Mey &
~ @he Democratic Aatchman
VOL. 7.
————
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A —————
ape ese
BELLEFONTE, FRIDAY MORNING, DEC. 26, 1862.
NO. 50.
Select Poetry,
THE BEAUTIFUL.
BYP. 3. KR
The flowera that skirt the mountain's brow,
The summer clouds that dims the sky,
The starry heavens, with brilliant brow,
Protiaim a tale of mystery ;
It is the Beautiful!
The dew drops bright that life distill,
The streamlet’s voice that sweetly singe,
‘fhe cascade’s fall, the murmuing rill,
The tuneful bird on airy wings,
Oh yes how Beautiful!
The green leal’s bloom, in Besuty's prime,
The ysilow, too, though not so fair,
Lovad music's gotes in pealing chime,
The Ogean's roar, the storm. the air,
Declare the Beautiful!
The infant's smile, the laughing eye,
The sighs that mourn, the tears that flow,
The fair one’s witching exstacy,
All, all, on man their charms bestow,
And they are Beautiful!
Who then so void of christian love,
'Mid scenes sublime, and Beauty's grace,
As not to praise our God above,
When all the earth reflects his face,
And 50 is Beautifal!
Iiseellangons,
mT Regd | Read!
The Lessons of History !
NUMBER ONE.
“THB REIGN OF TERROR 1¥ 1798
While there arc many things done now
which are unheard of in America, there is
much, thongh few remember it, which is
but a repetition of what happened just six-
ty-four years ago, in the administration of
John Adams. Availing themselves of the
furious war cry against France, the Feder-
alists of that day proceeded very mach af-
ter the fashion of the Federal Republicans
of the present day. The “Alien Law’’ was
pas to entble the President te get rid of
some certain troublesome Democrats of for.
eign birth. The “Sedition Law’’ was pass-
¢d to aliow the administration to ‘Suppress’
the Democratic newspapers of the day.—
Man, of the Democratic editors were fined
and imprisoned for opposing the war policy
uf John Adams ; many papers weie suspend.
ed. Opposition was almost silenced in Con-
gress. the Demorratic leaders all fled from
its Hells except Albert Gallatin. Even Jef-
ferson was obliged to shut himself up for a
while at his home at Monticello, and almost
to suspend correspondence, lest Lis letters
should be opened by the secret agents of
the administration, which sought occasion
te persecute him und r the ‘Sedition Law.”
Hundreds fell away from the Democratic
party under the hollow pretence of “no par-
ty—support the Government ;’’ some strag-
gl-d back, afterwards, like the prodigal son,
glad to feed on the husks of Democracy ;—
others sirayed along gloomily in the quag-
nires of “black cockade Fuderalism.” De-
mocratic members of Congress were insult-
ed at theatres, and groaned in public meet-
ings. The habeas corpus was particularly
suspended ; and all opposition was attempt-
ed to be silenced by mobs, or suppressed
by the strong arm of the administration.—
But all this availed nothing in the end. Tha
people arose in their might, after two years
through the ballot box, and at the Presiden-
tisl election of 1800-1; the Democratic
party trinmphed, Jefferson was elected Pres-
ident, and John Adams’ party and his mea
sures, Alien and Sedition Laws, and all per-
ished, and became a by-word and a hissing
ever afterwards, The prison doors were
opened ; the ‘Fort Lafayettes’ of that day,
were compelled to disgorge their victims 3
Democratic presses were restored ; and for
Just sixty years the Constitution and the
Union were preserved, and the whole ¢oun-
try grew and flourished and was prosper-
vus and happy as no other country ever was,
till the so-called ‘‘Republican party’ ob-
tained power, on the fourth of March, 1861,
We compile and condense. the following
narrative from Randolph’s Infeof Jefferson
—a work written several years prior to the
events of the present time. The readér
cannot fail to observe tne striking similarity
between the two periods. Let every Demo-
crat take fresh courage from the result of
the ‘terrible stauggle for “Liberty and Un-
ion,” in which their fathers, sixty years
‘ago, were engaged. Let them never despair
~ of the Republic.
