or A i CR PR
ai y ys
a ——
e
— 4“ Lo Sede - BEER
Em———
that he was erossing the Osage.
order to,march was issued to an a:
nearly 40,000, many of she regiments ©
uipped, with inadequate supplies ot’
pition, olothing and ‘ransportation. °F
what prospegt, it must be inquired, can G
Fremont, undersuch cireumstarnees, expec’
~ to overtake a rotreating army, some one hun
dred miles abvad with a deep river between?
Gen. Huntgr expressed to the Secretary of
War his decided opinion that Gen. Fremont
was incompetent and unfit for bis extensive
and important command. This opinion he
gave reluctantly, for the reason that be held
the position of second fn commund.
The opinion entertained by gentlemen of
position and intelligence, who haveapproach
ed and observed him, is, that he is more
fond of pomp thar of the stern reelities of
war—that his mind is incapable of fixed at-
tention or strong concentratinn—that his
‘migmanagement of affairs since his arrival
in Missouri, the State has almost been lost,
and that if he is continued in command, the
worst results may be anticipated. This is
the concurrent testimony of a large pumber
of the most intelligent men in Misrouri.
Leaving Tipton on the 13th, we arrived at
St. Louis on the same day, and on the 14th
the Secretary of War directed me to issue
_ the following instructions to Gen. Fremont :
Sr. Louis, Mo., Oct, 14, 1801.— GENERAL:
The Secretary of War directs me to commu.
nicate tne following as his instructions for
your government : :
« In view of the heavy sums due, especi-
ally in the Quarter Master’s Department in
this city, amounting to some $4,500,000 it is
important that the money, which may now
be in the hands of the disbursing officers, or
be received by them, be applied to the cur-
rent expenses of your army in Missouri, and
these debts to remain unpaid until they can
be properly examined and sent to Washing-
ton for settlement; the disbursing officers
of the army to distribute the funds, and
pot transfer them to irresponsiole agents
—in other words, those who do nos hold com
missions from the President, and are not un
der bonds. All contracts to be made by the
disbursing officers. The Senior Quarter
aster bere bas been yerbally instructed by
the Seeretary as above.
Iv is deemed unnecessary to erect field~
svorks around this city, and you will direct
their discontinmence : also those, if any iu
«course of constraction at Jetderson City.—
In this connectior, it is seen that a number
of commissions have been given by you.—
No raymencs will be made to suca officers,
except to those whose appointments have
been approved by the President. This of
course, does not apply to officers with vol-
unteer. troops. Col. Andrews has been ver:
bally go instructed by the Secretary ; also,
vot to make transfers of funds, except for
the purpose of paying the troops.
The ercetion of barracks near your quar-
ters in this city to be at once diecontinued.
# The Secretary bus been informed that
the troops of Gen. Lane's command are com
mitting depredations on our friends in West
orn Missouri, Your attention is directad to
this in the expectation that you will apply
the corrective. ; ;
* Maj, Allen desires the service of Captain
Turnly for a shorttime, and the Secretary
hopes vou may find it proper to accede there
to,
"i 1 have the honor to bo very respectfully.
“Your obedient gervent, a
ND Roan 1 TQ ramont. ommanding
a Vepatiment o the West, Tipton, Me,”
Instrucions were previously given (Out.
12) to the Lion. James Craig to reise a regi-
went at St. Joseph, Mo.
