he Tdlatchmun,
CT. ALEXANDER, | ;
JOE W. FUREY, ~ | Editors,
BELLEFONTE, DEC. 12th, 1861.
Congress and the War.
It is very singular that Northern men dif-
fer so much as to the means best calculated
to restore our once happy Union, and while
the great mass of the Northern people are in
favor of restraining all war measures strictly
within the bounds of Constitutional authority,
that certain members of Congress should
persistently urge upon the Administration
the adoption of a war policy entirely incon~
sistent with our often repeated declarations
of our intentions towards the South and its
institutions, and which would be destructive
of the very form of government we are striv-
ing to preserve.
The allegations of the Southern people,
upon the election of President Lincoln were,
that the object and chief aim of his Admin.
istration would be the destruction of the in-
stitution of slavery. They set this appre’
hensior up ss the pretext for their rebellion,
and urged the conservative and Union men
of the South into the adoption of their theory
as the only mcans of preserving their sti-
tutions and their property. We, of the
North, however, assured them repeatedly
that such was not, nor would not be the
policy of the Lincoln Administration, and
exhorted them to remain true to their alle-
giance, and give it a trial, feeling confident
that their fears. were without foundation,
and that their property would receive all the
protection of the law and the Constitution
under President Lincoln's Administration.
They heeded us not, however, but chose
to rebel. and the present day finds us in the
midst of the greatest rebellion the world ever
saw. Powerful armies stand menacing each
cther all along the line between the two sec.
tions, and are only waiting for a favorable
opportunity to ‘let loose the dogs of war”
in deadly conflict.
That victory will perch upon the Star
Spangled Banner all agree. But if we per-
sist in carrying out the emancipation policy
already agitated in Congress, when will that
end be consummated ? It only adds fuel to
the flame of rebellion, and will enlist the
whole South as one wan in the support of
their bastard government. Those men in
the South who have quietly withheld their
support, and those who have been forced to
give an uawilling support to the cause of re-
bellion, will, when they seo that the object
of our government is to take from them their
property, enter into the contest with might
and main, seeing that their only salvation is
in the triumph of their arms in establishing
their independence.
We need no better evidence than the dis-
play recently made in North Carolina, Ten
nessee, Eastern Virginia and Kentucky, that
there are thousands of Union men in the
. —-==wvy wav Suu suuere with true
fidelity to
the old Union. These men con-
stitute a nucleus around which will cluster
thousands upon thousands of others when
this rebellion, as soon it must begin to weigh
heavily upon their industrial interests, which
will constitute a power more potent for good
in re establishing the Union than all the bay-
onets we can send upon their mission of
death south ‘of the Potomac. But drive
these men from the Union cavse—as the
emancipation policy, if carried out, is sure
to do—and half a million of precious lives
will pay the penalty of our folly.
Shall we do this, when the certain conse-
quence will be to add years to the struggle
which has already lasted sufficiently long to
make us sigh for the days of *¢ Auld Lang
Syne 7?
We tell the Union men of Kentucky, Ten-
nessee, North Carolina and Virginia, whom
we told only a few months ago, by a resolu-
tion of Congress, ‘that this war is not wag-
** ed on our part in any spirit of oppression,
‘“ or for any purpose of conquest or subjuga.
‘ tion or purpose of overthrowing or ipter-
“ fering with the rights or established insti-
‘* tutions of those States, but to defend and
* maintain the supremacy of the Constitu-
‘ tion, and to preserve the Union, with all
* the dignity, equality, and rights of the
‘‘ several States unimpaired ; and that as
‘soon as these objects are accomplished the
‘war onght to cease,” and who are now
risking their all in defence of the governs
ment unon the strength of this assurance
that we have since changed our minds, and
that upon more mature reflection we have
concluded to entirely wipe out the institu-
tion of slavery, and that their property must
share the same fate of that of the vilest trait-
or of South Carolina !