§ hen the X Y Z dispatches were spread
ue 4% the American public, fierce indigna-
tion burnt throughout ‘the land. We had
not only been insulted, it was said, but in-
famously degraded by being asked to abso-
lutely purchase a hearing from the French
Government. All considerations of prudence
fell like dry grass in the track of rushing
fire, Let us fight, if we are annihilated,
was the cry that went up rom the wery
heart of a gallant people. Party lines per-
ished in a moment, The Democrats were
instantly reduced toa feebler minority thro'
out the nation than they had been any day
before, since their first organization as a
party. Some of the Democratic members of
she House of Represcutatives, instantly
chengad sides. Others shandoned (I #ir
-
posts. Jefferson wrote to Madison, April
26, 1798 :
‘Giles, Clopton, Campbell and Nicholas
have gone, and Clay goes to-morrow, Packer
has completely gone over to the war party.
In this state of things they will carry what
they please.’
This was the same Col Packer who had
taken such an cxtreme position against
Jay's treaty ; and hopeless must have been
the struggle when John Nicholas turned his
back !
War weasures--bills for preparing fleets
and armies and fortifications —rapidly pass-
ed Congress. Hints of alien and sedition
laws became rife. The most obnoxious
Fiench residents, dreading some violent ac-
tion, chartered a vessel and flad home.—
Kossiusco even was among the fugitives.—
Intima ions were not wanting among the
inflamed and triumphant federalists that
even the Democratic leader in the House)
Alber: Gallatin, a naturalized citizen, should
by some law, be driven oat of the country.
When others succumbed 0 the torrent of
excitemennt, he neither yielded nor fled his
post. :
Addresses rained upon the President from
military, civic and unorgauized popular bod-
ies, tendering their support to his measures.
But the masses were Btill, it appears divid-
ea, at icast in some places.
Jefferson wrote to James Lewis, Jr. on
the 9th of May, 1798, as follows :
« Party passions are indeed high. No
body has more reason to know than myself,
I receive daily bitter proofs of people who
never saw me, nor know arything of me
but through Porcupine (Cobbett) and Ter-
no, (Federal editors.) At this moment all
the passions are boiling over, and one who
keeps himself cool and clear of the con a-
ge’ n is so far below the point of ordinary
conversation, that he finds himself isolated
in every society. However, the fever
will not last. War, land tax and stamp
tax are sedatives which must cool its ardor,
They will bring reflection, and that wih
information, is all which our countrymen
need, to bring themselves and their affairs
to rights.”
A few months earlier, Alexander Hamilton
was the eurncst advocate of peace—tho
strenuous supporter of sending for that ob-
ject a mission to France, which should con-
tain the name of Jefferson or Madison.
Now, on the contrary, he wss the strenu-
ous advocate of the most extensive war
preparationi—of far more extensive prepa-
rations, indeed, than the most inflamable
Congress could be induced to sanction.
Of course cvery effort was made to repre-
sent the Democrats who opposed the war,
as ‘traitors’ and ‘Jacobins,’ the latter then
a term of cspecial reproach. Jefferson was
charged with sending an emissary, (Dr. Lo-
gan) to France. [ua letter in June, 1793,
to Madison, he says :
“Dr. Logan, about a fortnight age, sailed
for Hamburgh. This was seized by the
War Hawks and given out as & secret mis-
sion from the Jacobins here, to solicit an
army from France, instruct them as to their
landing, &c. This extravagance produced
a real panic among the citizens ; and hap-
pening just when Bache published Talle
rand’s letter. Harper, the Federal leader,
on the 18th of June, gravely announced to
the House of Representatives that there ex-
isted a traitorous correspondence between
the Jacobins here, (‘secessionists’) and
the French Directory ; that he had got hol
of some threads and clues of it, and would
soon be able to devolope the whole. This
increased the alarm, their libelists immedi-
ately set to werk, directly and indirectly, to
complicate whom they pleased. Porcupine,
(Cobbett) gave me a principal share in it, as
I am told, for I never read his papers.”
And just about the same time (Juno 29
1798) President Adams, in reply to an ad-
dress from the Legislature of New Hamp-
shire, said :
*I am happy to assure you that as faras
my information extends, the opposition to
the Federal Government in all the other
States as well as in New Hampshire, is too
small to merit the name of division.”
So little was there then left of the Demo-
cratic party, though Jefferson himself was
living and at its head.