We left St. Louis Oct 14, and arrived at
Indianapolis in the evning. Remained at In-
dianapolis Oct, 15, and conversed freely with
Gov, Morton. We found that the Stare of
Indiana bad come nobly up to the work ci
suppressing rebellion, Fifty-five regiments,
with several batteries of artillery, aad been
raised and ‘equipped—a larger number of
troops in proporticn to popu'ation than any
other State has sent into the field. I'he best
spirit prevailed, and it was manifest that ud-
ditional troops could readily be raised. The
Governor bad established an arsenal, and
furnished all the Indiana troops with full
supplies of ammunition for three batteries of
artillery. This arsenal was visited, and
found to be in full operation. It was under
the charge of ae mpetent phyrotechoist.—-
Quite a number of females were employed in
making cartridges, and I venture to assert
that the ammunition is equal to that which
is manufactured anywhere else. Gov. Mor-
ton stated that his funds for this purpose
were exhausted. but the Secretary desired
him to continue his oparations, and informed
him that the Goveroment would pay for what
had been furnished to the troops in the field
It ie suggested that an officer of ordcance be
sant to Indianapolis to inspect the arsenal,
aod ascertain the amount expended in the
manufacture ot ammusition, with a view to
reimbursing the State
We left Indianapolis, Oct. 16, for Louies
wille, Ky., where wa arrived at 12} o’clock,
+p. m., and had an interview with Gen. Sher-
man, commanding the Department at Cum~
‘berlend. He gave a gloomy picture of af
faire in Kentucky, stating that the young
men were generally secessionists, and had
joined the Confederates, whila the Union
men, the aged and conservatives, would not
enrol themselved to engage in conflice with
their relation on the other «ide, But few
regiments could be raised. le said that
Buckner was in advance of the Green River
with a heavy force on the round to Louisville,
aad an attack might be daily expected, which
with the force he bad be would net be able
to zeaist; but nevertheless Le would fight
them, Ele, as well as citizens of the State of
Kentucky must furnish the troops tu drive
the rebels from the State.
His foree then consisted of 10,000 troops
in advanee of Louisville, in camp at Nolin
river, and on the Louisville and Nashville
Railrond at verious points; at Camp Dick
Robinson, or acting in conjunction with Gen.
Thomas, 9,000; aud two regiments at Hen-
derson, on the Ghio, at the mouth ot the
Green river. ‘©n being asked the question
what force he deemed necessary, he prompt-
ly replied 200,000 men, This conversation
eccured in the presence of es-Sceretary Guth-
rie and General Woods. ¥'he Secretary ot
War replied that ho pupposd thas the Ken-
tuckians would not in any ouwmber take up
arms to operate against the rebels.
Bat he thought Gen. Sherman over~esti-
mated the number and power of the rebel
forces ; that the Government would furnish
traops io Kentucky to accomplish the work ;
but that he (the Secretary) was tired of de-
fensive war, and that the 110008 must assume
the offensive and carry the war to the fire-
atdes of the anemy, that the season for opes
rations in Western Virginia was about over,
and that he would take the troops from there
and send them to Kentucky, but he hegged
of Gen. Sherman to assume the offensive and
keop the rebels hereafter on the defeneive.~
"The Se retary desired that the Cumberland
A Gap should be seized, and the East
Par
/ | Tovvessee und Virginia Railroad taken pos-
.€, and the artery that supplied the
rahellion cut straight off.
(Com plrint was made of the want of arms.
and <n rhe question being asked. what be-
came of the arms we sent. to. Kentucky ? we
were informed by Gen. Sherman that they
bad passed them into the hands of she Home
Guards and could not. be recovered ; that
many were already in the hands of the reb-
els ; and others rofased to surrender those
in their possession, alleging the desire to use
them in defence of their individual homes if
invaded. In the hands of individuals, and
scattered over the State, these arms are lost
to the army in Kentueky.
Having ascestained that 6 200 arms had
arrived from Europe at Philadelphia, 3,000
of them were ordered to Gov, Morton, who
promised tu place them immediately in the
hands of troons to be sent to Kentucky. The
remaining 3,200 of them were sent to Gen.
Sherman at Louisville. Negley’s Brigade at
Pittsburg. 2,800 strong, two companies of
the Nineteenth Infantry from Indianapolis,
the Eighth Wisconsin regiment at St. Louis,
tte Second Minnessota Volunteers at Pitts-
harg, and two regiments in ‘Wisconsin, were
then ordered to Kentucky—making in all a
reinforcement for that State of about 10,000
men.
We left Louisville at 3 P. M. for Lexing-
ton, accompanied Gen. Sherman and Mr.
