The Tatchman,
C.T ALEXANDER, | po
JOE W. FUREY. | Xditors
BELLEFONTE, May 22d, 1862.
rr tint ars
Democratic State Convention.
In accordance with a resolution of the
Democratic State Exceutive Committee, TRE
Democracy will meet in STATE CONVEN-
TION, at HARRISBURG, on Fray, the
4th day of July, 1862, at 10 o'clock, a, st,
fo nominate candidates fer AUDITOR GENERAL
and SURVEYOR ENERAL, and to adopt such
measures as may be deemed necessary for
the welfare of the Democratic party and the
country.
WILLIAM H. WELSH,
Chairman of the Democratic State Ex. Com.
a
Where Will be the End?
A vast majonty, probably, of the North-
ern people look upon the many recent and
glorious victories of our armies under the
Jead of the gallant McClellan, as having
given the death blow to the rebellion, and
they are confidently expecting a speedy re |
turn of peace with her many blessings. that |
in days gone by she was wont (0 cast
around her with such a prodigal charity.
They look upon this terrible war, as
nearly ended, expecting that one or two
more encounter with the rebel hosts will |
end the struggle, when the brave men, their
fathers. sons, ard brothersstow wvpon th,
battle field, wil feturn to their homes, hav
ing accomplished the object with which they
started out, viz, the full and glorious re-
storation of the U+ion as it was.
Now, while we give to the great results
accomplished by McClellan their full signif
1cance, and admit that they have gone far in
their way to restore the Union. yet to us
the future is shill dark and gloomy.
To the unrdflecting mind. the triumph of
our arms upon (he battle field is all that is
necessary to subdue the rebellion— restore
peace and re cement the dismembered frag-
ments of this great nation in the same pa-
ternal bonds of unity and affection that have
existed for the last eighty five years, and
which has vouchsafed to us such unbounded
prosperity as a people, and such freedom
snd happiness to all the individual members
constitutirg this great nation.
We would to God that this were so, and
that these unreflecting people were correct
in their estimate of the power of armies to
re unite. re-cement the dismembered frag-
ments of the Union in the same brotherly
sflection of the past. But something 1nore
than this will be found necessary to heal the
bitter feuds that this strife has engendered.
The minds and the fcelings of the people
North and South have become alienated from
each other —sirong sectivnal hates have
been aroused that armies cannot conquer —
bitter recollections and heart burnings for
the loved ones who have fallen the victims
upon the many blood s'ained battle fields °° Ba
: | culiar policy in regard to slavery.
| themselves up as the very paragons of Loy-~
cannot be forgotten even in the victorious
tread of an army with banners—and until
all these bleeding wounds are in a measure
healed the Union as it was is not restored.
Until the enormous debt that will have
been incurred at the end of armed hostility,
which, like a vampire, will prey upon the
substance of the people, shall be fully paid,
the Union will not exist as it was ; because
in the freedom from burdensome taxation of
our people, hrs been the sceret main spring
of our prosperity, our liberty, aud our pow-
er.
In view of these facts and ccuntless oths
«rs unmentioned, we see many obstacles in
the way of a speedy restoration of peace in
a bappy reunion of the States — and we will
venture to make the prediction here, thay
this generation will not see the day when
the o'd Union, with so many blessings and
s0 few burdens, will berestored. There are
many things necessary yet to be donc to
bring about this much wished for happy re-
sult. The war power, however strong, is
not sufficient of itself for the purpose. It
can conquer, but it cannot cure the heart. —
it can :nake a rebel act loyal, but it cannot
control his thoughts, and although we con
«quer the physical man, the heart may still
be caloused and mad, which at all times,
whenever a favorable opportunity would of~
fer, would prompt to new and probably more
powerful rebellion.
What then is the cure for the heart 7—
#Where 1s the balm in Gilead whose magic
power can cure it of this fearful malady 2 —
A skilltul physician always trics to ascer-
tain the cause of a disease in his patient,
and when once found, directs ail his reme-
dies towards its removal. Sectional agita-
tion is admitted to be the cause of the es-
trangement of the people of the two sections
of this Unior, That estrangement, existing
in the minds of the people. the agitation be-
ing «eptalivein the North by the abolitionists
was scized upon by a few infatuated fire
eaters in the South, making the mass of the
people believe their rights were endangered
led them into this wicked rebeilion. They
were deluded into the belief that the Lin-
cin Government, as they called it, would
deprive them of their constitutional rigate—
liberate their slaves—and compel them to
submit to a degradation to a level with their
negroes. Fearing the consequences of a
liberation of four millions half civilized hu-
man Leings among them, they were easily
led into rebellion.
This being the cause of the disease, what
are we doing to remedy 1t. We have done
much by our army in the way of opening the
Seuthern ear to listen to our story of the
war, which, but for the army, must have re-
mained closed to our expostulations and pro-
testations, that the object is not to deprive
them of their constitutional rights. But
this is all that our army has or ‘can accom- |
plish, It caunot reach the seat of the
disease. It only opens up the way for the
application of the only remedy that cen erad-
icate the disease, and heal the wounds cf
our bleeding and distracted country.