NUMBER TWO.
The war spirit burst out anew in Uon-
gress. The President had been already au-
thorized to considerably increase the navy ;
to expend $250.000 for harvor fortifications,
to purchase $800,000 worth of arms snd
ammunition ; to enlist a provisional army
of 10,000 troops for three years, in the
event of a declara ion of war, or immincnt
danger [in the President's opinion] of an in-
vin ; to order our navy to seize and
bring to port any armed vessel which had
attacked American vessels, or which should
be hovering on the coast of the United
States for the purpose of committing depre-
dations on the vessels belonging to citizens
thereof ; and to suspenid commercial inter-
course between the United States and France
and its dependencies.
The next aay arter receiving the Presi-
dent's message [June 22,1798] Congress
authorized him to officer and arm the pro-
visional army. On the 25th it authorized
our merchant vessels to foreibly resist any
search, restraint or seizure, froma any vessel
sailing under French colors, to capture the
latter snd make recaptures. On the 328th,
the President wos authorized to treat pei-
sons: taken on board captured vessels as
prisoners. - On the 6th of July, it was en-
acted that 30,000 stand of arms be obtamed
and sold to the State Governments. On the
7th, the treaties between the United States
and France were declared annulled. On th®
Oth, the President was authorized to direct
our navy to capture any armed vessels of
France, and to grant commissions to priva-
teers to do the same. On the 11th, he was
authorized to raise s marine corps. On the
114th, a direct tax of $2,000,000 was impos-
ed to meet cxpenses. On the 16th, the
President was impowered to raise twelve
regiments of infantry, and six troops of light
dragoons, and officer, to borrow $5.000,000
for the public service, and to borfow $2,-
000,000 of the bank of the United States, on
the credit of the direct tax.
THE ALIEN LAWS.
This was not all. Legislation agamst in-
terior foes, was made to keep peace with the
warlike preparations against France. Cn
the 18th of June, the term of residence re-
quisite to naturalization was ex'ended to
fourteen ycars, and five years previous de-
claration of intention and residence in the
State made necessary. And shens were re-
quired to report themselves and be register-
ed by the clerk of the district courts, under
a specific penalty in m~ney, and under pen-
alty of being compelled to give surety of
peace and good behavior at the discretion of
a magistrate ; and registry was made the
only proof of residence [for emigrants c.m-
ing into the country after the passage of the
BCL] fUr (UE PUTPUBE uf webusalimation Na.
tives or subjects of countries with which the
United States were at war, could not be
naturalized.
On the 25th of June, £778 {t was made
lawful for the President to order sll such a!-
jens as Ae should judge dangerous to the
peace and safety of the United States, to de-
par: therefrom, within ruch time as should
be exptessed in such order, and if the per-
in the country, he should be imprisoned for
three years. The President was empowered
to order any alien to be forcibly removed
out of the country, snd cn a voluntary ree
turn to be imprisoned at his [the Presi-
dent's] discretion,
On the 6th of July, 1798, an act was
passed that in case of war, or an invasion,
or predatory incursion made or threatened,
all natives or subjects of the bostile power
in the United States not actually tiaturalized
should be lia'.le to ve secured or required to
give security for good behavior at the dis-
cretion of the President, and on his procla-
mation except that those not chargeable
with actual hos ilitv or o:her crime against
the public safety, should be allowed the
time to dispose of their goods stipulated by
treaty ; and the treaty with Fratice was the
next day annulled. The special courts of
the United States were authorized, ou com-
plaint, to apprehend aliens who continued in
the country ‘contrary to the tenor or iatent’
of the President's proclamation, ‘or other
regulations’ which the President establish-
ed ‘in the premises, and cause them to be
removed from the country, to give sureties,
or to be otherwise restrained,’ ’ &c.
NUMBER THREE.
SHE SEDITION LAWS,
‘These were the infamous “Alien Laws”
‘of John Adams’ administration. But it re-
quired the *‘Sedition Laws" to reach native
born Democrats and thus to secure the ad-
ministration from all opposition. and also
permanent possession of power and office
emolument.