How could we justify such duplicity and
double dealing in the eyes of the civilized
world ? ;
Will the plea urged by Charles Sumner,
of military necessity, upon which he seeks
to justify such a coursolfilid a sufficiently
close scrutiny to excuse us for our cause 7—
Military necessity is the tyrant’s plea, that
is made to hide the many crimes of despot-
ism, and one that is ill suited in arepublican
governwent to hide a crime.
The people will scrutinize—they will lift
the veil and look at the scenes beuind.—
What manner of good can result from eman-
cipation, 18 a question upon which the people
would like to be informed. [n the present
state of the rebellion, such a decreo by our
Congress would be entirely ineffectual in
abolishing the institution of slavery. The
rebel master will keep his siaves in the rear
out of the reach of the law, and thus render
it as far as heis concerned a nullity, until
4%
we march our conquering forces clear thro
the entire South to the Gulfof Mexico.
which will be a bigger job than many any,
ticipate, A ’ Z
They will manage to keep their slaves
out of our reach until they are subjugated. —
When that is done, the war will be over,
and the law can take effect. A general
emancipation may then take place ; but as
far as the prosecution of the war has been
concerned, it will not have availed a single
iota. Tt will not have strengthened our arms
and made our conquest .easy, but on the
contrary it will have given a new impetus to
the rebellion, healed all dissensions as to the.
cause in the so called Confederate States,
converted the Union slave holder into a dis-
union traitor, and have swelled their army
to double its present size, and perhaps have
put the end beyond the existence of the
present generation,
Every thing should be done that will have
a tendency to strengthen - our arms and the
Union sentiment of the loyal men of the
South ; for that which strengthens the Una
ion sentiment in the South strengthens our
arms and hastens the end, and that which
weakens and destroys the Union sentiment
in the South weakens our arms and protracts,
and it may be, renders the struggle doubtful.
Therefore, let Senator Sumner rant upon
emancipation—let Trumble howl to th
winds his abolition treason —let all the Abo
litionists in the land re-echo their demoniac
howls, but let Old Abe stand firm upon the
Coustitution and place his Executive Veto
upon the emancipation bill this Congress is
Sure to pass. The destiny of this people is
in his hands for weal or woe. He holds the
Sceptre ; his veto may save us—his signa-
ture doom us a nation to eternal destruc-
tion.
If the war is conducted for the object, of
maintaining the government and the enforce.
ment of the laws, according to the declara-
tion of Congress at its last session, it will be
of short duration. Armed loyal men will
spring up everywhere in the Southern States,
ready to fight to the bitter end to maintain
our blessed free government, and the strug.
gle will soon be over. But make it an un-
constitutional war—an emancipation war—
instead of a war for the restoration of our
government, just as it was before this rebel-
liom took place, with all its liberties and 1n-
stitutions, and the existing division between
the North and the South will be eternal,
and the war will last as long as there is a
division,
“ii
The Question in Congress.
No matter what position the Administra-
tion may take on the emancipation ques-
tion, 1t is certain that old enemies of the
Government like Thaddens Stevens, of Penn.
sylvania, and Pomeroy, of Kansas, intend
introducing bills into Congress, providing
for the liberation of the slaves, These men
care as little now for their oaths to support
the Constitution of the United States as they
did when they were engaged in obstructing
Aha axils fie TURIUYEG Ulave 14W.
They hold oaths as light as dicer's vows.
when they interpose between slavery and the
gratification of their cherished hatred to
Southern institutions, and appeal to the
* higher law” to shield themselves from the
pains of perjury.
The Baltimore American suggests that
the Government could do no wiser act than
to reaffirm the order from headquarters in
the beginning of the contest. Tt will be ob.
served that the following order ig identical
with that issued by Gen. Halleck, which
has given so much offence to the Abolition
ists :
‘ HEADQUARTERS DEP. OF WASHINGTON.
* Fugitive slaves will, under no pretext
‘ whatever, be permitted to reside or be in
‘any way harbored in the quarters and
*“ camps of the troops serving in this de~
‘partment. Neither will such slaves be
‘allowed to accompany the troops on the
“ march. Commandants of troops will be
“held responsible for a strict observance of
¢“ this order.”