Let our policy then be, as the foderal bay-
nets open the Southern ear and bring the
mass of that deluded people within our hear-
ing, say to them, both by our actions and
express] assurances, that our object is not
as they have been teld hy their wicked lead
ers, to destroy their constitutionsl privileges
by mterfering with any of their local insti-
tutions ; but that our ol jectis to preserve
the Union just as it was. This delusion (if
it be a delusion) is the cause ot secossion and
rebellion, and to cure the disease, we must
eradicate the cause, Are we doing it ? We
are afraid not. The time of the present
session of Congress has been taken up with
the discussion of cmancipation and confis-
cation bills, to the almost entire exclusion
of everything else. Abolition speech after
speech has been made in the halls of Con-
gress, which find their way into the South.
em prints, that confirm the rebels in the be-
lief that we do intend abolishing slavery.
Wendell Phillips, that arch disunionist, is-
permitted night after night in some courtly
hall in our large cities, to proclaim his trea-
son to the Constitution in his denunciation
of it, because it recognizes the institution of
slavery. An emancipation bill for the Dis~
ttict of Columbia has been passed without
a ruference to a vote of the people concern-
ed. The Northern Abolition press teems
with exhortations to those in power lo wipe
the mstitution of slavery, right or wrong,
fiom existence, :
4ll these things, in some mysterious way,
find a transit to the Southern ear, and which
serve to strengthen them in the belief,
which at the outset, their leaders, tor sinis-
ter mo'ives, informed them was our object.
It, therefore, strengthens the rebellion, and
renders its suppression wore difficult. In
stead of eradicating the disease, it irritates
it and gives it a stronger hold upon the sys-
tem. Although then we do conquer the
rebels after one, or it may be two years more
of bloody waifare, the people there are not
brought back to their ancient allegiance.—
The disease will not be cured but only
checked so long as we keap a standing army
to prevent its outbreak.
No, no we must convince them their rea-
son for secession was a delusion, or this
war can never end in the reestablishment
of the old Union. If we pursue the course
marked out by the abolitionists, we virtual-
ly give them a justification of their course,
and we will become an oppressor, and upon
our hands will rest the the stain of guilt,
and we will have to answer for tHe rivers of
innocent blood that will yet be spilled be.
fore this struggle is ended. These are gol-
emn, momentous facts —let the people pon-
der them well.
tesey
077 The Abolitionists are stiaining every
nerve threcughout the entire North, in Con-
gress and out, to make this war accomphsh
the Abolition of slavery. They still persist
that the Union is not worth saving with sla-
very in it, and as one of them was heard to
say the other day upon our streets, ‘¢ the
Constitution that recognizes slavery is a
covenant with hell.” Yet, just such men as
these, are trying to control the government,
and urging upon it the adoption of their pe~
They set
alty, while at (he same time, they blaspheme
end denounce the very instrument which
makes us a nation, and without which therc
could be no such thing as loyalty or seces-
sion.
Theyalso denounce everybody that adhereg
to the Constitution and opposes their hell~
ish designs upon 1t as traitors. Now, what
right have they to dictate measures for heal-
ing the enormous wounds of our bleeding
country ¢ They are parties to the murder
ous blow, They are the confederates of the
North. What right have they to lay their
paricidal hands upon our blecding country.
As well might an assassin be suffered to
probe with his reeking dagger the wound he
had inflicted.
Let them retire and not attempt to pro-
scribe a remedy for the terrible disease they
have created. The blood shed in this strug-
gle must rest upon their heads, and they
should at least purge themselves of their
awful load of guilt before they attempt to
dictate what shall be the punishment of their
confederates in the South.
tre =
77 The Boston Liberator, the ‘head de
vil” of abolitionism, thus speaks of the old
Union:
“That was a guilly Union cemented with
the blood of an enslaved race on our soil —‘a
covenant with death, and an agreement with
hell,” in the making of which Washington
and his companions committed a grevious
sin. Not for myriads of worlds ought it to
be, even 1f it conld be restored, with all its
iniquitous conditions and horribly pro sla-
very compromises !”’
Thomas Jefferson said that ¢* Two races
equally free cannot live under the same gov-
ernment. Nature, habit and op;nion have
drawn indelible lines distinctly between
them. All history teaches the same fact.
nee.
077 We can’t see why Editors dont give
credit for the paragraphs they copy. Every
day we see hundreds of our own in the
most respectable papers of the country not
credited at all. We count, for instance,
cighteen in that excellent paper, the Phila-
delphia War Press of last Saturday. We
hardly know whether to be most gratifted
with the compliment or vexed at the injus-
tice, — Prentice.
J” Beauregard and Pillow and other re~
bel Generals gave notice by proclamation
that the Southern women would be ravish-
ed wherever the United States arms should
make their way. Will the rebel ladies of
Nashville and New Orleans be so kind as to
inform us whether the proclamations have
been verified 2—- Prentice.
0Z~It is a singular fact that the man who
pays the printer regulary never gets the
nightmare.
How Will it Work?
