,
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VOL. 6.
Ee rT
BELLEFONTE, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 25, 1861.
Select Posty.
THE MOTHER'S PRAYER.
BY MRS. MAGARET PIGGOT.
God of nations, God of might,
Tu the stillness of the night.
At thy footstool low I bow,
Hear me, hear me, hear me now.
All without is wild and drear,
All without is doubt and fear,
‘Where oan I for refuge flee,
God of hosts, if not to thee?
What fierce scourging, Judge of all,
Must upon my country fall?
Must we o’er this land, so fair,
Witness carnage and despair ?
All withdrawn thy favoring light,
All our noonday changed to night.
‘We have sinned, oh God of might,
Sinned, rebellious, in Thy sight ;
Pride and wrath are o'er the land,
But, avenger, stay thy hand!
For our children, smilling here,
For our litile ones so dear—
Stay thy judgements, swift and sure,
Say it, God, for these are pure.
By the child whose feeble ory
From the desert rose on high—
Bringing to the mother there,
Angel cheer in her despair,
By the babe that Thou didst save
From the Nile’s engulfing wave,
By the children he did press
To his heart in fond caress,
And the loud hosaunah song,
Rising from the infant throng—
Save us, save us, spare thine hand,
For the children, save the land.
Dark, still dark, no light [ trace,
Hast thou turned away thy face ?
Must wo take this fiery path,
Scowl’d upon by direful wrath ?
Aust we to the dust go down,
Blasted by thy hopeless frown ?
If #0, Father, we obey,
But for these I still would pray.
Tor the young I make my moan,
Such ag this, my own, my own!
These, my boys, in rosy rest,
‘This my babe upon my br ast.
Little dreaming as they sleep
Why their mother wakes to weep,
OL, Ist me butfeel the rod,
Spare thom, spare them, oh my God !
Aud for all, so passion tossed,
And all this people ruined, lost,
Forgetting now their ancient trust,
"rampliug all they loved iu dust,
Still, ¥ say, for only Thon
Can’st control and save them now.
By the mercy thou didst show
To thy people lung ago,
When, hy Thee released, restored,
They, like us, forgot Theo, Lord}
o prayer of Him who died,
v his love, the crucified,
And the tears ho wept o'er them
West o'er doom'd Jarusalem,
Oh, forgive us, forgive us, Lord,
Let thy pity ba rostored,
Fay again. if "tis Thy will,
To these billows, PEACE, DE STILL
Pp a
SIV - ie :
Stlisgellangous.
DOUGLAS’ LAST SPEXCH.
Delivered in the Dnited States Senate, on
the 15th of March, 1861, ihe last one ie
debivered in the halls of Congress. and the
last official act of his life.
In this state of the case, for the purpose
of quieting the apprehension of the country,
and demonstrating, first, that the President
does not meditate war ; and, secondly, that
he_has no means for prosecuting a warfare
upon the seceding States, even if he desired,
4 bring in this resolution. Attempts are
made te prevent its consideration. It is
suggested that the discussion of it, at this
time, would be, if not improper, at least
injurious. What bad effect can result from
answering the inquiries contained in the
resolution ? If the policy of the Adminis
tration be peace, and if the answer be such
as I anticipate it will be, it will quiet the
country ; it will relieve the apprehensions ;
it will cause rejoicing throughout the length
and breadth of the land. If, on the contra-
ry. the policy be war, it is due to the people
of the United States that that fact should be
made known, and we be informed whither
we are drifting, in order that we may see
whether we are wiling to be drawn into war
irregularly, without the sanction of Congress
or the consent of the country.