Guthrie ; remained there a tew hours, and
then went to Cincinnati. At Lexinton, alco,
wo found that the opinion existed that the
young men of Kentucky had joined the reb-
als, that no large bodies of troops could be
raised in Kentucky, and that the defence of
the State must necessarily devolve upon the
Free States of the West and the Northwest.
Respectfully submitted,
L. THOMAS, Adjutant General.
Hon. Simon Caseron Sect’y of War.
The TW atcha,
ELLEFONTE, THURSDAY, NOV. 14.
¢ Here shall the press the people’s rights main-
tain,
Jnawed by party or unbribed by gain ;
Pledged but to truth to liberty and law;
No favor sways us and no fear shall awe.’
DEMOCRACY—"A sertiment not to be appaled,
corupted or compromised. It/knowsno baseness ;
1t cowers to me danger ; it oppresses’ mo weak-
ness. Destructive only of despotism, ut ts the
sole conservator of liberty, labor and prosperty
of equal obligations—the law of mature perva-
ding the law of the land.”
C. T. ALEXANDER, Editor and Publisher.
TO OUR SUBSCRIBERS. ~~
If there is anything in this world we dis-
like to do more than another, it is to dun our
atrons for subscription. We have now
sent you our paper weekly for better than
six months, which has cost us abou! six
hundred dollars. Not more than one hun-
dred of our one thousand subscribers have
paid us, leaving us this day four hundred
and fifty dollars out of pocket. This is a
great big pile of money these hard times.—
We need it badly, and we will be much
obliged to our friends if they will now pay
ap.
oiling to our terms, each subscriber
would owe us two dollars; we, however, in
consideration of the hard times, will agree
to.receive one dollar and seventy five cents
from all who pay us between this and the 1st
of December, and give them a receipt in full
for one year’s subscription. Now is your
time, friends, to save money. We will have
two weeks of Court between this and that
time, when many of you will be in town.—
We shall be glad to have you call either at
the Printing Office in Reynolds’ Iron Front,
where one of the hands will wait upon you,
or at my Law Office in Reynolds’ Arcade,
where you will be greeted with our most po-
lite. and improved bow——proyided you
bring one dollar and seventy five cents along,
Those who have no business in town at
Court, can send the amount to us by letter,
and receive a receipt by return mail. Now
friends, come along with your ‘‘spondulics”
—the amount is small for you, and you will
not miss it : ‘but if you all pay up it will be a
greatideal to us. We can then pay our debts
and will promise you a bigger and a more
genteel paper after Court than even hereto-
fore.
Sr — A An.
Your Ox, or My Bull.
The fable writer was wise. A few weeks
sgoit was laid down as law, by some ardent
newspapers, that no man who disapproved
of any of the acts of the Administration in
suppressing the rebellion, could be regarded
as a sincere patriot. On the contrary, if any
one expressed a disapprobation of the sus-
pension of the writ of habeas corpus, or of
the arrest of citizens on telegraphic dis-
patches, or of any other act of the Adminis-
prover was pronounced a sympathizer wich
traitors, and in fact no better than a seces-
siomst. It was a very comfortable doctrine
so long as the Administration precisely
agreed with these ardent gentlemen in their
views of the war. It uever occurred to
them as a possible thing that the Govern
ment could do anything for the suppression
of the rebellion which *: all good citizens
would not heartily approve, and, in their
ardor, it did not appear possible that the
Administration could ever disagree with
them. They, in fact, imagined that they
carried the Government in their own pockets,
to be used about as they pleased.
It is the sentiment of Fréedom, of equal rights, }
tration or of any of its members, the disap- |
But times have changed. The Adminis-
tration has a mind of its own, and occasion-
ally pursues a course which those very gen-
tlemen do not like. Hereis an excellent
opportunity for the application of their
standard of loyalty. ¢ If you don't stand
by the Administration you are a traitor.”'—
But the Administration refuse to emanci-
pate the slaves, the Administration modify
Fremont’s proclamation, the Administration
occasionally order a slave to be returned to
his master. These’ very editors, who, three
months ago, pronounced every man 3 traitor
who did not back the Admiuistration under
all circumstances, *¢through thick and
thin,” cannot bring up their own patriotism
to the point, and therefore refuse to support,
claiming their right to disapprove, and to
abuse the Administration. No rank seces-
gionist has used more violent language, or
struck more severe and cowardly blows at
the President and his Cabinet than the very
men who. three months ago, pronounced a
disagreement with these officers rank trea.
son.