The recent order of Gen. Hunter, suppo-
sing it to be genuine, declaring the freedom
of the slaves in the States of Georgia, South
Carolina and Florida, says the Patriot &
Union, is the most wicked and idiotic man
ifesto pul forth since the commencement of
the war. It can have rio othet than 2 mis-
chievous effect. The Presiflent recently
induced Congress to offer compensation to
such States as decide t® emancipate their
slaves; bat Gen. Hunter undertakes to wipe
out the institution in three states, by a
stroke of kis pen, without proposing to pay
for them, thus proving himself an economi-
cal autocrat. :
Now what will be the effect of this order?
Will it free the slaves ? How can it reach
them; and how can they read it after it does
reach them 2 The army under the com-
mand of Gen. Hunter has a foothold in each
of the three States affected and nothing
more than a foothold. He may take Charles
ton and Savannah, and use the press in
those cities for the dissemination of his or-
der,’and cven then at least four fifths of the |
slaves will retain in blissful ignorance of
the boon conferred upon them. But their
masters will all read this proclamation, and
say one to another—*¢ We were not mista-
ken in believing that the object of this war
is to emuncipate the negroes. Congress
told us less than a year ago that it was not
waged for any purpose of conquest or sub-
Jugation or purpose of overthrowing or n-
terfering with the rights or established in~
stitutions of the Southern States ; but here is
the evidence that Congress intended to de
ceive us.”’ Such must be the necessary off-
ect of this order upon the Southern people.
It will harden and confirm them in rebellion.
It will be a powerful argument in the hands
of the Southern leadersto stimulate the
flagging energies of the people, and make
many a man secretly favorable to the resto
ration of the Union, sick at heart. Its cir
culation at the South will be worth men
and money to the rebel cause, without the
slightest eounterbalancing advantage to the
Government. Gen. Hunter bas indeed pla.
ced a powerful weapon into the hands of the
enemies of the Union.
We trust that this order is not genuine,
and if genuine that the Administration wil)
at once disavow it.
cose —
Gen. Hunter's Order.
The following important order by Gen.
Hunter, of the Department of the South,
was issued from his headquarters, at Hilton
Head, S. C., on the 9th of May :
Heapquarters Dep't or THE South, |
Hivton Heap, S. C., May 9, 1862. |
** GENERAL ORDERS, No. 11.—The three
States of Georgia, Florida and South Caroli-
na, comprising the Military Department of
the South, having deliberately declared them
selves no longer under the protection of the
United States of America, and having taken
up arms against the United States, it be-
came a military necessity to declare them
uncer martial law, Ths was accordingly
done on the 25th day of April, 1862. Slae
very and martial law in a free country -are
altogether incompatible. The persons
in these three States, Georgia, Florida and
South Carolina, heretofore held as slaves,
are therefore declared forever free.
[Official | ©“ DAVID HUNTER,
* Major General Commanding.
* Ep. W. Smirn, Acting Assistant General.”
This order is a step in advance of the fa~
mous proclamation of General Fremont
which be was directed by the President to
modify. We shall see whether it will be
repudiated at Washington, or whether it
was issued in pursuance of instructions from
headquarters.
It will be observod that the order does
not discriminate between the slaves of loyal
and disloyal owners—they ave all declared
free, upon the ground that slavery and mar-
tial law in a free country are altogether in-
compatible. This, to say the least, is a new
discovery, secing that Gen. Halleck in Mis-
souri. Gen. Dix in Maryland, Gev. Johnson
in Tennessee, and Gen. Butler at New Or
leans, have each administered military law
successfully without proclaiming the frees
dom of the slaves.
Let any man compare the above order of
Gen, Hunter with the resolution at the head
of our columns, passed by Congress last
Summer, and determine how far they are
compatible, and whether the Government
that sanctions ©’ General Order No. 11” can
be held guiltless of dissimulation in thus vi-
olating its solemnly recorded assurances,—
Patriot and Union.
ooo
The 01d Union against the New.
The Abelitionists scoff at the idea of the
restoration of the Union as it was. They are
equally opposed to the Constitution as it is.
They are in fact revolutionists and in this
respect upon a moral level with the Southern
rebels. They ave not in arms against the
Government because they expect to nse the
armies fighting for the defence and perpet
uity of the Government as the means of ac-
complishing its destruction. Observe the
course of their leading men. Sumner insists
that the secession of the Southern States has
destroyed the old Union and annulled the
Constitution with reference to those States
and that hereafter they are to be governed
as territories, subjeet Lo such rules and reg-
ulations as an irresponsible majority in Con-
gress may determine. He affirms that the
Union is sundered —the Constitution dead in
the rebel States, and that Congress is not
restrained by the Constitution in legislating
for them, but may do whatsoever seems best
to the majority. If this be true, secession
has destroyed our Government. It is not
true, and the man who affirms it is as much
of a revolutionist as Jefferson Davis. Wade,
another leading Republican, says that who-
ever talks of constitutional rights is a trai-
tor. A traitor to what? Not to the Con-
stitution ; not to the Government, but to
the new Government untrammelled by Con-
stitutional restrictions which these Abolition
traitors are seeking to erect upon the ruins
of the old Union. Wilson and Lovejoy and
other radical Republicans are equally ~ deci-
ded in repudiating the old Union, and in
foreshadowing a new Government in which
their fanatical notions shall rule supreme.