Let this simple order be promulgated in
every military camo, and there is no calcu
lating the accession of strength it would at
once bring to the Government in its contest
with rebellion. With no ambiguity about
it, it falls back op the guarantees of the
Constitution, and the verest mischief maker
in the whole land is powerless to evoke any
thing from it but the plain purpose to leave
the control of slavery where it legitimately
belongs. To make 1t clear to the apprehen-
sion of all, no long. commentaries or elabor-
ate protests need go along with it ; for citi-
zen and soldier alike can understand itat a
glance, and acting and relying upon it, it
would establish the Government upon an im
pregnable basis that nothing could shake.
In simple justice to the Union men of Bast
Tennessee and North Carolina, and Ken-
tucky, and Missouri, now contending against
misr:presentation and prejudice, more po
tent than armed hosts, something like this—
1t seems to us—should be done,
barrassment in this direction should at once
be cleared away.
The position of the Government should be
unequivocal, plain, known to all. Unfortu.
nately already, in being compromised by
those who seek to give a wrong coloring to
its policy, it cannot, desling with the ques-
tions connected with the attempted rebel-
lion, be too explicit if it would draw to its
To do this would be better than to make aq-
ditional levies of troops for the field, for ig
would be building up its strength in the
hearts of the honest gnd patriotic masses of
the whole American people.— Patriot and
Union.
Comin —The holidays,
It was Well !
It wal well that the Democratic party of
this and most of “thie other Northern States,
5 trinmphed.at the “recent electiong~—woii for
the Zountry, and well for the country at
the impudence of the Black Republican poli..
who are quartered upon the Government, at
high salaries, for doing little or nothing —
the unblushing impudence of those political
vagrants, we say, became so annoying as to
| be almost unendurable. ' A few months ago,
according to the stay-at-home logic of blus-
tering, but cowardly Republicans, it was
treason to suggest doubts of the infallibility
of the Administration ; treason to object to
any of its acts ; treason to appeal to the
Constitution and laws ; treason to belong to
the Democratic party ; treason to say that
Washington was in danger ; treason to deny
that it was not in danger ; treason to say
that the rebels would fight ; treason not to
believe that they would run at the first fire ;
treason to hold up to public view the vul-
tures who were speculating off the soldiers ;
treason to say that the Republicans were in
inextricable difficulties, &c. Tt was also
fashionable, before the election, for these
pampered rascals to threaten to demolish
(behind their backs. of course) Democratic
editors as *‘Secessionists,” and endeavor to
incite the rabble against them. Such were
the practices of these venal wretches--these
political prostitutes—before the election, —
We had plenty of them in this county —a
number of them here in town—who, had not
their coward hearts failed them, would have
put their threats into ¢xecuation.
dept * * *
Had the Democracy of this State been de.
feated m the recent contest, what would be
the state of aflairs just now 2 We venture
to say that every true Democratic paper in
the State would have been suspended or
muzzled. Mobs would have continued (what
they had commenced in several places) to
sack printing offices and intimidate Judges
upon the bench. Rampant Abolitionism,
drunk and bloated with ill gotten power,
would have placed its black heel upon the
necks of the peogle, and crushed them to the
cath. —Judges would have been hurled from
the bench for daring to administer justice,
and a Jeffries would have occupied the place
of each one of them. Freedom to the slaves
of the South would have been declared, and
all men who doubted such a policy would
haye been arrested for treason." Such,
we opine, would have been the state of af-
fairs had the Republicans succeeded at the
last election.
But, an Allwise Providence averted the
calamity. For some cause it pleased God to
permit an intestine war to scourge us ; but
we have been saved a worse misfortune—a
second Republican triumph. For this we
feel thankful, for we do believe that another
victory by that pestiferous faction would
geal tha fata af ane runt y UICYL. Wo DE
licve we shall succeed in putting down this
rebellion ; we believe we shall restore tin
Union. The Democratic party made the
* *
country, and we have confidence that the
same party can rescue it from its present
difficulties. After that has been accom-
plished, the people must be more careful,
and never again, as long as tho world
stands, permit the enemies of our country
to gain power a second time.— Carlise Vol-
unteer.