The same remarks apply to private indi-
viduals as to public newspapers. The most
furious denouncers of the President to-day
are those who, a few weeks since, proposed
to hang every one who disagreed with them
as to the mode of prosecuting the war. An
illustration of this occurred on Change in
New York a day or twosince. One of those
men who damaged the Administration by
their professions of adherence io it, an at-
tache of one of the sensational dailies which
was equally noted for this doctrine of trea:
son, and himself a former noisy declaimer
against every onc who would have advised
the administration to vary its course, loudly
declared The Administration has sold out
the North to the Breckinridge secessionists
of Kentucky,” adding with an oath, ‘and
now I don’t care which whips.” The calm
indignation of the New York merchants who
heard this fulmmination, was its fitting re-
buke. But such a remark, on a public ex-
change, indicates the arrogance of these
men.
The question constantly arrises, how shall
we treat them ? :
We receive numerous communications
proposing that the Secretary of State should
visit certain notorious enemies of the Presi.
dent on the slavery question with summary
‘incarceration, But we suggest to our cor-
respondents that they are wrong. We have
recently had from Judge Nelson, a very clear
and intelligible definition of the crime of
treason. These men are not traitors under
that difinition. They themselves invented
the name of traitors for those who differed,
even in a moderate degree from the Adminis-
tration. But because they taught falsehood,
there is no reason why their doctrine should
be adopted for the sake of convicting and
Raising, these SAE" ridicule, “Which
their two-faced principles necessarily bring
on them. We do not approve of the arrest
and imprisonment of any man, in a loyal
State, without due process of law. Because
these gentlemen have encouraged the Secre=
tary of State in adopting that course, we do
not, by any means desire to have them suf-
fer the wrong they havo approved.
When any man, in a State where there 18
no war, commits the crime of treason, let
him be indicted by the grand jury and con-
victed and pnnished in the regular way..-
When men show their enmity to the Union
by insidious attacks upon it, by expressing
greater attachment to the interests of a class
than to the interests of the whole, or in any
other way that is not indictable as a crime,
let them be punished by public contempt.
uot by mobs or by any other illegal process.
But when men, Abolitionists or others, sin-
cerely desiring the preservation of the Union,
express, in proper terms, their disapproval
of the course of the Administration, and in
the ordinary and deacent ways of gentleman
and citizens, seek to inculcate their views
of the proper course to be pursued, for the
great end we all desire to attain, they should
be tried as American freemen, and theip
arguments met and refuted, or adopted.--
We decidedly" disapprove of every proposi-
tion to send Abolitionists to Fort Lafayette,
and every hint towards the encouragement
of mobs.—Journal of Commerce.
SH LL
A Mission to Europe,
We have a rnmor from Albany that Thur-
low Weed and Arcbishop Hughes are about
to start for Europe to endeavor to counter-
act the operations of the Southern emissaries
and prevent any recognition of the Southern
confederacy by either France or England.—
They go of course in an official capacity.—
There is some significance in the selection
of Thurlow Weed for so important a mis
sion. He is the antagonist of Greely and the
whole sehool of Abolitionized Republicans,
and evidently has the confidence of the Pres-
ident. Speaking of the causes “hich led to
the present war, he uses this language in the
Albany Evening Journal: + Congress ad-
journed having done and said nothwg to
strengthen and encourage the Union mer of
the border States. The great and powerful
States of Virginia, North Carolina and Ten-
nessce were lost to the Union, while three
other States, Maryland, Ke ntucky, and Mis-
souri, are struggling to mamtain their posi
tions in it because the Republican press and
the Republican representatives were beguil-
ed into the popular idea that they discharged
their first and highest duty in standing on
the Chicago Platform.” And later still,
when the people had rallied, without distinc-
tion of party, to the defence of the Union,
the same predominant influence in the Re
publican party, by dictating political battles
to be fought, has. according to the same
authority, ¢* added another year to the war,
for 15,000 or 30,000 more soldiers.”