On the 14th of July, 1798, 1t was enacted
that if any persons unlawfully conspired to
oppose ‘any measure’’ of the United States
to prevent any public officer irom executing
his trust,or advised or attempted ‘to procure
any insurrection, riot, unlawful asiembly or
combination, whether such conspiracy,
threatening, counsel, advice or attempt
should have the proposed effect or not,’ they
should be deemed guilty ef a high misde-
mesnor, and on conviction punished by a
fine not exceeding $5,000, and by 1mprison-
ment during a term of not less than six
months nor exceeding five years ; sod far-
ther at the discretion of the court, might be
holde 1 to find sureties for gcod behavior in
such sum, and for such time as the court
might direct.
Nora. —It is a significant fact that the act
number 29, ‘to define and punish certsin
conspirators,’ approved July 31st, 1861, is
almost a transeript of this first section of the
Ademg’ Sedition Law of July 14, 1798.
The second section of this act we present
entire as a legal, political and constitutions!
curiosity :
Sgo. 2. That if any person shall write,
print, utter or publish, ot shall cause or pro-
cure to be written, printed, uttered or pub,
lished, or shall knowingly and willingly as-
sist or aid in writing, printing, uttering or
publishing any false, scandalous and mali-
cious writing, or writings against the Gov-
ernment of the United States, or either
House of the Congress of the United States,
ot tho President of the United States, with
intent to defame the said Government, of
either House of the said Congress : or the
ssid President, or to bring them or either of
them into contempt or disrepute ; orto ex-
cite against them or either of them the hs-
tred of the good peoplo of the United States,
gen ordered to depart was afterwards found |:
States ; or to excite any unlawful combina-
tions therein, for bpposing or resisting any
law of the United States, or any act of the
President of the United States, done in pur-
suance of any such law, or of the powers in
him vested by the Constitution of the United
States ; or to resist, oppose, or defeat any
such mearure, or to aid, encourage or abet
any hostilities by any foreign nation against
the United States, peop'e or Government,
then such person therefore convicted. before
any court having jurisdiction thereof, shall
be punished by a fine not exceeding $2,000
and by imprisonment not exceeding two
years.’
It was in opposing these famous acts that
Edward Living ston, of New York, made his
great speech, on the 21st of June, 1798
‘* Away @aid he, with that liberty which
hangs on chance. Lie would disdain to en-
joy the liberty which depended upon the
will of one man, and should be ashamed of
any man who would consent thus to hold
it,
© Should the evil proceed no further thah
the execution of the present law, what a
fearful picture will our countfy present ?
The system uf espionage being thus estab.
lished, the country will swarm with infor-
mers, spies, relaters, and all that odious
reptile tribe, that breed in the sunshine of
despotic power, that suck the blood of the
unfortunate, and creep inte the® bosom of
sleeping innocence only to awake it with
a burning wouttd. The honrsof the most
unsuspecting confidence, the intimacies of
friendship, or the recesses of domestic re-
tirement afford no recority. The compan.
LE
tha futand in
whom you must confide, the domestic who
waits in your chamber, are all tempted to
betray your imprudence or ungiardea fol-
lies ; to misrepresent your words, te con-
vey them distorted by calumny, to the se-
ret tribnma! where Jealousy presides—
where fear officiates as accuser and susp-
¢ion is the only evidence that is heard.
** Let no gentlemen flatter themselves
that the fervor of the moment can make the
people insensible to these aggressions. The
people of America sir, though watchful of
against foreign ‘aggression, and not careless
of domestic encroachiithts, they ere as
jealous of their liberties at home as of the
power and prosperity of their country,
abroad, they will awake to a sense of their
danger. Do not let us: flatter ourselves.
then, that the measures will be unobserved
ot disregarded. Do not let us be told sir that
we excite fervor against foreign ageression
(sesession) only to establish TYHANNY AT
HOME ; that like the arch triator we cry
‘Hail Columbia,’ at the moment we are be-
traying her to destruction ; that we sing
out ‘Happy land,’ when we are plunging it
in ruin or disgrace ; and that we are absurd
enough to call ourselves ‘free and enlight-
ened,’ while we advocate principles that
would have disgraced the age of Gothic bar:
barity, and established a code compared to
which the ordesl is wise, and the trial by
battle is merciful and just.”