The Republican Party,
The Republican party still lives. —Mad;-
son Journal.
In commenting upon this text, the Mj
waukie, News remarks :
¢ Yes, it lives—but we have a civil war
a broken Union, an enormous public debt
a direct tax, an oppressive tariff, an empty
treasury, a deserted capital. The grave of
Washington is in a hostile land. Half a
million men in arms to maintain the Presi
dent in his seat. A thousand battle-fields
drink the blood of our country’s children.—
The deep trenches are filling up with the
bodies of fairest sons. The nation awakes
each day to the boom of hostile guns. The
glittering bayonets of regiments of men are
passing along the streets to the murderous
work of the battle-field. The people rise in
the morning and lie down at night amid
scenes of mortal strife. The newspaper
columns throng with the sickening details of
murder and death. The old gorgeous ban-
ner of the Union, with its cheerful blazonry
once the radiant emblem of greatness, pro-
gress, unity and power. droops amidst the
smoke of the conflict— its glory paled, many
sta s stricken out. Prisons full ; grain fields
barren ; homes in mourning ; husbandmen
turned soldiers ; the plow idle in the furrow ;
great ships rotting at the wharves of our
cities’; grass growing in places where busy
feet were wont to tread: the avenues of
trade locked up ; the voice of humanity sti
fled in the din of the deathly work of fight-
Ing men ; the family circle torn asunder in
hostile groups : free speech restrained ; a
{ree press hampered ; the writ of right sus-
pended ; the civil law superseded ; a milita.
ry law existing ; and its permanent estabs
Every em. |
lishment threatened, predicted. and proba-
ble-~this is Republicanism in its full frui-
tion! All this the bitter fruitof Republican-
ism not yet dead! For the sake of country,
people, the world, and for the cause of liber-
ty and Union, would that it had been Stran-
gled in its birth.
TTT
IZ B. F Hallett, of Boston, has written a
long letter to a committee in Holmesburg, Pa.
Which is published in the Philadelphia Press, in
which he says :
“There is no issue but this one great test:—
side the conservative element in the land. — | Shall the Constitution be the supreme law of
the land in every State and Territory ? Rley-
on States have repudiated it by Secession. We
must take care that the free States do not abro-
| the Union, and both must be driven out of our
gate it by abolition. Both are alike heresies to
Eden or we can have
if we had Union.”
no Unon and no peace in it,
PLEASANT ~The weather,
large. Prior to the election in Pennsylvania, |
ticians—particularly those thieving minions |
Democratic printing offices, and to denoune¢’
Letter From Col. Charles J. Biddle,
letter was written by Uni |
| Biddle Member of Cons from Philadel -
phia. in reply to an “invitations from promi
| nent c*zens of Philadelphia, to partake of a
| public dinner :
To the Hon. George M. Dallas, Charles J.
Ingersoll, Peter M’Call, John Cadwalader,
George Sharswood, A, V, Parsons, Fred,
Frailey, Henry M. Phillips, Esqrs., and
others. ;
GENTLEMEN :-~I have had the pleasure to
receive, to-day, your communication, and
beg yoll to accept my thanks for the flatrer-
ng terms 1n which you have expressed your
views upon what has been, to me, a subject
of anxious reflection.
It has been my earnest desire. at this
great juncture of our National affairs, to give
my humble services where they may be most
useful to my country. With this purpose I
took the field , and holding, during the peri-
od of the Extra Session, a separate and im-
portant command, I did not feel at liberty to
quit it to take the seat in Congress to which
you had, in my absence, elected me.
1 have come, for a day or two, from the
great camp in front of Washington, where T
command a regiment that has been to me a
source of the highest pride and satisfaction,
and I shall leave it with feelings of regret
that I will not attempt to express here. But
I yield to the representations of the wishes of
my constituents, conveyed to me in your
letter and i» other forms. I shall, therefore
tender, through the proper authorities, the
resignation of my military commission from
the State, and, as your representative, will
return to Washington.