: [For the Watchman.
“The Civil War in America.”
There is. perhaps, scarcely a person in
America, who has at all interested himself in
the news of the day—the most important
above title, penned by an Englishman, i]
has been treated as Americans only know |
how to treat strangers—with the greatest,
kindness and courtesy-—but which, as in the
case of Dickens, has been entirely thrown
away upon L. L. D. Russel.
I do not think he sympathizes with either
portion of our ration, only so far as our un-
happy condition serves as a theme on which
to vent his British malice ; and traveling
from one to the other he has abused indis-
criminately the leaders and the led of both
North and South. He, with many exagger..
ations, descants upon every operation, ex
poses every weakness, where there are any,
and where none exist, supplying them from
his own fertile imagination, until one, who
had never been acquainted with America, on
reading one of his articles would think we
were the merest fraction in the scale of na-
tions ; that England was our guardian, and
that we only existed by her suffrance. Yet,
is it not indelibly engraved upon the tablets
of Clio, that we, even we, in our infancy,
twice on land, and lake, and ocean, whipped
this mighty meddler in-other mens’ mat-
ters, with her six hundred years of experi-
ence, and sent her smarting to the shelter of
her own shores ? i
Perhaps this has escaped the memory of
Mr. Rassel, or, judging from his letters, we
might easily conclude that it had never occu-
pied a place there. If this is the case, some
Briton who has the honor of his nation at
heart, should mform this Doctor of Laws of
the fact. that, as he lessens the magnitude of
our star, the brilliancy of England fades out
in a tenfold proportion. :
Nor is it-Mr. Russel alone who thus seeks
to injure our reputation among European
nations. The English press, from the organ
of Lord Palmerston down, has united in
the abuse of our government, and of the
principles on which it is founded. «The
bubble of Domocracy has burst,” they tell
us and the world, with the gravity which
characterizes an individual in his dotage,
and a nation tottering to its fall.
Throwing aside the fact, of which the
English have often reminded us, that «blood
is thicker than water,’ and leaving out our
claims for sympathy upon them on the plea
that our language, manners and customs,
are identical, it must mortify John Bull con®
siderably, to think that a ' fragment of a na~
tion as weak as the American corresnondent
oe Times the S Con-
ols dine erisents hey Ro rsting a
“‘bubble” so long and 80 persistently pur-
sued by himself in vain.
John Bull is also terribly *¢ worked up *’
by the magnitude of our loan ; we have au-
thorized a loan of five hundred millions of
dollars ! He sees no brighter prospect
ahead of us than taxation, destitution and
national bankruptcy. Loaded down and
groaning under a burden of a thousand mil-
lions of pound sterling himself, a debt which
he contracted by indulging 1n his failing of
prying into matters which did not concern
him, he vet dares to blame us for giving onr
support to a Government which has so long
supported us, and under which have grown
and flourished as no people ever did on his
boasted ilse.
Yes, John, although at the close of our
first conflict with your majesty, we owed
but forty millions, and at the termination of
the second but one hundred and thirty mil-
lions, though, we at an expense of one hun-
dred and seventy millions of dollars twice
flogged you to a stand still, we deem five
hundred times that amount scarcely suffi-
cient to administer the same lessor to a
mere fragment of our nation. Remember
that we bave no white slaves here, we have
no men laboring for 25 cents a day ; we are
ali wealthy. and so far from not giving our
Government every support needful, we will
grumble not at an expense of millions, nor
billions of dollars. if we but succeed in pre-
serving our institutions.