And yet for this brave defence of public
liberty, and of freedom of speech and of ‘the
press, against the Sedition Laws, Livings-
ton was ridiculed and scoffed at in the
tlouse, and denounced by the Federal War
Hawks. a8 Mr, Jefferson termed them ali
over the country as a *Jacobin, and ‘Trai-
tor!! But time the avenger, has long since
made all right. ”
The penaltles of the Sedition Law could
be readily adjuged to any pithily written
or spoken snimadversion on the political
measures of Government : and we shall soon
see whether any of the powers with which
it armed the President were left dormant in
practice.
Some of the duminant party in congress
appear to have Leen inflamed to the verge
of insanity, at this period, by wild tales
trumpeted through the newspapers of
threatened French invasions of the ‘Canoi-
bal’s Progress,’ of ‘United Irishmen,” and
of conspiracies between the Democrats and
French to overthrow our government, which
Dr. Logan had gone to France at Jeflerson’s
request to mature and set in operation.
On the 36th of June, 1798, Loyd of Mary-
land, had obtained leave to bring into the
Senate ‘a bill to define more particularly the
crime of treason and punish the crime of
sedition.’ It immdeiately passed to a sec-
ond reading by a vote of fourteen to eight.
This bill provided for the punishing by fine
and imprisonment, alt who by writing’ or
speaking should attempt to justify the hos-
tile conduct of the French, or should utter
snything fetiding to induce & belief that the
government of the United States, orany of
its officers, were infiuenced bry motives hos-
tile to the Constitution, or to the libertiesgor
happiness of the people !
Suchi were ths principles sud ntessdres of
what in two years and ever since, was and
bag been hated, and denounced, and execra-
ted everywhere as ‘Black Cockade Federal
sm.’ And yet at the timeto oppose them
was to be a ‘Jacobin’ and a Traitor,” and
was almost worth a man's life.
NUMBER FOUR,
en
PERSECUTION UNDER THB SEDITION LAW.
The Sedition Law proved something be-
sides a scarecrow. We will bring together
a few instances of trial under it during Mr.
Adam’ Administration, Matthew Lyons
member of Congress, was selected as the
(or to stir up sedition within the Usited
first vhotim: He wes an Trishman by birth
—=a rough energetic man who did not mince
phrases, and att extreme Democrat. He
was indicted for declaring ins letter pub-
lished in & Vermont paper, that with a Fed-
eral Executive every consideration of the
public welfare was swallowed up in a con-
tinual grasp for power, an unbounded thirst
for ridiculous pomp, foolish adulation snd
and selfish avarice. In regard to the ‘Faat
Day’ —for the Federalists sanctioned all
their outrages upon liberty aad constitution
by a fast day—he said that ‘the sacred name
of religion,’ had been used as a state engine
to make mankind hte and persecute each
other. [He was charged also with reading
snd commerting on at a Democratic meeting
during the Congressional canvas, a private
letter to Joel Barlow written from France,
sayirg that he was astonished that the an-
swer of the House of Representatives to the
President's speech had not ‘been an order
to send him to the mad honse. This was
his offense ! a seditious libel tending to bring
the President and his cabinet into disrepute.
And for this he was tried before Judge
Patterson of the Supreme Court. The jury
found him guilty, and the Judge, after a
severe reprimand, sentenced him to four
months imprisonment, and a fine of $1.000.
A petition signed by several thousand per-
sons, was sent to the President, asking
Lyon’s release from a narrow uncomforta-
ble, and it was alleged filty cell, but Mr.
Adams refused unless the prisoner signed
the petition, sayitig penitence before par-
don. Lyon declined to sign and remained
in prison, On the 4th of July, 1840, forty-
one years sfterward+, Congress refunded to
!enmtn bude the 81.000. with interest ffom
February 1799.
But while in prison his frignds made tip a
lottery scheme of his property to raise the
amount of the fine, but seditious matter,
calculated :0 bring the administration iato
+disrepute,’ was found in the plan as pub-
lished, and the printer was also convicted
under the Sedition Law, fined $300 and im-
prisoned two months!! But the pmorLe
resented all these things and while Lyon
was lying in jail under his sentcuce, he was
re-elected to Congress by a triumphant ma-
jority—a significant hint of the popular
judgement of a law which would not permit
a candidate for Congress, in canvassing his
district, to speak of the political conduct of
the President—which dragged a represen-
tative of the people inthe highest legisla-
tive tribunal of the nation before r judicial
appuinted of the President to be there brow
beaten, lecturcd, tried as a felon, and con:
demned as a felon, for volitical language
addressed to his constituents.