It is true that, according to high authori.
ties, I might at-once hold the two positions ;
but it is plan that I could not perform the
duties of both, and, waiving the bare legal
question, it seems to me to be incompatible
with the character of a representative and a
legislator to be a paid officer, subject to the
orders of the Executive, and present in his
place only by the revocable leave of a mili-
tary superior. I have, therefore, reached
the conclusion that your representative must
not now be trammelled ; yet, should the
tide of war, indeed, roll around the National
capital I hope that my brethren in arms
will find room in their ranks for one soldier
more.
My political opinions are what they have
always been. I am a Democrat- -never
more one than at this hour. I rejoice that
it was with my name upon your banners
that you overthrew the Republican party 1m
this city.
When Tsay Tama Democrat, T do not
mean that I belong to amy knot of politicians.
When I say Iam a Democrat, T mean that I
have ever maintained those national prinei-
ples which, under God, made and preserved
us a nation ; those great national principles
of justice and equality for al' the States,
which, so long as they are practiced, made
our various institutions and interchangeable
commodities bonds of strength and union,
rather than grounds for strife.
This, at least, we may say for the Demo.
cratic party—it rated at their true value the
fantastic theories, the whimsies, the fem.
the questions of mere phraseology, that men
calling themselves statesmen, have preferred
to peace, to union, to the gradual progress
and development of each scetion, and all
races in due relation to nafural causes. —
This, too. we may say for the Democratic
party — while it maintained its sway, seces-
sion” was a little, baflied clique ; as the Re~
publican party rose, “Secession” became an
‘army of banners.”
Nor was the foresight of the
leaders wider than their patriotism. The
false prophets of the party promised their
followers that three months should see the
end of all the trouble ; and when war came
| Tho following
i
Republican
| degraded place among the naf
of the North, must sink tow humble, no
s. National
prosperity is too nearly allie to_ national
dignity to Soffer as to Sand ‘in the" relation
of the vanquished fo those who meyer can
secede from geographical connection 3 with
whom close relations, warliks or amicable,
m =f continue always.
The Democratic party sought to keep the
peace among the States with honor to them
ull 5 but while the war lasts, into which the
Abolitionists of the North and the ‘“precipi~
tationists’’ of the South have hurried us, let
us demand that a firm and wise administra.
tion of the Government shall evoke and hon.
estly apply our military resources, in which
the nations most famous in arms have not
surpassed nor equalled us.
In conclusion, gentlemen, let me say that
I am deeply sensible of the honor of repres
senting this old city : for our District is the
old city that our fathers knew and loved.
As your representative, T will exercise the
right of free speech, and will strive to main-
tain, for all, the cherished rights, the enjoy-
ment of which constitute civil liberty.
My stay here does not allow me to accept
the compliment of a public dinner, to which
you do me the honor to invite me.
To see you and other valued friends will,
at all times, afford the greatest pleasure to
Respectfully and traly your oh’t servant,
CHARLES J. BIDDLE.
Humorous Letter from the Army.
The Boston Post has the following good.
natured, Mark Tapley, species of letter from
one of 1ts correspondents :
Camp GUNPOWDER, ARMY OF THE Poroxac.
November, 1861.
Dear Messrs Eprrors :—DBilly Briggs and
I still remain in the army. The other morn-
ing I was standing by him in our tent.—.
¢ Hand them scabbards, Jimmy,” said he.
‘* Scabbards !”’ said 1, looking around.—
‘“ Yes, boots I mean.” Billy arranged him-
self in his scabbards—a dilapidated pai. of
fashionable boots - and stood up in a very
erect and dignified wanner. * Those boots
of mine, I don’t think were any relation to
that beef we had for dinner to-day, Jimmy,”
said he. *“No,” said I. «If they were
only as tough as that beef. and vice versa.
it would have been better.”