THE UNION AS 11 WAS—THF CONSTITUTION
As1r1s! This is the banner which the
Democratic party flings to the breeze. This
is the motto which meets with a cordial re-
sponse from every patriotic heart. This is
the only road to satety—the only refuge
from despotism or anarchy.
eta Lt Resmi
T= beautiful ~The weather.
Gen. McClellan.
The following remarks in relation to the
cry of “ On to Richmond,” by many of our
‘home guard,” we topy from the Reading
Gazette. We have men in this town whose
delight seems to have been to stand about
the corners and denounce the gallant Me-
Clellan, as anfiic to command an army, be-
cause he would not rush troops to the slaugh-
tek like dumb beas's They could see no
good in his preparations, and seemed to think
that no victory could be achieved unless it
was done at the expense of thousands of
lives. Their valuable carcasses were out of
danger, and they care not for the lives of
those brave men who have gone from their
own firesides to defend the country in the
hour of her peril.
«t The crisis of the rebellion isapproaching.
The onward march to Richmond has been
commenced, and is already half accomplish-
ed ; and that, too, with a vigor and earnest-
ness that promise speedy and triumphant
success With the capture of the rebel cap
ital, the dispersion of its government, and
the defeat of the flower of its army that has
undertaken to protect and defend it, we
think it may be safely expected that the
active fighting will be over, that a cessation
of hostilities will follow, and that the way
will be opened for negotiation and peac2 .—
That this may ba the result of the decisive
blows that are now being dealt by General
McClellan’s brave army, should be the fer
vent prayer of every lover of his country.
Gen. McClellan’s “On to Richmond,’ is
a very different affair from that which was
precipitated less than a year ago by the
clamor of impatient politicians, stay-at-home
patriots and senseless partizans, and which
yielded the usual fruits of premature action
in the disastrous repulse of Bull Run. He
is doing his work as it should be done, and
as only the skillful tactician and brave sols
dier can do it. He is fulfilling the promise
he made shortly after he was called to take
the place of the veteran Scott at the head of
the Army : « We shall have no more re-
treats.”’ is effective preparations before
Yorktown, his masterly strategy in con-
ducting the siege of that rebel stronghold,
his cool intrepidity under all circumstances,
and abiding confidence in the final result,
compelled its precipitate evacuation without
an attempt at resistance ; “while his instant
pursuit of the flying rebel forces and his
subsequent hand-to hand encounters with
them before and beyord Williamsburg, in
each of which he was victorious, have proved
him to be as prompt and courageous in act.
ion, as the victories he planned for others’
execution, had previously demonstrated his
military genius in council of war. Thus far
he has not blundered. - Every step he has
taken—s'owly, cautiously, deliberately, it
may be as a commander with a just sense of
the responsibilities of his position, invaria
bly moves—has been a success. And there
fore the people confide in him and feel as
sured that the conquest of Richmond is close
at hand.
General McClellan has won the most de-
cisive victory of the campaign, with the least
saciifice of life, And yet, there are those
amongst us—thark God, they are few !—
black hearted and traitorous enough to calu-
minate his motives, to impugn his sugges~
tions and to deprecate the value of his suc-
cesses. They profess disappointment that
Le has not done more fighting, that he has
not achieved his victories by wading through
the blood and trampling over the mutilated
corpses, of thousands of the brave men who
compose his army ; shutting their eyes stub-
bornly to the fact that his strategic abilities
have cnabled him to accomplish all that fight.
ing could have won, and thus to save the
lives of his gallant soldiers for other fields
and future battles. But, General McCrellan
| can well afford to bear, in silence, as he has
borne them, the taunts and jeers of his en-
emies ; for his deeds are nobly vindicating
his fame. His rame will live in the memo-
ry of a grateful people, long after his trada
cers and their vile slanders shall have been
totally forgotten.”
General McClellan.
_— ’
Forney,s Philadelphia Press, alluding to
General M’Cellan, says that *‘no public man
in the country, at the present time, has so
much reason to cry save me from my
friends.” This is in reply to some New
York journal, which has been defending the
General from the malignant persecution of
his enemies.