Charles Holt, another victim, publisher
of the Bee, printed at New London, Con-
necticur, was found guilty of defaming the
President and discouraging enlistments in
the army, and sentenced to threc months
imprisonment and a fine of $200.
Thomas Cooper, the friend and associate
of Dr, Priestly;-and afterwards so distin-
guislied in the United States, was tried for
charging the President with unbecoming
and unnecessray violence in his official com_
mtinications, calculated it was asserted to
justly provoke war, for bringing upon the
country in the time of peace the expenses of
a permanent navy, and threatening it with
that of an atiny ; fot interferring in the case
of Jonathan Robins, a native impressed
citizen of the United States, to deliver him
over to a British Court Martial for trial,
«an inference,” Cooper alleged, ‘without pre-
cedent against law and against mercy,’’—
an act ‘which the monarch of Great Britain
would have shrunk from,” &c., Cooper
was found guilty, aud Judge Chase senten-
ced him to six months imprisonment and to
pay a fine of $400. The prosecution had
been directly instigated by President Adams
himself: Ina letter to Timothy Pickering,
his Secretary of State (1X, Adams works,
13 ) be says . ‘A meaner, a more artful cr 8
more malicious ribel has not appeared. As
far ag it alludes to me, I despise it; but
have no doubt but that it is a libel against
the whole government, and as such ought to
be prosecuted.”
James T. Csilanider was tried for a libel
oft the President. His counsel raised the
question of the constitutionality of the law,
bat Judge Chase refused to hear them with
the most arbitrary rudeness. They threw
up their briefs and left the court, The de-
fendant was sentenced to nine months im-
prisonment, and pay a fine of $200.
«Mr. Baldwin of New Jersey ’ says Ham.
mond in his political history of New York,
‘was indicted, ‘ried convicted and fined un.
der color of the sedition law, for the follow-
ing offense : Mr. Adams on his return from
the seat of Government passed through News
ark ; some cannon were discharged in com-
pliment t& him while passing through that
villsge ; Mr. Baldwin; who would #éippeat;
was rather a low bred man, said he wished
the wadding discharged from thé cannon.
had lodged in the President's backside.
For this he was fined $100.
Judge Jarrard Peck, a Scnator in the leg-
islature of New York, » man of most exem-
plary personal character, had the audacity
to offer to his neighbors for their signatures,
a petition to Congress for the repeal of the
Alien and Sedition Laws, in which the
odious features of that law were severely
handled. Complaint was made to Harrison
U. 8. District Attorney st New York, a
grand jury was empan¢led who found a bill
of indictment (grand juries are couvenient!
t hings sometimes in New York) and Peck
was arrested in the midst of his faitlly #nd
taken to the city. The fearless victith we
doubt not, at every stopping place, after his
usual custom, mingled prayers wid piotts
exhortations, with vehement politi€sl ap-
peals, before the assembled multitudes. —-
Hammond says :
* A hundred missionaries in the cause of
Democracy, stationed between New Youk
and Cooperstown could uot have done much
more for the cause of Democracy than the
journey of Judge Peck, as a prisoner frodi
Ostego to the capitol of the State. It was
no hing less than the public exhibitien of
a suffering martyr for the freedom of speech
and the press and the right of petitioning
to the views of the citizens of the various
places through which the warshal traveled
with his prisoner.
Another of the victims, Win. Duane, edi-
tor of the famous democratic paper, the Au,
rora, published at Philadelphia, attracted
the especial vengeance of John Adams. In
a letter to Pickering, his secretary of state,
dated July 24th, 1776 Mr. Adams wrote
‘There is in the durora of (his city, an un-
interrupted stream of slander of the Ameri:
can Government (meaning his administra-
tion) I shall giveit to Mr. Rawle, (U. S.
District Attorney) and if he thinks it litel
lous, destre him to prosecute the editor.’