1 believe that the answer to this resola-
tion will guiet the country, and restore good
will and good feelings among the people of
the different sections. I repeat the convic-
tion, that Mr, Lincoln does not meditate
war. Certain I am, that, under the laws,
as they now exist, he cannot, consistent
with his oath, do any act that will produce
a colljssion between the seceding States and
the Federal Government. In the first place
he has no power, under the existing laws,
to collect the revenue on ship-board, as sug-
gested by the partisan press. By the laws
of the land, the revenue must be collected
at the ports of entry, and in the custom-
houses designated by law, and cannot be
collected anywhere else, except in specific
cases’ provided in the law itself. By refer.
ence to the act of the 2d ot March, 1799, it
will be seen that South Carolina is divided
_ in three collection districts ; that three ports
of entry are established ; one a. Georgetown
one Charleston, and one at Beaufort; and a
collector, surveyor and naval officer, are to
be appointed ‘fo reside at Charleston.” —
‘Ibe custo house officers are required to
reside ab the ports of entry designed in the
Jaw. So it is with all the collection districts
in all the other States. Another section —-
| the country, North and South, have been led
section eighteen—of the law makes it un-
lawful to enter goods or collect revenue else-
where than the ¢ ports of entry” desig-
nated in the law. It expressly prohibits the
collection of revenue or the entry of goods
at any other place. Then a subsequent sec-
tion—section eighty-five of the same law—
makes one exception to this rule ; and that
ig in case a vessel is prevented by ice from
approaching the pier or wharf at the port of
entry, the captain, on application to the coi-
lector, may receive a permit to land the
goods, and pay the duties at any place in
the district designated in the permit. The
only case, then, where revenue can lawtully
be collected, or goods lewfully entered, at
any other point than the port of entry des~
ignated in the law, is where the vessel is
obstructed by ice from approaching the
wharf at such port.
It has been suggested, and the people of
to believe that it is the purpose of this
Administration, without authority of law,
to order revenue cutiers down to these south-
ern ports, and to collect the revenne on
board of them. 1 wish to call the attention
of the Senate, and the country, to the fact
that the law forbids the collection of the rev-
enue on shipboard or anywhere else except at
New Orleans, Charleston, Savannah, and at
each of the ports designated in the law. The
President of the United States would subject
himself justly and lawfully to impeachment,
if he should "attempt to collect the revenue
on ship-board or in any other. manner, or at
any other place than that authorized by law.
The law in this respect stands now just as
it did when General Jackson, in 1832, called
on Congress for additional legislation to en-
able him to collect revenue at the port of
Charleston. Then General Jackson had no
power to remove the custom house from the
city of Charleston to ship board in the bar-
bor. He had no power to order the collee-
tion of the revenue anywhere else than at the
requested. If, on the contrary, the insur-
rection be against the laws of the United
States instead of a State, then the President
can use the military only as a posse comita-
tus in aid of the marshal in such cases asare
80 extreme that judicial authority aud the
powers of the marshal cannot put down the
obstruction. The military cannot be used
in any case whatever except the aid of civil
process to assist the marshal to exccate 8
writ. [I shall not quote the laws upon this
subject, but if gentlemen will refer to the
acts of 1795 and 1807, they will find that by
the act of 1795 the militia only could be
called out to aid in the enforcement of the
laws when resisted to such an extent that
the marshal could not overcome the obstrue-
tion, By the act of 1808, the President is
was before lawful to use militia. Hence the
military power, no matter whether navy,
regulars, volunteers, or militia, can be used
only in eid of the civil authorities.
Now, sir, how are you going to create a
case in one of those seceded States where
the President would be authorized to call
out the military ? You must first procure a
writ from the judge describing the crime ;
you must place that in the Lands of the mar-
shal, and must meet .such obstructions as
render it impossible for him to execute it ;
and then, and not till then, can you call upon
the military. Where is your judge in the
seceded States ? Where is your marshal ?