The Press may felicitate itself upom not
being one of those’ friends from whose
friendship Gen. M'Clellan may wish to be
preserved ; for although that paper did not
assail him with the fury of the Tribune, it
did endeavor to damage him by silken, sly
and insinuating slander. It endeavored to
prove the task before him one that could be
easily zccomplished, when undertaken, thus
depriving him in advance, of any eredit for
the achievement. Last week's business in
Virginia therefore is nothing in these gen
tlemen’s estimation, because they informed
us, at the beginning, that they would be
satisfied with nothing less than has been ac-
complished. Exacting as the task was,
however, it has been thoroughly performed,
it is so brilliant and overwhelming as to
alarm the cabal of conspirators in Washiog-
thn, who have been -plotting M'Clellan’s
destruction. His triumph has been so mag-
nificent as to exhort commendation from the
very set who have been laboring to destroy
him. These individuals it seems carried
out their designs against the young com-
mander a little too far ; the game was be-
ginning to attract public attentiun, and the
public were beginning to form an opinion
which had its effect, in alarming them for
their political future. Accordingly we find
the meanest of the crew, Mr. Lovejoy, seiz
ing time by the forelock, by offering a res- |.
olution in Congress, which was usanimous-
ly adopted, returning thanks to the ¢ Al-
mighty and Gen. M’Clellan for” our late
successes in Virginia. This is a trinmph
well worth recording. The very men who
have devoted so much time to remove Mec-
Clellan, and even create suspicion of his
loyalty, are now compelied by the rushing
force of public opinion, to take back their
calumnies, and become his eulogists, for
fear of being crushed by a just and an in-
Gignant people. From this time forth,
M’Clellan will not need to cry save me from
my friends, unless indeed these conspiras
tors shovld persist in passing complimenta-
ry resolutions upon his performances. Such
friendship he could by no possibility sur-
vive.— Puttsburg Post.
Inn FeeLiNg BetweeN tae East Asp
West. —Sectionalism begins to creep oat in
the House between the East and West It
will not, for a while, become as rancorous
as th at between the North and South, but
indications are apparent thatit will become
very strong inits political action. In the
debate to day upon the Pacific Railroad bill
the Western members intimated plainly that
the West would soon be strong enough to
get nights in Congress without begging for
them as a favor. The members from the
West 1n the present Congress represent a
population larger, by several hundred thou-
ee
sand, than those from the East,— Phil. En-
quirer.
Abolition and Civil War.
Extract from a Speech of Henr
the United States Senate, Tin 1
1839, ox the Reception of Abolition beri
tions.
Clay, in
Sir, I am not in the habit of speaking
lightly of the possibility of dissolving this
happy Union. The Senate knows that I
have deprecated allusions, on ordinary occa-
sions to that direful event. The country
will testify that, if there be anything in the
history of my public career worthy of re-
collection, it is the truth and sincerity of my
ardent devotion to its lasting preservation.
But we should be false in our allegiance to
it, if we did not discriminate between the
imaginary and real dangers by which it may
be assailed. Abolition should no longer be
regarded as an imaginary danger. The Ab-
olitionists, let me suppose, succeed in their
present aim of uniting the inhabitants of the
free States as one man, against the inhabi-
tants of the slave States. Union on one
side will beget union on the other. And
this process of reciprocal consolidation will
be attended with all the violent prejudices,
embittered passions, and implacable ani-
mosities. which ever degraded or deformed
human nature. A virtual dissolution of the
Union will have taken place while the forms
of its existence remain. The most valuable
element of union, mutual kindness, the feel-
ings of sympathy, the fraternal bonds, which
now happily unite us, will have been extin-
guished forever. One section will stand in
menacing and hostile array against the oth-
er. The collision of opinion will be quickly
followed by the clash of arms. I will not
attempt to describe scenes which now hap-
pily lie concealed from our view. Aboli~
tionists themselves would shrink back in
dismay and horror at the contemplation of
desolated fields, conflagrated cities, murder
ed inhabitants, and the overthrow of the
fairest fabrie of human government that ever
rose to animate the hopes of civilized man.
Nor should these abolitionists flatter them.
selves that, if they can succeed in their ob-
Ject of uniting the people of the free States,
they will enter the contest with numerical
superiority that must ensure victory. All
history and experience proves the “hazard
and uncertainty of war. And we are ad-
monished by holy writ that the race is not
to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. —
But if they were to conquer, whom would
they conquer 2 A foreign foe - one who had
insulted our flag, invaded our shores, and
aid our country waste ? No. sir ; no, sir.
It would be a conquest without laurels, with-
out glory—a self, a suicidal conguest—a
conquest of brothers over brothers, achieved
by one over another portion of the descend-
ants of comm om ances’ers, who nobly pledg-
ed their lives, their fortunes, and tEeir sa
cred honor had fought and bled, side by |
side, in many a hard battle or land and
ocean, severed our country from the British
crown, and established our national inde-
pendence
* * * *
Tam, Mr. President, no friend of slavery.
The secacher of all heasts kuows that every
pulsation of mine beats high and strong in |
cause of eivil liberty. Wherever it is safe
and practical, 1 desire to sce cvery tortion
of the human family in the enjoyment of it.
But I preter the liberty of my own country
to that of any other people, and the liberty
of my own race to thatof any other race.—
The liberty of the descendants of Africa in
the United States is incompatible with the
safety and liberty of the European descend-
ants. Fheir slavery forms an exception—
an exception resulting from a stern and in-
exozable necessity—-to the general liberty in
the United States. We did not originate,
nor are we responsible for, this necessity. —
Their liberty, 1f it were possible, could only
be established by violating the incontestible
powers of the States, and subverting the
Union. And beneath the ruins of the Un-
ion would be buried, sooner or later, the
liberty of both races.