But to return to Mr. Russel. He looks
upon the “Civil war in America” as the end
of our institutions, and the death struggle
of our nation, and writes constantly in that
strain, quite forgetting the innumerable civil
wars which have agitated and convulsed his
own ‘‘fast anchored ilse” since the conquest
of William the Norman. Let us, for a mo-
ment, look at Old England as reprsented by
her own historians. It is scarcely necessary
to mention the continual outbreaks between
the Kings and their Barons, or the murder
of Edward the Second, the bitter feuds which
have always existed between members of the
same family, parents and children, the wars
of the Roses, or the murder of Richard the
Second ; although such things never can
occur in our nation, we need not refer to
them for proofs that Eugland has suffered
from civil wars a thousand times more than
a Democratic Government possibly can, al
though the English people tell ns that their
constitution is freeer now than during the
reigns of the Plantagenets and Tudor. she
also boasts that she has had the same form
of government since the time of William the
Conqueor.
We need not look to the hundred and sixty
years prior to the unionef the Roses, of
which Macauley says, ‘nine kings reigned
in England. Six of these nine were deposed;
five lost their lives as well as their crowns.”
sufterings of Great Britain by int
ermal strife,
and the yawning gulf over which all mon-
archial governments are suspended.
During the first of these, Charles the First,
was beheaded. his son driven into exile, and
cal elements were preparing for the grand
explesion which took place on the accession
of James Second, and whieh resulted in his
dethronement and the usurpation of the
throne by his in-law and daughter—
William and a former a leader of a
Republican Gov ent. At that time Eng~
land was a much older nation than is ours,
and had certainly been engaged in enough
wars to have had her foundations firmly
fixed.
Does Mr. Russel forget, when he speaks
of the retreat from Bull Run with such bitter
taunts, or did he ever read that in 1745,
Charles Edward landed on the coast of Scot~
land with a handfull of adventurers, and
will nigh succeeded in overturning the Brit-
ish throne ? What kind of ' opinion would
we form of English warriors, if we judged
them by the panic which seized them when
met by the Pretender at Preston, with his
Scotch peasantry armed with scythes and
bludgeons ?
But enough of this. ‘People who live in
glass houses shouldn’t throw stones,” 18 &
maxim Russel would do well to remewber.
He should remember that England, nor any
other nation ever ‘enjoyed so long a season
from civil strife as we have.
Many of our countrymen, I fear, think
that the war now agitating our nation, will
be the end of free governments. In nations,
that which seems to be the greatest evil, is
nearly always the greatest blessing. Itisa
historical fact, that John, the meanest king
who ever disgraced the British throne, was
the greatest blessing England ever enjoyed.
Who could say the Puritans were not curs-
ed, when driven into the wilderness of the
New World ¢ Yet, behold the great results
which have flown from that seeming curse !
Did our forefathers not think the French
and Indian War a curse ? Yet, it was the
school in which they learned to conquer. the
British Tyrant.
Hundreds of such instances could be cited
from the history of the past, but we prefer to
let the present speak for itself, which it soon
will, in proving the dark. cloud which now
hangs so threatningly over onr nation, to be
our greatest blessing. and the future histori-
an will record the transactions of this ¢civil
war in America,’’ as the causes which led to
the perfection of the greatest government on
«Md,
earth. J.
HowArp, PENNA.
# Questions for the Abolitionists,
In his well known pamphlet, entitled
¢ Ccnscience and the Constitution,” with re«
marks of the speech of Hon. Daniel Webster
in the U. S. Senate, on the subject of Sla-
very, the late Prof. Stuart, of Andover, asked
the Abolitionists some hard questions which
it is high time they were prepared to an
swer. He said:
What shall we do ? It is a fair question,
and I would God I could answer It, to my
own or to your satisfaction. It is immeas-
urably the most difficult problem ever before
this great nation. Universal and immediate
emancipation would be little short of insani-
ty. The blacks themselves would be the
first and most miserable victims. = Stealing,
robbery, rapine, and other evils, would in-
evitably follow in the train of liberation, and
thousands of ignorant and starving men
would seek their sustenance in preying upon
their former masters and upon the commu-
nity. They could not all be hired at the
prices which they would demand.