You have no civil authorities there, and the
President, in his inaugural, tells you he does
not intend to appoint any. He said he in-
Jtended to use the power confided to him, to
hold, and possess the forts, and collect the
revenue ; but beyond this he did not intend
to go. You are told; therefore, in the in-
augural, that he is going to appoint no judg-
es 00 marshals. no civil officers, in the se~
ceded States, that can execute the law, and
hence we are told that he does not intend to
place designated by law. Because of the ab-
sence ot the legal authority to do this, he
called on Congress to pass a law, which |
authorized hir to collect the revenue on land |
or ship board, anywhere within the Earbor |
other than at the place designated at the |
port of entry. Congress passed the law
known to the country now as the “fo
bill.”
i
The force bill was passed March 2,
1833 ; and the first and fifth section which |
gave authority to collect the revenue at any |
place in the harbor, and the power to use
military force, expired at the end of the next
sesssion of Congress by the express limila- i
tion of the act. Ilence the law stands now |
just as it did before the force bill was pass. |
ed, and there is no more authority to collect |
the revenue on shipboard now than there!
was before the passage of the act of 1432.
You cannot, under law, collect the revenue!
anywhere else, either on shipboard or land. |
what danger is there of any collision between
this government and seceding States upon |
the question of collecting the revenue '—-|
There is none, unless Senators suppose the
President of the United Siates is going to
violate his oath of office by using force to do |
that which the law forbids him to do. Ido.
not believe that Mr.” Lincoln is going to do |
any such thing. t
tut we are told that the country is to bi
precipitated int civil war by blockading all |
the southern ports within the United States, |
blockading our own with our army and navy. {
Where is the authority for that? What |
law: antherizes the President of the United | Union, by recogn
States to blockade federal ports at discretion 2
He bas no wore authority to blockade New |
Orleans or Charleston than he has to block- |
ade New York or Boston ; and no more leizal
right to blockade Mobile than Chicago.-—
Si. 1 cannot consent that the President of |
the United States may, at his discretion,
blockade and close the ports of the United
States or any other count:y. (le can do
only what the Constitution and laws author-
ize him to do. Ife dare not attempt to ob-
struct the navigation at the mouth of the Mus-
sissippi river, or at Mobile, or at any other
port in the seceded States, or even those that
remain Joyal to the Constitution and the
Union. The intimation that he is to do this
implies a want of respect for the integrity
of the President, or an ignorance of the laws
of the iand on the part of those who are!
disturbing the harmony and quiet of the
country by threats of illegal violence.
Mr. King. —Will the Senator allow me to
ask him a question in relation to this matter?
Is it not the duty ot the President to prevent
smuggling in all the ports of this Union?
Mr. Douglase—I am not {talking about
smuggling. Tt is his duty to enforce the
laws of the land in respect to smuggling.
But, sir, itis not his duty to prevent
smuggling in any other mode or by any oth-
er means than these provided by law. Will
the Senator from New York intimate to the
Senate and to the country that, under the
pretext of preventing smuggling, the Presi-
dent can close a port created by raw, and
stop all commerce connected with it? Will
he timate that, under suspicion that if the
revenue cutter allows a vessel to enter the
port of New Orleans she will not pay any
duties, therefore the President will prevent
her going there 2 The law gives him no
such power, no such discretion. The sug.
gestion, therefore, of the Senator from New
York. that these ports of the United States
are 10 be blockaded by the Navy at the dis-
cretion of the President, under pretense of
preventing smuggling, only shows Low
loosely even Senators talk about the powers
and duties of the President, It is no use to
argue the question. There is no law that
authorizes it. To do the act, or attempt it
would be one of those high crimes and usur-
pations that would subject the President of
the United Stetes to impeachment,
But we are told that the President is go-
ing to enforce the laws in the seceded States,
How ? By calling out the militia and using
the Army and Navy! These terms are used
as freely and as flippantly as if we were a
military government where martail law was
the only rule of action, and the will of the
monarch was the only law on the subject.—
Sir, the President cannot use the Army or |
the Navy, or the Malitia for any purpose not
authorized by law. Whatisthat'?! [fthere
be an insurreciion in any State against laws
aud authorities thereof, the President can
use military to put it down only when called
upon by the State Legislature, if it be in
session, or if it cannot be convened, by the
Governor, He cannot interfere except when
i
| ayainst fifteen.
|
use the army, the navy, or the militia, for
any such purpose.