But if ene dark spot exists on our political
horizon, is it not obscured by the bright and
effulgent and cheering light that beams all
around us ¥ Was ever a people before so
blessed as we are, if true to ourselves ? —
Did ever any other nation contain within its
bosom so many elements of prosperity, of
greatness and glory ?
lies ahead, conspicuous, elevated and visis
ble. It was clearly discerned at the coms
mencement, ané distinctly seen throughout
our whole career. Shall we wantenly run
upon it, and destrey all the glorious antici~
pations of the high destiny that awaits us ?
I beseech the abolitionists themselves, sol
emnly to pause in their mad and fatal
course. Amid the infinite variety of objects
of humanity and benevolence which invite
the employment of their energies, let them
select some onc more harmless, that does
not threaten to deluge our country in blood.
I call upon that small portion of the clergy,
which"has lent itself te these wild and ruin-
ous schemes, not to forgets the holy nature
of the divine mission of the Founder of our
religion, and to profit by his peaceful ex
amples. [I entreat that portion of ny coun-
try women who have given their coun{enance
to abolition, to remember that they are most
loved and honored when moving in their
own appropriate ad delightful sphere ; and
to reflect that the ink which they shed in
subscribing with their fair hands abolition
petitions may prove but the prelude of the
shedding of the blood of their brethren. I
adjure all the inhabitants of the free States
to rebuke and discountenance, by their opin-
ion and their example, measures which must
inevitably lead to the most calamitous con-
sequences. And [et us ali as countrymen.
as friends, and as brothers, cherish in wn-
fading memory the motto which bore our
ancestors triumphantly through all the tri-
als of the revolution, and, if adhered to, it
will conduct their prosperity through all
that may, in the dispensation of Providence,
be reserved for them.
Unconstitutional Legislation.
That distinguished publicist and lawyer,
Prof. Joel Parker, of the Cambridge Law
School, well known for his adhesion to the
political principles of the present Adminis-
tration, has placed on record the following
opinion for the advice of his political friends:
To the Editor of the Boston Journal :
Der Sir : Will you permit me to say
that the sooner the Republican party cuts
itself loose from all unconstitutional projects
(whether they relate to emancipation by pro-
clamation, conquering States and holding
them as Territories, confiscation without
trial, or any other measure not warranted
by the Constitution) the sooner it will begin
to provide for its own salvation.
Very truly, yours, JOEL*PARKER.
Cambridge, May 5, 1862.
ig aries
ReacrioN AMONG THE GERMANS.— The
New York Sun says:
A tremendous reaction against the repubs
lican party, as lately constituted, seems to
be in progress throughout the entire German
population of the northwest, In fowa. the
Demecrats are looking for thousands of
German votes where they never had them
before, and in Minnesota, Missouri, Michigan
and even Ohio, the change of sentiment is
astonishing.
——— i nl
IZ A boy at school in the West when
called on to recite his lesson in history, was
asked, “What is the German Diet 7’ —
* Sourkrout. Schnapps and Sausages.’’
|
Our own real danger |
[From the Philadelphia Inquirer.]
The Most Bemartatle Conqusst of the
ar, .
One of the most remarkable captures of
this war is McClellan’s conquest of Greeley.
That of Lovejoy, although extraordinary, is
not tc be compared to this of the 7% dune ed-
itor ; for notwithstanding Lovejoy's wild
radicalist, he ie a man of earnest truthful-
ness and of generous impulse. But Greely
was as obstinate, sullen and malignant in
hus resistance to McClellan's way of dolng
things as the Rebels themselves. Strongly
as the Rebels were entrenched at Yorktown,
they were not more thoroughly fortified
against McClellan’s approaches than was
the Tribune behind its iron-clad breastworks
of persistent prejudice. Fierce and spiteful
as was their fire in his front at Williams.
burg, it was not more so than Greeley’s
“fire in the rear” at New York. Reluct~
antly and sullenly as they took up their
compelled retreat, so the Tribune withdrew,
overpowered, but with lowering brow and
with silent tongue.
At length there is a most happy change.
The Tribune is conquered ; Greeley is cap-
tured. Ye that have read him, with sad
hearts and vexed and resentful spirits, since
December last until the 10th of May, heark-
en to his voice on Monday, the 12th :
But the fighting of the Grand Army. of
the Potomac has been splendid, and the res
cent generalship of McClellan commands
unwersal praise. From the hour that York
town was evacuated by the Rebels as untena-
ble, their retreating columns have been press
ed with great vigor, and it seems with caus
ton and judgment as well. An army re.
treating through a friendly and difficult
country, breaking down the bridges as it
passes, and destroying all that could serve
its pursuers, ean of course outstrip those
pursuers, and by turning suddenly in force
upon their advance, can engage thein with a
great advantage in numbers, or push them
back upon their main body. Hence our ad-
vance under Hooker and Heintzelman had to
fight against odds at Williamsburg or give
ground disastrously, and so with Franklin’s
and Sedgwick’s divisions, hurried off by
transports to West Point to intercept the
flight of the Rebels. But in either case the
Confederate were ultimately defeated and
compelled to accelerate their flight so that
the moral effect of these combats is decided
ly favorable, shough their losses in action
may not have greatly exceed our own, An
army of seventy thousand effectives, re.
treating over its own ground without having
fought and lost a pitched battle has seldom
been pusled back fAster, or with smaller loss
bo iis assailants, thax the Rebel host since it
stole away from its entrenchments at York~
town. With reasonable good fortune Gen-
eral McCleilan will be in Richmond this
week.”