I say, Cradle,” he called out, ‘ Where
are you ¢’ Oak wag our contraband. a
genuine, darky¥ with a foot of extraordinary
length and ext... nvels to match, giving him
a queer look about those extremities. —
* What do you call him Cradle for, Billy 2”
said I; “that’s a queer name.” «What
would you call him, Jimmy, if he ain’ta
cradle, what’s he put on rockers for2”—
Cradle appeared with a pair of perforated
stockings. «Its no use, ” said Billy look«
ing at them. « Them stockings will do to
put on a sore throat, but they wont do for
the feet, Its a humiliation fora man like
me to be without stockings ; a man may be
baldheaded, and its genteel, but to be bare
footed is ruination. The sleeves is good,
t00,” he added, thoughtfully, © but the feet
are gone. There is something about the
heels of stockings and the elbows of stoves
pipes in this world that is all wrong,
Jimmy.”
A supply of st ckings had come that
and were just being given out: a
very large ones fell to Billy’s lot. Billy
held them up before him. Jimmy,” said
he. “‘those are pretty bags to give a little
fel'ow like me. Them stockings were knit
for the President or a young gorilla, cer-
tain ;”* and ho was about to bestow them
on Cradle, when a soldier m the opposite
predicament made an exchange. ¢ Them
stockings made me think of the Louisiana
volunteer I scared so the other day,” Hows
that #7 said I. « He was among our pris-
oners and saw a pair of red leggings with
day
pair of
’
upon them. even then they wanted only three
months volunteers to end it. They created
and fostered that intoxicating self cofidence
that was the cause of our earlier reverses, —
They had so persistently abused that part of
the American people that lived across a
geographical line. that they had come, at
last, to underrate and despise them, and Re-
publican oratory summoned its hearers not
to stern encounte-s, but only to pays and
pillage.
When the national flag was struck down
at Charleston, and the national capital was
threatened by Secession, the North rose like
one man. The world saw with astonishment
the great uprising of the people ; Europe
prejudged the issue in our favor 3 yet, as if
smitten with blindness, the Republican
leaders seemed striving to waste and dissi-
pate, instead of to seize and use, the noble
material for great armies, which was, with
scarcely any limit, placed at their disposal.
The soldier who offered himself for the pub-
lic service fonnd that he must ear-wig some
politician before he could be allowed the
privilege to fight or die for his country.—
Men began to say .hat the war was to be
made “a Black Republican job.”
Politicians were put at the head of troops
—politicians who thought that to wear lace
and feathe's, and to pocket pay, was ‘he
whole duty of the officer —feasting and frol-
icking and speech making took the place of
training and discipline ; and, while the offi
cer spouted and revelled, the rank and file
were robbed of their first right —the right to
skillful guidance and instruction, The reins
were nominally put into the hands of a ven.
erable chieftain ; but every politician, every
‘able editor,” took a pull “at them, till they
upset the coach.
Amid shouts of *On to Richmond,” the
North, with 1ts teeming population, found
itself outnumbered at every point of con-
flict, and the battle of Bull Run proved that
the Administration had known neither its ¢
own strength nor the enemy’s. «Where
then were our legions 2’ we may ask of it.
Bat the battle of Bull Run was not without
feet, hanging up before a tent. He never
said a word till he saw the leggings, and
then he asked me what ther were for,”
“Them!” said I, “them ‘is Gen. Bank’s
stockings.” He looked scared. ¢¢ ue’s a
big man, is General Banks,” said I, «but
then he.ort to be the way he lives. “How ?’
said he. “ Why,” said I, «¢ his regular diet
is bricks buttered with mortar.” The next
day Billy got a present of a pair of stockings
from a lady ; a nice soft pair, with his ini~
tials in red silk upon them. He was very
happy. «Jimmy, "said he, “just look at
them,” and he smoothed them down with
his hand— marked with my initials, too ;
‘B’ for my Christian, and «W’ for my
eathen name. How kind! They came
Justin the right time, too; I've got such a
sore heel ; for it’s a fact, Jimmy, that if
‘there’s anything in life worse than unrequi-
ted love, it’s a sore heel.” Orders came to
“fall in.” Billy was so overjoyed with his
new stockings he didn’t keep ‘the line very
well. «Steady, there!” growled the ser-
geant, “keep your place and don’t be travel-
ing around like the Boston Post Office.” —
We were soon put upon double quick, —
After a few minutes Billy gave a gioan.—
* What is it, Billy 2” said I. ‘It's all u
with them,” said he. I didn’t know what
he ment, bat his face showed something very
bad had happened. When we broke ranks
Billy hurried to the tent, and when I got
there, there he stood,
despair, with his shoes off, and heels shining
through his stockings like two crockery
doorknobs. «Them new stockings of yours
is breech loading, aint they. Billy 2” said
an unfeeling volunteer. ¢ Better get your
name on both ends, so you can keep them
together.” said another. ‘“ Shoddy stock-
ings,” said a third, Billy was silent ; I saw
his heart was breaking, and I said nothing.