Is it your purpose to rush this country
blindly into war at a cost of $300,000,000
per annnm 3 to levy $2.000,000 of direct
taxes upon the people, and then call upon
them to pay it because you have involved us
in civil war ¢ Sir, I expect to stand by my
country under all circemstances ; and hence
1 will save her it I can, from being plunged
into civil war ef indefinite duration, that
will require a quarter of a million of men
and exorbitant taxation, levied on one half
the American people to subdue the other
half. Remember, this extraordinary amount
of revenue, these extraordinary numbers of
men are to be called for in eighteen States
to fight fifteen ; for it 18 useless to disguise
{the fact, that whenever you make the ques
:
une of peace or war, the slaveholding
intes will be a unit and will be eighteen
Are we prepared for civil
war, with all its horrors and calamities ?
I repeat, it is time that the line cf policy
was adopted, and the country knew it. In
my opinion, we must choose, and that
promp‘ly, between one of the three lines of
policy :
1. Tuk RESTORATION AND PRESERVATION
or 18i UxioN by such amendments to the
Jopstitution as will insure the domestic
ranquility, safety and equality of all the
States. and thus restore peace, unity, and
fraternity to the whole country.
Or, 2. A Peacerur DissoLurioN of the
sing the independence of
such States as refuse to remain in the Union
without such constitutional amendments,
and the establishment of a liberal system of
commercial and social intercourse with them
by treaties of commerce and amity.
Or, 3. War, with a view to the subjuga-
tion and military occupation of those States
which lave seceded or may secede from the
Union.
I repeat that, in my opinion, you must
adopt and pursue one of these three lines of
policy. The sooner you choose between
them the eller for you, the better for us.
the better for every friend of liberty and
constitutioral government throughout the
world. In my opinion, the first proposition
is the best, and the last the worst.
1 am in favor of such amendments to the
Constitution as will take that question oat
of Congress, and restore peace to the coun-
try. That may be done by non intervention
—by papular sovereignty, as it is called ;
or by the Crittenden amendment, making an
equitable partition of the territory between
the two sections, with a self executing
clause prohibiting it on one side and pro-
tecting it on the other. It may be done in
various ways. 1 prefer such an amicable
settlement to peaceable disunion ; and I
prefer it a thousand times to civil war. It
we can adopt such amendments as will be
satisfactory ‘to Virgina, North Carolina,
Tennessee, and the border States, the same
plaa of pacification which will satisfy them
will create 2 Union party in the cotton States
which will soon embrace a large majority of
the people in those States, and bring them
back of their own free will and accord ; and
thus restore, strengthen, and perpetuate the
glorious old Union forever. I repeat, what-
ever guarantees will satisfy Maryland and
the border States (the Siates now in the Un.
ion) will create a Union party in the scceded
States that will bring them back by the vol-
untary action of their own people.+ You can
restore and preserve the Union in that mode.
You can do it in no other.