In reply to thie, Mr. Pickering wrote on the
first of Asgust 1799, © If Mr. Rawle
does not think that this paper is
libellous, he is not fit for his office ; and if
he does not prusecute it he will not do his
duty, The matchless effrontry of this Duane
merits the execration of the alien law also.
hi =k hia Sande pees dene
As to the nuttihef of convictions under the
law, Mr. Randall says.
‘It has been said that the victims of the
Sedition Law were but few. We do not
know the number, They were assurdly few
compared with the whole number of our
population, but they were numerous enough
for the purpose of intimidation —numerous
enough to show that a {tee criticism of the
acts of the Goverment in ftiy class of per-
sons, was uttettd by the pre:s or in conver-
sation, at the peril of property and personal
liberty. They were numeroas enough to
give our government practicilly all that
power over the people in politizal afhirs
which had been exercised by the highest
Tory administration over the people of Ene
gland during the long reign of George 111,
and when the deadly struggle wih republi-
can France had produced a reactiona-y feel
ing against liber«lism that was ready to
sanction almost any infringement of perso-
nal liberty. England at the present day
would uot tolerate any approach to these
attacks on parlimentary privilege and on the
freedom of the press and of speech, whieh
were made by the American Sedition Law.
The discreet, virtuous and able Princess,
who now gits on the throne of England,
would scorn to maintain Government meas-
ures or to protect the administration from
censure, by an analagous action on the
part of the legal tribunal ot her realm.
And yet the opponents of the present ad-
ministration would be rejoiced if the nstru-
ments of arbitrary power in the year 1861,
would content themselves with restoring
to the judicial tribunals of the land, instead
of imitating the arbitrary rule of oriental
despotism. Mr. Randall adds :
*And when we look at the cases and de-
cisions under our Sedition Law of 1798, we
cannot fail to become at once convinced that
its aim and intent was not te prevent of
punish real sedititon—actaal open ot secret
machinations @zainst our institutions and
laws. [ts manifest o' jeot was to shield the
Federal Government from damaging censure
-~to arm it with power to put down opposi-
tion ; in a word to cocfer on it authority du_
ring its shorter personal tenuf: abd 1t equiv-
slent to that then possessed and exercised
in political affairs by the Government of
Great Britain over the British realm.’
Aud yet the attempt utterly failed, Be-
fore this reckless and infatuated policy, the
reaction came, Adams’ Administration
went down ; his party perished, and its
name and its principles and its measdres
have been hated ard execrated for now thoré
than half a century, Courage, courage.
Democrats of '62. Wait a little. Stand
firm,
{7 Mandarin Ward, the American gener-
al in the service of the Chinese against theif
rebels, and lately killed, was a native of Sa-
lem, Mass., 8nd only thirty one years old.—
He was a son of Ffedefick G: Ward, and his
own name Frederick Townsend Ward ; he
graduated from the Salem High School in
1847, and has had an adventurous and ro-
mantic career since—one experience beirig
that of a lieutenant in the French army in
the Crimean war.
eee meet
0-7 The President says that without
slavery the rebellion could not have existed
—without slavery it could not continue ;"
yet he proposes to continue slavery untill the
year 1900. According to his own logic,
then, thé rebellion mast last until 1900.
{= A General on the point of death, cp-
ening his eyes and seeing a consultation of
three physicians who were stauding close be-
side his bed, faintly exclaimed: *¢Gentle-
men, if you fire by platoons it is all over
with me !"
An Irish lover said : “It is a great pleas:
ure to be alone, especially when your sweet
heart iz wid ye."
A CAPITAL SPEECH.
bh.
After the manner of one Abraham Lind
oln, through the iolly of the people mow
President of the United States of Amerien;
but formerly of Illinois, rail-splitter and vil -
lage jester—to which wholesome occups-
tions may he soon return. Copyright se
cired: Reported for the Patterson (New
Jersey) Register,—from which paper it is
|cOpied by permission :
+» Fellow Cltizens: 1 assure you [ did not
eEpect to bio present here this evening, bat
since my presence is present, I will dvail
myself Uf the present opportuniiy o saya
few words to diy fellow-citizons present. [
suppose Fou Know that the las: few eventful
days liave been fall of events. And [ sup
puse you kaow further that there has been
a great dial of discussion relative to those
events; Now; fellow-citizeus, [ wish you to
understand that { do not iitend to Bey any.