We held a council on them, and Billy not
feeling strong~hearted enough for the task,
gave them to Cradle, with directions to sew
up the small holes. I came into the tent
soon a'ter, and he was drawing a portrait,
with a piece of charcoal, on a board, —
its fruits for us. Panic stricken selfishness,
seeking self preservation, lighted on those
who could save it. The di ection of the ar- |
my passed into the hands of soldiers. A
General, born here Among us, restored to!
their due supremacy the mart al virtues that |
insure success in war ; trained and compe. |
tent officers seconded his efforts, scores of |
imbeciles have been pushed out of service 5
and this good work still progresses.
The Democratic party will sustain the men |
—the McOUlellans, the Duponts—whe have in |
charge the honor of our flag on land and sea. |
Let, everywhere, the people put in office men |
who will not see the war become ‘a party |
Job” let the Administration of the Govern. |
ment be such as to attract, not repel, the |
doubtful States, Then the contest may be
continued with success and ended with hon-
or. We may yet see the authors of our na
tional troubles, those twin foment rs of dis-
cord—the Abolitionists of the North and the
Secessionists of the South --reduced again to
the harmless insignificance in which Democ-
racy so long held them. And if the event
baffles these hopes, the Government that
embraces the great, rich and populous States '
| Ji
‘ Thats a good portrait of Fremont,” said [.
¢ he looks just like that ; that’s the way he
parts his hair in the middle.” « That 18n’t
a portrait of Fremont,” said Billy, «Its a
map of the United States ; that line in the
middle, you thought was the part in his hair
is the Mississippi river,’
“Oh said], Iraw him again before
supper ; he came to me, looking worse than
ever, the stockings in his hand, « Jimmy,’
said he, “you know [ gave them to Cradle,
and told him to sew up the small holes, and
what do you think he’s done? He's gone
and sewed up the heads.” «Its a hard case
Immy,” said I, «in such a case tears are
are almost justifiable.”
A ReportER’S HUMBUG. —An article is going
the rounds of the papers that the Government
proposes to divide and parcel out Virginia by giv-
ing to Delaware the two counties known as the
Eastern Shore. If those who read will refer to
the map they will find that this arrangement
would leave Delaware in two distinct parts with
part of Marvland lying between them. Rather
an inconvenient shape for a State. The story is
An Astor the Army:
Mr. John Jacob Astor: of this city; has
of General lellan, with
joined
| the & bem >
Aster is the ‘ resentative of
of property, with an meome of two millions
Lerannum. He has been fi om the beginning
one of the most active and efficient executive
members of the Union Defence Committee of
this city, and has given his time, knowledge
and money without stint for the cause of the
country and for the suppression of the rebel-
lion. Those foreigners who - doubt whet ir
our best men have much interest ‘in the
Union have a very satisfactory reply in
this action of Mr, Astor. - Such capitalists
as he see as Mr. Shep
> very plainly, pard
Knapp said some time 880, that if the Union
1S worth nothing, nothing else within its
bounds has any value.—N. V, Post.
Wonderful indeed, ang worthy of special
mention that the representative of thirty
millions should leave his luxurious enuch to
80 10 wer. But then, after all, he takes
Precious good care how he docs it. He goes
on General McOlellan’s staff, where he can
live about as comfortable as he can at his
own fireside, and there is no probability that
he will recklessly expose himself to the long
range of the enemy’s guns, .