War is disunion. War 1s final, eternal
separation. Hence, disguise it as you may,
every Union man in America must advocate
such amendments to the Constitution as will
preserve peace and restore the Union ; while
every disunionist, whether openly or secrets
ly plotting its destruction, is the advocato of
peaceful secession, or of war, as the surest
means of rendering reunion and reconstruc-
tion impossible. Thave too much respect
for any man that has standing enough to be
elected a Senator, to believe that ke 1s for
war, as a means for preserving the Union, 1
have too much respect for his intellect to be-
lieve for one moment, that there is a man
for war who is not a disunionist per se.—,
Hence I do not mean, if [ can prevent it,
that the enemies of the Union—men plotting |
to destroy it —shall! drag this couniry into
war under the pretext of protecting the pub-
lic property, and enforcing the laws, and
collecting the revenue, when ther object 1s
disunton, and war the means of accomplish-
ing a cherished purpose,
authorized to use the Army and Navy to aid |
in enforcing the laws in all cases where it
| The disunionists, therefor, are divided in
i two classes ; the one open, the other secret
| disunionists. The one in favor of peaceful
| session and a recognition of independence :
' the other is in favor of war, as the surest
means of accomplishing the object, and of
making che seperation final, eternal. 1 am
a Union man, and hence against war. But
| we are told. and we hear it repeated every
| where that must we find oat if we have
| got a Government, Have we a Govern-
{ment 2" is the question ; and we are told
| we must test thaw question by using the |
! military power to put down all disconnected |
['spirits, Sir, this question, *¢ have we a Gov:
ernment #’ has been pronounced by every
tyrant who has tried to keep his feet on the
necks of che people since the world began,
When the Barons demanded Magna Charta
from King Jolin at Runnymede, he exclaim-
ed, *“ have we a Government ?” and called
for his army to put down the disconnected
barons. When Charles T. attempted to col-
lect the ship money in violation of the con-
rights of the people, and was resisted by,
them, he exclaimed, *“ have we a Govern
ment # We cannot treat with rebels ; put
down the traitors ; we must show that we
have 2 Government.”” When James IL. was
driven from the throne of England for tramp-
ling on the liberties of the people, he called
for his army and exclaimed, “let us show
that we have a government 2’ When George
IIL. called upon his army to put down the
rebellion in America, Lord North cried lus-
tily, no compromise with traitors; let as
demons rate that we have a government.’ —
When in 1848 the people rose upon their ty-
rants all over Europe, and demanded guoar-
antees for their rights, every crowned head
exclaimed, * have we a government 2” and
appealed to the army to vindicate their
athority and to enforce the law.
Sir, the history of the world does not fail
to condemn the folly, weakness and wicked-
ness of that government which drew its
sword upon its own people when they de
manded guarantees for their rights. This
cry that we must have a government, is
merely following the exwmple of the besot-
ted Bourbon, who never learned anything by
misfortune. never forgave an injury, never
forgot an affront. Must we demonstrate
that we have got a government, and coerce
obedience without reference to the justice
or injnstice of the complaints 2 Sir, when-
ever ten million of people proclaim to you
with one unanimous voice, that they appre-
hend their rights, their firesides and their
family alters are in danger, it becones a
wise government to listen to the appeal and
to remove the apprehensioa. History does
not record an example where any human
government has been strong enough to crush
ten millior. people into subjection when they
believe their rights and liberties were imper-
iled, without first converting the government
itself into a despotism, and destroying the
last vestige of freedom. 2
Let us take warning from the examples of
the past. herever a government has re-
fused to listen to the complaints of the peo-
ple, and attempted to put down their mur-
murs by the bayonet. they have paid the pen-
alty. Of all those who listened to the peo-
ple in 1848, and granted charters of liberty
and took an oath to support them, only one
has been faithful ; and he has been rewarded
for his fidelity, the others will pay the pen-
ally of their perfidy. The King of Sardinia
granted a constitutior, took an oath to sup-
port it and to-day he is King of Italy. If
George III. had listened to the murmers of
our fathers, and granted their just demands
the war of the Revolution would have been
averted and the blood that wasspilled would
have been saved.
If we consider this question calmly, and
make such amendments as will convince the
people of the Southern States that they are
safe and secure in their perso, in their pro-
perty, and in their family relations, within
the Union, we can restore and preserve it.—
If we cannot satisfy the people of the border
States that they may remain in the Union
with safety, dissolution is inevitable. Then
the simple question comes back, what shall
be the policy of the Union men of this coun-
try Shall it be peace, or shall it be war ?
What man in all America, with a heurt in
his bosom, who knows the facts connected
with Fort Sumter, can hesitate in saying
that duty, honor, patriotism, humanity, re-
quire that Anderson and his galiant band |
should be instantly withdrawn 2 Sir, I am
not afraid to say so. [I would scorn to take
a party advantage or manufactnre partisan
capital out of an act of patriotism.