thing understandable; neitherds 1 wish 10
crimina’e any dite; much less myself, but [
hope | may be. permitted to assert that if
matters had termiitiated difleren'ly’ they
would have Had & different termination. 1
think I donot say any hirin when 1 soy
that, and that wh'n I say what T say, is
may be understood that | say it. Having
brought this matter clearly before your
minds, gentlemen, 1 would goon to remark
that no doubt you have heir! remaiks
about one of our military Generals. Now
I am not agoing to make the sligh est state.
ments regarding tif individual gentleman,
but, perhaps it would not be a violation of
state secrets to remark that the press and
the coun ry séems to be down en him. (
tod in 3
% oat sags] dudge he id
speoting him, such as * imbecile,” * coward,
&c. If | were to say (ieneral Popeis hat
individual you would have an ides that
was telling the truth, but as [ did not come
here to tell the truth, I hope you will aot
have that idea. Now, there is a great deal
that might be 81id with regatd to tien: Pope,
as [ suppose you are aware, but you should
remember that any one of you, acting as he
did, would in all probability have st pre-
cisely similar results. In fact, so powerful
does this last argument seen to me, [ am
almost willing to assume the respdusibility,
and would do so, were it not that, to become
responsible for another person’s responsibil-
ity, is a good deal like becouling respons
ble.
Bu again : thet has been a great deal
said about a certain address made by Ger?
Pope and he has Been blamed for it. Now.
making it, for if he had not made it, it
would not have been made, which, as I sup-
pose yonall kow,; if sn entirely different
thing. Furthermore, this is not all. I think
I cau say, gentlemen, that Gen. Pope has
followed out completely every importamt
idea in that address: For instance, he diye,
his ** headquarters are in the saddle’ —now
if they have not been in the saddle, where
have they been ? Againhe says, ‘let us
leaye our lines of retreat to take cird of
themselves,” 1 putit to you, gentlemen,
if Gen. Pope has not done so, ati with what
result? Why, as he did not uke osre of
his lines of retreat, the rebels took care of
them, which was Ceftdinly kind of them,
and he took care of the rebels, that is, to get
out of their wily as fast as possitle, which
was certainl} kind of him, and both togeth-
er they manifested an interest in each other,
the one taking care of the lines and the oth-
ef getting out of the way, which ought to.
and 1 believe will, gen lettlen, raise both of
thet itt yofir vpiniun, and in my opinien
and in everybody's opinion.
But furthermore, the address goes on to
say, ** let us look before us and not behind;
success and glofy sre in the advance; dis-
aster and shame 14rE in the reat.” Which
looks very much like verse and reads full ag
well, which i nother point in Gen. Pope's
favor. But with regard to the sentiment
conveyed by these lines, has he not been
true to them ? Did he not look before and
keep looking that way until he found the
rebels looking bebind for him? And were
not ** success and glory’ in the advasce,
and did net *¢ disaster and shame,” in the
shape of Stonewall Jackson, ** lurk in the
rear?" Certainly they did, and they hive
been lurking there ever since, and if say
gentlemen will put his nose outside of Ar-
lingto Heights, ke will find itso, No, gen-
tlemen, permit mre to’ s8y you are wrong
when] you find fault with the General's ad-
dress. There is as much truth as poetry in
it, and more to. and with regard 10 himself.
he only needed success to bave been success-
ful. In fact, gentlemen, as I reflect upon it,
I feel that having 1aken the responsibility
before, I shall do so in this case, especially
when ! remember that my fellow-republicans
do not hold me responsible for sny hing, and
thet, a8 for the Democrats, they do not dare
to. Hoping that I have not ssid anything
to anybody, and availing myself of the priv-
ilege of an American citizen to say nothing
when he wants to, I nov proceed to put
that privilege into effect.’’
ems
[~Mr. Kees, late editor of the Circle:
vile (0) Watchman, and who was one of the
bastiled victims ef thig Administration, has
become a raving maniac, and is now in the
Lunatic Asylum at Colurttbus.
a ——ned
{=A new paper has been started in At
chison Kansas, which is in favor of George
B. M'Olellan for President, and Samuel Me-
dary of Ohio, for Vice President in {564
I think that he sught not to be blamed for