I am, I think, pretty fully aware of the
great difficulties that lie in the way. Sup~
‘pose the biack population are made free ;—
then what is to be done with them after this,
especially in those States or parts of States
where they are more numerous than the
whites ; how are they fo live and prosper ?
They have no money to buy land ; and if
they could buy it, or have it given to them,
most of them are too ignorant and shiftless,
and averse to labor, to manage land with
any success.
and but few such could find employment.—
What, then, I ask the Abolitionists, (and I
insist on some plain and direct answer) what
is to be done with such a population ? If
vou say : “Let their masters pay them for
pst labor, and furnish them with the means
of living 3" T ask again : How long would
these wages (more or less) last them ? As
a body, they would never do any more work
until this sum was expended. Then what
next ? Their masters have been, in the case
supposed, already impoverished by dividing
among them their property. These cannot,
with their habits. carry on plantations at
the expense of hired labor. It wonld reduee
them speedily to absolfite poverty. And
then, what is the next step, either for them
or for the blacks 2. I insist upon it, now,
that the Abolitionists shall give a sober, ra-
tional, practical answer to these questions.
This would be worth ten thousand times
more than all their outeries about the sin of
bondage, and their demands of immediate
and universal emancipation.
In such a great movement, where the very
frame work of the Government aad the State
is to be taken to pieces and receive a new
shape, there must be foresight and caution,
and prudence. One would be apt to think,
when he hears the clamor for the negroes on
all sides, that the rights and interests of the
white population are matters of little or no
consideration of importance. But this must
not be so. At all events, if this movement
should be successiul, and the blacks be all
liberated at once, it will not be long before
the fair provinces of the South would be a
desolate waste ; and the blacks would be by
far the greatest sufferers. Gradual freedom
is the only possible practical ineasure.—
Three millions of people cannot be disposed
of and provided for by an Abolition edict
and decree on paper. Ina Northern circle,
we can sit down and coolly legislate-for the
South in matters that must tearin pieces the
very framework of their society. We are
not affected by any of the proposed meas
ures, and then we coolly wonder «why they
are so concerned about them. Is this pru.
$100.000.000 to its cost, and opened graves But in later tunes the Revolutions of 1646 | dence, is it justice, is it kindness, is it loving
jand T688, show us in a striking manner, the | our neighbors as ourselves ?
Few of them are artificers ;—
civil w il Bs
deeply" cafi people,
from one extremity of our country to the
news, in all probability, Americans of this | hundreds of the best men of England were | other, the well known sentiment of Danie}
generation will ever be called upon to read, | brought to the block. Then comes a short | Webster, ¢ Liberty and Union, aulg3 2
who has not read some of the slanders and | Season of peace, while the second Charles | soperable.” Let us pictare we KS :
misrepresentations of our nation under the holds the throne, during which time the politi- | a moment, this country deyided into two
¥
SR SEL
‘Confederacies, the line ef division stretching
across it in the m ural bo that
the wordy From: Maryland,
on the east, we follow the Ohio'river to its
junction with the Mississippi, thence up to
the mouth of the Missouri, dividing that
State nearly through its centre: - This line
has been suggested in some of the southern
papers. Now rivers are the. Worst pos-
gible boundaries of a ration only ‘natu
ral divisions being mountam ranges or high
table lands which divide the waters of &
‘country and usually mark important differ -
ences in natural productions, soil and ecli-
mate Yet if we look at eur country, we
find there is absolutely no such dividing
line. The result of a divission, therefor,
would be constant irritations, border wars
and civil strifes and contentions. Should a
seperation ‘ake place, one of two thinge
would inevitably occur. If the South should
in a spirit of patriotism, offer to unite again
with the North upon fair and honerable
terms, a speedy restoration of the Union
might be worked out ;ibut should they refuse
to do this, the bitterness engendered by the
refusal, together with the questions of boun-
dary, tariff exactions, navigation of the Mis-
sissippi, . &c., would, doubtless, provoke