Peace is the only policy that can save the
country. Let peace be proclaimed as the
policy, and you will find that a thrill of joy
will animate the heart of every patriot in the
land ; confidence will be restored ; business
will be revived ; joy will gladen every heart
bonfires will blaze upon the hill tops and in
the valleys, and the church bells will pro-
claim the glad tidings in every city, town,
and village in America, and the applause of
a grateful people will greet yon everywhere
Proclaim the policy of war, and there will be
gloom and sadness and despair pictured up-
on the face of every patriot in the land. A
war of kindred, family, and friends ; father
against son, mother agamst daghter, broth-
er against brother, to subjugate one-half of
this country into obedience to the other half,
if you do not mean this, 1f you mean peace;
let this be adopted, and give the President
the opportunity, through the Secretary of
War to speak the word ‘peace ;’ and thirty
million people will bless him with their
prayers, and honor him with their shouts of
joy.
eal AD
Ir is confidently stated that Hon. Joseph
i Holt, of Kentucky, still a resident of Wash-
lington, will be offered the post of Justice of
| the Supreme Court of the United States, va-
cated by tho death of Justice McLean, of
Ohio. -
Bess rp BE kina
iris said that the graziers and farmers of
Kentucky who have sold horses and cattle
land grain to the traitors, get ne money in
i retain only empty promises to pay, which
{can never be redemed.
eer em eth rhe
Farry spans the gulf of Death with the
bridge of Hope.
True honor can be purchased only by wor-
b
stitution of England, and in disregard of the ' +
ARCHBISHOP HUGHES 0
Archbishop Hughes. who som
made a Union gpeechin New York,
lished his views of civil wer in Me Metro
politan Record. We make » few extracts:
Above all the wars a civil war is the most
deplorable and the most destructive in its
consequences, both to the victor and van
quished. Tt progr
desolation. It
passions of hu
nage, though horrib
terrible to witne
cannot
be
1t is not in civil strife that the nobler
the
ty.
attributes of our nature are shown ;
mind of man becomes hardened and callous
amid scenes of blood and devastation. The
transition from a peaceful republic to mili-
tary despotism 1s more easily effected thro
such a medium than people generally sup-
Manki
nd are pretty much the same
of the world. Material eiviliza-
. it ig tue, nfay develop the mind and
sharpen micllect, but it does not purify
the aspirations nor elevate the moral nature
of the race.
We have heard a proposition made by a
prominent speaker at the great demonstra-
tion which was lately held at Union Square.
that we trust was either not seriously enter-
tained, or had its origin in the excitement of
the moment. It wis nothing more or less
than a recommendation of the policy which
England has pursued towards Ireland. The
speaker expressed himself in favor of (aking
away the plantations from the Southern own
ers and bestowing them as land bounties
upon the Northern soldiers. The idea as
we have intimated, is not an orizinal one, ag
it was partially carried into effect against
the people of Ireland, and as a means by
which that people were to be utterly exter-
minated. Far our part, we protested against
such a wholesale ‘system of spoilation—a
system which is calculated to plunge the
country irremidably into a war that this
generation may never see the end. and to
arouse feelings of hatred and revenge that
may live through centuries
The proposition to which we have referred
is, however, comparatively mild in its char-
acter when compared with the suggestion
that has been published in one or two of our
New York daily papers. 1tis nothing more
orless thya a proposal to incite the negroes
to wsurrection, and, by 80 doing, to preeini-
tate the Southern portion of our conrtry into
ail the horrors of servile war. They would
be to re-enact on our own soil the fiendish
bratalities récorded in the history of St. Do-
mingo. It would be to rouse the savage ne-
groes against our brothers in race and blood:
it would be to countenance atrocities and
barbarities at the sight of which our whole
country would stand appalled ; it would be
to encourage the whole black population of
the South to mse in arms against the whites
to murder women and children, to massacre
helpless infancy and age, and {to givea li-
cense to the excesses and cruelties which
characterize all negro insurrections. * 4
Have we now sunk «0 low in the scale of
humamty, have we so far forgotten our ohii-
gations as Christian men, even ©
have rightly entered nts the h
conflict, to calliny tolerate or
proposition as fiendish and as i:ho
that against whic the elder Pitt ma
voice ¢ >
pose.
in ever
1t
ey GG A Am etern
Mrs. ParTinGgTON'S VISIT 10 THE
FieLp.—We take the following from the Bos-
ton Post :—
¢«¢ Did the guard present arms to you, Mrs.