Is not a}l that well and judiciously said ?
To use a favorite guotatior. from Horace—
not the Eatin Poet, but the Manhatten red
acteur—*‘truly the world does move.”
— eter
127 We have another letter, quite a long
and elaborate one, from our fierce little reb-
el correspondent, *“ Minnie Minden.” She
declines our suggestion as to the personal
interview, and we withdraw it. She is kind
enough to say that she would not have us
assassinated, and adds :
No, T would have the vampires rioting in
your own bosom to feed upon the bitter
fountains there in mockery of the miseries
of your life—I would doom you an outcast,
wandering Salathiel, with mountains to fall
upon, but not crash ; seas to subnierge, but
not drown ; fire to torture, but not consume.
Like the Fairy of Ariosto, at times, Twould
assume the serpent’s shape, and, coiling
about as if to beguile you with my sorcer-
ies, I would hiss you with the mockeries of
self, till life should be to you a torment and
a curse.
Why, Minnie! Minnie! what a terrible
little woman you must, be! We wonder
whether you ever expect to get married. —
We should think that any prudent young
fellow, even though a rebel, would as soon
marry the Devil's daughter and keep house
with his father.in-law. You say you would
like to assume a scrpent’s shape and éoil
around us and hiss us. Ah, well, we don’t
know but we would rather have you coil
around us and hiss in that shape than coil
around us and kiss us in your present one.
But you are certainly a smart gir}, Min-
nie, and we have some hopes of you. May
be, as the weeks and months move on, you
will grow wiser, and give up your treason,
and adopt the teachings of the Louisville
Journal, and bless the dear old flag, and
marry a patriot, and invite us to the wed-
ding, and name your first baby after us,
Write soon, Minnie.—Prentice, of the
Louisville Journal.
A New axp TERRIBLE WAR WEAPON. — A
corespondent writing from Newbern, says.
By order of Governor Curtin. 1t is expected
that the Fifty first Pennsylvania Volunteers
will be furnished with a” battery of two
newly invented guns, which are easily trans
ported, and are capable of discharging one
hundred one ounce balls per minute, Ifthe
weapon is approved by the General of Divis-
ion, the guns will be “forthcoming immedi-
ately. One man can carry the gun proper,
and it requires but five men to man itin aca
tion, Once get the range of the enemy, and
no force could stand against a regiment ca-
pable of discharging a volley of two hundred
balls, from a sqad of ten men per minute,
not considering the havoc the remainder of
the regiment were creating with ther En~
fields. It is very probable that the weap-
ons are already on their way hither. Should
the Fifty first obtain another show, armed
with this new weapon, ‘* somebody will be
hurt. —Patriot & Union.
a
I= The Special election for a member of
Congress in the district composed of the
counties of Bucks and Lehigh, appointed
for the 24th of May inst.. to fill the vacancy
caused by the death of Dr. Cooper, excites
considerable interest on account of the indi-
cation it will afford of the drift of public
opinion upon the grave questions now agita-
ting the country. The Democrats have nom-
inated John D. Stiles, of Lehigh, and the
Republi cans George Lear of Bucks.
This has always been regarded as a close
and deubtful Jistrict. In the fall of 1858 it
elected Henry C. Longenecker, Republican,
At the election of 1860, Dr. Cooper beat
Longenccker 143 votes out of a poll of 21,
383. Both parties are exerting themselves
to carry the district on the 24th inst. Our
Demecratic friends appear confident of suc
ces.
a et eeehiri
077 The highe: you rise, the wider is your
horizon ; so the more you know, the more
you will see to be known.
The Responsibility
of the War.
We know of ns example for the sublime
impudence of the Republican leaders in de.
nyiog their responsibilty of the war. They
shall not escape the responsibility, severe
theless,
The war vor secession was a necessary
consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln
He could himself have averted secession, ®
and, of course war, by a few assuring words,
spoken in good time after his election. The
Republican leaders in Congress could have
averted secession, and of course war, by a
little assuring legislation during the 8rst few
weeks of the session which commenced in
December, 1860 ; and after the secession of
the Cotton States, they could have confled
secession to those States, which would have
speedily collapsed, by a little assuring leg-
islation. All this every intelligent reader
understands as well as we do, and we have
only to recall his recollection of ¢vents from
the election to the inauguration of Mr, Lin.
coln to fix in every readers mind, the ree
sponsibility for the war.