There is John Smith, who has considera
ble more brains than Joho Jaceb Astor, and
a military education achieved on the plains
of Mexico, and is cousequently beter fitted
to be on McClellan’s staff than Aster, but
Smith, although the type and representative
of the brave soldiers, who, after all. do. the
fighting, is not the representative of thirty
Smith goes to fight for his flag and his coun-
try, whiie Astor goes to command without
the ability to do so, in order to save his thir-
ty millions. Who is the patriot 2— Patriot’
& Union.
eee s——
CosMOPOLITAN HIBERNIAN. —A 500 of the
Emerald Isle, but not himself green was
taken up, (for he was at the time down,) near
a rebel encampment, not far from Manassas
Junction. In a word, Pat was ‘taking a
quiet nap in the shade, and was roused from
his slumber by a Scouting party. He ‘wore
no special uniform of either party, and looked
more like a spy than an alligator, and on this
was arrested. : ;
© Who are you?” « What is your name 2”
and ¢ Where are you from!” —were the first
questions put to him by the armed; party,
Pat rubbed his eyes,
answered, :
“Be me faith, gentlemen, them Yis Tugly
questions to answer, anyhow ; and before I
answer any o’ [ d be after axin ye by yer lave
the same thing,”
“Well,” said the leader, *‘we are of Scott's
army, and belong to Washington,
“All right,” said Pat, Iknowed ye was
gentlemen, for [am that same. Long life to
Gineral Scott.” 3
“Aba!” replied the scout,
rascal, your'e a prisoner,”
the shoulders.
“now, you
the very picture of |
**How 1s that,” inquired Pat.” Are we
not friends 2” 4
‘No ,” was the answer. “We belong : t,
General Beauregard’s army.’
* Then ye told me a lie, my Boys,” said
Pat, “and thinking it might be so'[ told ye
another. And now tell me the truth nd I'll
tel the truth too,” hg,
cents, let alone thirty millions of dollars..."
sc atched his head, and
and seized him by -
wy
Well, we belong to the State of Sodth =,
y Tt
Carolina.”
“So do T,”promptly responded Pat,”’an’to
all the other States of the country, too, an’
there I'm thi ing L11 bate the whole uv ye.
Do ye think T would come all the way from
Ireland to belong'to one State, when I had
a right to belong to th~ whole uy em?’
The logic was rather a stumper; but they
took him up, as before said and carried him
off for further examination,
LAvenING PHILOSOPHER. —The author of
a work called ¢ Notes of an Army Surgeon,’
records the following incident as having oc-
curred during the seige of Fort Erie; in the
war of 1812. a
“I remember one day, m making my
hospital rounds,
sented an amputated fore-arm, ‘and, in do-
P [ing so, could hardly restrain a broad iaugh; |
the titter was constantly on his face,
What is the matter? This does not
strike me as a subject for laughter.”
“It is not, doctor; but excuse me— I lost
my arm in so funny a way that I sll laugh,
when I look at it.”
~ ¢ What way?”
*¢ Our first sergeant wanted shaving and
got me to atten to it, as T am corporal. We
went together in front of the tent. I had
lathered him, took him by the nose, and was
Just applying the razor, when a cannon ball
came, and that was the last I saw of his head
and my aym, Excuse me doctor’ for Mlangh-
ing, but I never saw such a thing before.
A Bumtisn Army OpiNtoy. —The British
Army and Navy Gazette, in'commenting up-
on the struggle in this country, says:
** As to the ultimate issue of the struggle
it is impossible to predict anything with
certainty. The success of the South is how-
ever, possibe only by a coincidence of favor-
able circumstances such as we cannot at
present conceive of. Badly organized and
feeble as the regular army is, the PFoderalists
possess it, whilst the navy, a more powers
full and efficient instrument, is also in. their
hands. Numbers, energy, intelligence and
wealth are also on their side, emporary
failures may occur, but we adhere to the
opinion we long since cherished—that the
suppression of the rebellion ig only a ques-
tion of time, and that sooner or later the
North must be triumphant. If it is other.
wise i can only be the result of accident.
a humbug. — Holmes County Farmer,
[7 Read the President's Message on the
outside of this week’s paper.
a patient just arrived, pre-