Partington 2’ asked the commissary of her
as she entered the marquee.
¢ Yon mean the century,” she sard, smul
ing. “I haveheard so much abont the
tainted ficld that I believe I could deplore
an attachment into line myself, and sccure
them as well as an officer. You asked me
if the guard presented arms. Ha didn't,
bot a sweet little man with an epilepsy on
his shoulder and a smile on his face did, and
asked me if ] wouldn't go into a tent and
smile. 1 tol! him that we could both smile
outside, when he politely touched his chat.
eau and left me.” The commissary presen-
ted a hard wooden stool apon which che re-
posed herself. *¢ This is one of the seats of
war, I suppose ¥” said she. ¢O whata
hard lot a soldier is objecteted to. T don’
wonder a mite at the hardened influence of
a soldier's life. What is that for © said
she, as the oise of the cannon saluted her
ear. * I hope they hain’t tiring on my ac
count,” Ther: was a solicituds in her tone
as she spoke, and she was informed it was
only the Governor; who had just arrived
upon the field. ¢¢ Dearme said she, © how
cruel it must be to make the old gentlemen
come way down here, when he is so feeble
that he kas to take his staff with him wher
ever he goes.” She was so affected at the
idea that she had to take a few drops of
white wine cquilibriam, and
to counteract thie dust from the *¢ tainted
field.”
re QA rena
Henry A. Wisk Nor EveN ATTACKED. —
The wheeling Intelligencer, of the 15th
inst., publishes informafion received by Mr.
Woods, of that city, who arrived in Wheel.
ing on Saturday from Oharlotsville, where
he was a student at the University. He left
Charlotsville about three weeks ago, reach-
ing Charlestown on the 4th and Ripley on
the 5th. Henry A. Wise, accompanied by his
son O. Jennings Wize, were both at Ripley.
On the 8th a report reached Ripley thata
thousand Federal troops were marching on
that place from the Ohio river. The Wises
with their seven hundred followers retreated
back upon Charlestown. The report of
the killing of Wise and his body guard,
reached us on Sunday evening, the Tth, so
he could not have been badly injured. as he
was knocking around Ripley pretty tolerahly
spry for an old man. From other cireum-
stances we are induced to believe that the
whole story about the atiack on Wise's par
ty isa sheer fabrication. Ttis scarcely pos
sols at he eould have been at Sissonville
at all.
Mr. Woods was several times arrested.
and was detained at Ripley a week, until
the Wises had left. The Intelligencer says,
Our readers may rest assured that Henry
A. Wise still lives, and 1s, doubtless, this
minute ¢ firing tHe Southern heart” some-
restore he
J thy action
where along the Kanawha saiines,
+ to gaze upon, though
compared 10 |
the mooral evils which it inflicts upon socie- |
- ES
at now, 19 10 be a Jeces-
itor— according to Black
Not to eadorse ail the
To be a Democ
i—-Rebel —
Congress ig now re-
ction—is to be a Rebel ; even
¢ into the propriety or constitu-
y of the conduct of our public sar-
daring to ask a representative
nion upon a great public
re righ misdemeanor, snd makes
«on 8 Lraitor ; yea, not to be in all essen -
ticuiars, a so called Republican, and
in the language of Senator Baker, of
ron, to‘ grant almost UNLIMITED
{POWER to the President,” is to Le an ene-
I my to the Constitution, ths Union, and the
Government.