another war doubly ‘more sanguinary than
this ene. And in the event of two perman-
ent powers side by side on this Continent,
what of the future ? :
It needs no profit to see that neither of
these powers could be a Republic. They
might be called by that name, but the spirit
of republican hberty would have fled: ~ Mili-
tary necessities would be the measure of the
people's liberty. Under the plea of ¢ mili-
tary necessity?” freedom would fail. for if
the good of the nation, its preservation,
actually demanded the sacrifice of individual
liberty, no good reason could be offered
against strikeing it down. Then, too, both
seetions must have large standing armies to
watch one another, one must have as great
a navy as the other, and the peonle must be
taxed to keep up these immense establish-
ments, and the United States and the Con-
federate States would play over on this cou~
tinent the role of Franee and England in Eu-
rope. The simplicity, cheapness and econ
emy of a republican system would be gon®
forever, and the people—the great masses
would have before them a ‘di mal. spectacle
of taxation. degredation and poverty. The
many, and no watier what name our insti-
tutions were called by, they would in’ every
essential respect be monarchical if not des
potic. Ss of
No true patriot therefor, North or South
can look forward to the building up of two
seperate powers oa this continent, unless he
fails to comprehend. the inevitable conse
quences of such'an event. The large major-
ity of the people of the South doubtless pre-
fer disunion rather than be deprived of what
—rights. too, which they hold: are essential
to their very Social safety and existence, but
we do not see for a moment how any sane
man, in any section of the country, can be a
disunionist per se. A disunionist must be at
heart a monarchist, for disunion would ineve
itably lead to monarchy. Two things ap-
pear perfectly clear to us: The American
Union must be preserved and so called slaves
ry mnst be preserved, for both are essential
to the future of American civilization and
the permanence of Democratic institations,
and we have an abiding confidence : that
these two results will be eventually worked
isting circumstances, very difficult to con-
jecture, but worked out in some way they
must be, or the brightest hopes of patriots
will perish, for ¢ Liberty and Union are one
and inseparable.” —New York Caucassian.
ret eerie.
THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION.
PENNSYLVANIA SS : iE
In the name and by the authority of the Com-
monwealth of Pennsyliania, ANDREW @
CurTIN, Governor of said Commonwealth.
PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS, Every good gift is from above and
comes down to us from the - Almighty, to-whom it.
is meet, right and the bounden duty of ver? ol
le to render thanks for His mercies ; erefore,
, ANDREW G. CURTIN, Governor of the Com=
monwealth of Pennsylvania, do recommend to the
Sons of this Commonwealth, that they set apart,
HUR:DAY, 2 OF NOV. NEXT, ®
as a day of solemn Thanksgiving to God, for hav-
ing Qrepared our corn watered our furrows,
and pin the Jato gies hushandumap and
crowned the year wil n¢ increase
of the grouhd, and the baer inthe lr fruits
thereof, so thatourbarns are filled with plenty;
and for having looked favorably this Common -
wealth, and strengthened the of her and
blessed the children within her, and e men to
be of one mind, ard preserved peace in her -
ders ; Beseeching Him a'so on behalf of Tr
Yaited States, ni} our beloved, country may have
eliverance m those grea In danger
wherewith she is compassed, TE Pat the taal
men now battling in the field for her may
have their arms made strong and their blows
heavy, and may be shielded Ye Divine power,
and that He will mercifully : the outrages of
perverse, violent, un and rebellious e,
and mak» them clean hearts, and renew a right
spirit within them, and give them grace that ma;
see the error of their ways and bring forth in
meet for ;epentence, and hereafter, in all i
ness and honesty, obediently walk in His hol
coumandments, and in submission to the a
manifest authority of the republic, so that we,
leading a quiet and peaceful te, may continually
o- unto Him our sacrifice of praige and thanks-
ng. :
Given under my hand and the great
(sar) L) seal of the State, at Harrisburg, this
our Lord, one thousand eight hundred ‘and’ nat
one, and of the Commonwealth, hs o y
BY THE GOVERNOK :
: But SuPer,
Secretary of the Commonwealth.
few would become the oppressors of the °
they beiieve to be their constitutional rights
out. How, or in what wav, itis, under exs -
sixteenth day of \ otober, in the year of 7