butif he wild it,
every one of them that does not become his
submissive and s bservient tool can be as
ounce suspended by the imprisonment of ity
officers. Considering the enormous powcr
conferred on the President, by the finance
and conscription bills. a reasonable jealousy
would have erected additional safeguards
agamst its abuse. Instead of that, Congress
has thrown down all the barriers and left us
absolutely without shelter in the greatest
violence of the tempest.
So far as the detestable act passed yestor-
day is an act of indemnity to shield the
President from the legal consequences of
past excereises of arbitrary power, it is a
eon
sion that, his secretaries, provost-mar-
shalls and other mivions have been acting
in vinhuion of law, Itannuls all Jaws pas-
sed by the State Leg.slatures for the protec-
tion of their citizens against kidnapping :
it provides fur taking all suits for damages
out of the State courts and transferring them
to the Federal tribunals, and before those
tribunals-the fact that the injury complain-
ed of was done under color of executive su-
hority is declared to be a full and completa
defense. Iteven inflicts penalties on por.
sons coming before the courts for redress of
juries, by declaring that if they are, not
successtul the defendant shall recover dou-
ble costs So that the agzrieved party must
take the risk of this penalty for venturing to
ascertain, in a court of justice, whether his
OpPIESSOT Was or was not acting under the
authority of the President. To this alarm-
ing pass hare matters come, that not only
does every citizen hold his liberty at the
mercy of one wan, but heis liable to be pun-
ished for inquiring whether the person ar-
vesting him really possessed, or only falsely
pretended to possess, that man's authority!
The attempt to disguise the olious char-
acter of this detestasle act by a sham pro-
{vision 1 its second sections an insult 10
the intelligence of the people. The Scere-
tary of State and the Secretary of War."
so it reads. “are directed, as son as mey
be practicable,” to furnish to ve Judges of
the courts lists of the names of the parsons
arrested, that they may be presented to a
grand jury for indictment. And who is to
judge of this practibility 2 Why the See-
retaries themselves, or the President for
them. They will furnish such lists when.
ever it suits their pleasure, and not befor e
There is not only no penalty for neglecting
to do this altogether, but the main pur-
pose of the act is to protect these officers,
and all persons acting und r their directions
against all legal penalties for all arrests
wherever made, and all detentions in pris-
on however long protracted.
The ninety days during which Congress
has now been in session are the last ninety
days of American freedom. Our liberties
had previously been curtailed and abridged
by exceutive encroachments, but the courts
remained open for redress of wrongs. But
this Congress has rendered their overthrow
complete, by first putting the purse and
sword in the hands of the President, and
then assaring him of complete impunity ic
allabuses of thisenoimous, this dangerous,
this tremend ms power, N.Y World of
| Marek 304.