Now, it is an easy matter to call hard
names, to make false accusations, to use ob-
scene language, and to act the black iard
generally. No brains sare required to do
these things, and ony fool can thus make
himself conspicuous. But instead of these
bold assertions, why are got some attempts
made, some arguments used, to show that
sach men are wrong, and support principles -
justifying the application of such terms ?—
They cannot do it. ‘The men who are now
charged with disloyalty, in nine cases out of
every ten, have always been the real friends
of the Union, and are now ready to sacrifice
their last dollar and last drop of blood, in
support of any feasible, rational plan for the
restoration of the Union. Many of them be-
lieve thas this GREAT END could be secur-
ed, even now, through peaceable eflorts :
but never can be by the sword-—that tha
more fighting the more impossible will it be
to reunite our now distracted Union.
And who are the men who make theses
charges ? In a great proportion they are
the very men who have heretofore acted eith-
er as if they sought a dissolution of the Un.
ion ; or else, as ifthey thou rht a dissolation
of the Uniom impossible. “Better dissolve
the Union, and send our Constitution to per-
dition, than live in fellowship with slave-
holders,” said the Abolitionists. “Let us
keep slavery and slave owners o:t of ths
common territories,” said the frae-soiler
and the supporter of the Chicago Platform.
“The Sonth will scold and threaten. hut she
can do no more. You can't kick her out of
the Union.”
Up until six or eight mouths ago this was
th language of the very men who are now
charging with disloyalty th who wera
i ting th
der whose infl:ores
od. = Clearfield Re
i=
i
quired to
[to examen
FIRST UNL.
The following conversation |
have taken piace between a lave
master.
+ Hallo, there, Sun rey
ing
“Why, why © sivs Sambe, scratching
his hed dow ta de depot
\
TuNmir
R.'s naithar ain
poor nigger.’
+ Yes, mgssa, de 0 as
fusi tragk of de UJ. G2. R. R., we
++ Where was it?’
«In de Red Sea, massa.”
Who laid it ©
«De Lord Aliighty Heself.!
« Well, Sambo,” mellowing down a
+ who were the conductors ¢
“Moses and Aaron.’
«Who were the fugiiives that run away?’
«¢ Dao children of Israel, massa.’ -
“ Who wera the slascholders 2
«De Egvptiwms.*
« Were they white "or black ¥°
+ Black, massa, dat time de slave He
whit man and de slaveholder de black man.
ha! ha! ha! massa.’
Did they phivsue the slaves ¥
¢ Yes, mmssn.)
«Did they take them back to &laver; *
«« No, massa, they couldn't coteh em.’
* Why not?’ .
< Because they took de track wy, ha! ha!
good, massa, wasn’t it¥’
< Samlio, you may go dawa to your quar
ters,
little,
Tz Late Arport oNuenT. ~The follow.
ing is the apportiunment of Representalives
according to the eighth censns =
Alabama, 6{Soh Car: 5
Arkansas, 3/1" nurgser. 8
Calisornia, + 3 1.xas, 4
Connecticut, 4 liinesota, 1
Delaware, 1| M:gsissippt, 5
Florida, {Mise our, ; 9
Georgia, 7N Hampshire, 3
Illinois, 135 0 Jersey, 5
Indiana, 11{™ 1k 31
Towa, SIN: r* “aroling, | 7
Kansas, 3 ; 18
Kentucky, 810r: on, 1
Louisiana, 5) ei. s: lvanis, 23
Mune, 5Rhode Island, 1
Maryland, 5] Vermont, %
Massachusetts, 10| Virginia, 11
Michigan. 6 Wisconsin, 6
The aggregate being two hundred and
thirty-three Represtutatives.
mr ee Bp ov
A runaway slave who made his way to
Cairo, where he did good service i the en
trenchments, was asked if he did not went
to go bick and tight He x plird with &
grimmace that he wenld have done no wis
credit to Julius; Laws no, 1
dis nigger is not a fightin niger
runnin’ nigger !’
Masses |!
eel Gn By Ry
Change in temper —deff Davis is anxi
for peace, and bis Generals sem 0 be she
ing a retiring disposition.
apn
Wonder if the Virginians wou iq't like to
see “another Richmond in the eld,’ —a lit~
tle further South