But let 18 bring a little testimony to bear
upon the question. Republicans ate of late
very fond of quoting Douglas. In maiing
hi: a witness they admit us to the right of
cross question, and they cannot impesch the
credibility of their own witness in any rve-
spect. We seek to know from Douglas,
therefore, whether the Republicsa leaders
might not have averted secession and wag
by assuring legislation ; and we find his an-
Swer in a speech delivered by him in the
Senate on the 3d of January, 1861, on the
measure of conciliation which he himself had:
introduced. »
Said he :
*“ I believe this to be a fair basis of amis
cable adjustment. If you of the Republican
side are not willing to accept this, nor the
proposition of the Senator from Kentucky,
(Mr. Crittenden) pray tellus what you are
willing to do ?
* L address this inquiry to. Republicans
alone, for the reason thatin the committee
of thirteen, a few days ago, every member
from the South, including those” from the
Cotton States (Messrs. Toombs and Davis)
expressed their readiness to accept the pro-
position of my venerable friend from Ken
tucky (Mr, Crittenden} as a final settlement
of the controversy if wntended and sustained
by the Republican members.
“ Hence tle responsibility of our disagree-
ments, and the only difficulty in the way of
an amicable adjustment, is with the Repub-
hean party.”
Mark the language :
¢ The sole responsibility of our disagree-
ment, and the only difficulty in the way of
amicable adjustment, is with the Repub-
hean party.”
We sound this language in the ears of ev-
ery man and woman in the land upon whom
the consequences of this war fall with crush-
ing weight. :
Fhere is another witness whom we wish
to examine in this connection. It is Wen
dell Philips, who was recently feasted by
the Vice President of the United States, tha
Speaker of the House of Representatives,
and other Republican leaders in Washinge
ton, and who certainly has been fully ac~
cepted as a gospeler by the leading Repub
lican press of the country. We want to
show by him why the republican or anti-
slavery leaders in Congress would not agree
to.any of the measures of conciliation which:
were urged by Douglas, Crittenden, and oth-
er patriots during the session of 1861-2, and
which would have been accepted by the
South, and averted secession and war. In
a speech in Tremont Temple, Byston, after
the close of the above named session of Con-
gress, Phillips testified : &
“The anti-slavery party had Fopea for
and planned disunion, because it would lead:
to the development of mankind and the els-
wation of the black man.”
And he added :
*“ In six months I expeet a separation. —
The game is up, the Union is at an end. We
have purchased nothing but disgrace. The
North is bankrupt in character as in money.
Before the summer ends we shall see two
Confederacies.”’
We have said enough, and showed enough
to sct the reader thinking. We leave hin
to his thoughts. — Chicago Times.
5
——————
Another Mob —More Teachings of Re-
publicanism,
The Rev. John P. Lacroix, pastor of the
Methodist Episcopal Church at Piketown,
was mobbed on last Sabbath morning when
about to open his Sabbath school. He was
attacked, as he says by several men and
overpowered and shamefully abuséd. So
sudden was theattack that he could ‘not
draw hi8 revolver before he was seized. —.
Previous threats and a friend induced him
to arm himself. The battle cry of the moh
was “Take him out ”” Take him to the riy-
er!” &c., Mr. Lacroix says : ’
“1 wish to tel! the public plainly anoth-
er part of the reason why this clique are
against me. It 1s because [ hava not made
pete of them and obeyed their behests in all
things; it is because T have tried to improve
things, it is because 1 have taied to improve
the singing in Church and Sabbath school ;
it is because in my preaching instead of
whining, aud sweating, and bleating and
screaming, and hammering the Bible, F
choose to talk to the people in a respecta-
ble, and reasonable an decent manner. The
majority of our local preachers I esteem,
but I am persecuted because I do not chose
to invite into the pulpit certain nominal
local paeachers for whom I know the most
of my congregation has little or no respect.
I am hated by this clique because I do not
belch out war and politics in every sermon.
Nothing is too bad to say about me. If the
devil should leave hell, he could not invent
more malicious lies against me than have
been circulated hereabouts.”
We suppose Rev. Lacroix isa Democrat
and don’t suit the Abolition Republican
wing of the Church. Can it be possible
that this Church must be agam divided,
and its influence for good destroyed entira-
ly on account of mixing up politics with
religion ? or is the determination of some of
its members to dedicate the Church to the
negr o and the degradation of the whites”
man ¥*—M Arthur (0.) Democrat. ;
el eevee aT
JZ7The customers of a certain cooper in
a town out West, caused him a vast deal of
vexation by their saving habits and persis-
tence in getting sll their tubs and casks re-
paired buying little work.
I stood it long enough, however,” said
he, “until one day old-Sam Crabtree broughly,
in an old bunghole, to which he said h
wanted a new barrel made. Then I quit the
business in disgust.”
ee
77> A child of five, having seen her fath.
er for the first time, he having been absent
in California, was much astonished that he
should claim any authority over her, and on
an occasion of rebellion, as he administered
punishment, she cried out: «I wish you
had never married into our family.”
———e-|
(I~ A pious minister after lecturing a rag
ged Sunday School class 1n a most edifying
manner, proposed to close the exercises by
singing ‘Jordan,’ meaning the hymn, ‘On
Jordan's stormy banks ! stand.’ The whole
school struck up, “Jordan am a hard road te
travel I believe."
——