v
VOL. 6.
>,
j
a
BELLEFONTE, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 11, 1861.
Fret A
26
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JOB PRINTING
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pared to 7 the orders of onr friend
E Her
sident’s Message,
ei gee
0,000 MEN AND 400,000,000 OF
MONEY WANTED,
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House
of Representatives.—Having been convened
on an extraordinary occasion, authorized by
the Constitution, your attention 1s not called
to any ordinary object of legislation. At
the beginning of the Presidential term, four
months ago, the functions of the Federal
Government were found to be generally sus-
pended within the several States of South
tarolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,
Louisiana and Florida, excepting those only
of the Post Office Department. Within
those States all forts, arsenals, dockyards,
custom-houses, and the like, had been seized
and were held in open hostility to this Gov-
ernment, excepting only forts Pickens, Tay-
lor, and Jefferson on and near the Florida
coast, and Fort Sumpter, 1 Charleston har-
bor, Svuth Carolina. The forts thus seized
had been putin improved condition, new
ones had been built, and armed. forces had
been organized and were organizing, all
avowedly with the same hostile purpose.
The forts remaining in the hands of the
Federal Government. in and near these States
were cither beseiged or menaced with war-
like preparations, and especially Fort Sum.
ter, which was nearly surrounded by well
projected hostile batteries with guns equal
mn quality to the best of its own, and out-
numbering the latter perhaps ten to one. —
A disproportionate share of the Federal mus-
kets and ritles had somehow found their way
into these States, and had been seized to be
used again<t the Government. Accumula-
tions of the public revenue lying within them
had been scized against the Government. —
The Navy was scattered in [distant seas,
leaving but a very small part of it within
the immediate reach of the Government —
Officers of the Federal army and navy had
resigned in great numbers, and of those
resigning a large proportion had taken up
arms against the Government.
Simultancously and in connection with all
this, the purpose to sever the Federal Union
was openly avowed. In accordance with
this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted
in each of these States, declering the States
respectively to be separated from the Na-
tional Union. A formula for institating a
combined government for these States had
been promulgated, and this illegal organiza-
tion in the character of the Confederate
States was already invoking recognition, aid
aud intervention from foreign powers,
Finding this condition of things, and be-
lievicg it to be an imperative duty upon the
1m
Exccutive to prevent, if possible,
t mation of such attempt to de-
stroy the Union, a choice of mea
to that end Leeawme indispensible. Th
choice was made and was declared
the Inaugural Address. The poliey chosen
looked
measures before a resort to any strouger
ones. It sought only to Lold only the pub-
the con
Federal
lic property not already wrested from the |
Government aud to collect the revenue, rely.
ing for the rest on time, discussion and the
Lallat box. Ii" oromised a coutinuance of
the mails at the Government expense to the |
very people who were'resisting the Govern
ment, and it gave repeated pledges agairst
any disturbance to any of the people or any
of their rights. Of all that which a Presi-
dent might constitutionally and justifiably
do tn such a case, everything was. torborne,
without which it was believed impossible to
keep the Governwent on foot.
On the 5th of March, the present moum-
tent’s first full day in office, a letier of Majer
¢ at Fort Sumter,
: the 28th of February, and receiy-
War Department on the 4th of
by that Pepartment placed in
This letter expressed the pro
commanding
i ion of
“up V
ments could vot be thrown into that within
the time for his relief rendered necessary by
the limited supply of provisions, and with a
view of holding possession of the same, with
a force of less than twenty thousand good
and well disciplined men. This opinion
was concurred in by all the officers of his
command, and their memoranda on the sub-
Jject were made enclosures of Major Ander~
son’s letter. The whole was immediately
laid before Lieutenant General Scott, who at
once concurred with Major Anderson in that
opinion. On reflection, however, he took
full time, consulting witn other officers of
the army and navy, and at the end of four
days came reluctantly but decidedly to the |
same conclusion as before. cit
He also stated at the same time that no
snch sufficient force was then within the
control of the Government or could be raised
and brought to the gronnd within the time
when the provisisns in the fort would be ex-
hausted. In a purely military point of view
this redueed the duty of the Administration
in the case to the mere matter of getting
the garrison safely out of the fort.
It was believed, however, that to so aban-
don that position, under the circumstances,
would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity
under which it was to be done, would not be
fully understood ; that by many it would be
construed as a part of a voluntary policy ;
that at home it would discourage the friends |
of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and
go far to insure to the latter a recognition
abroad ; that. in fact, it would be our Na-
tional destruction consummated. This
could not be allowed, Starvation was not
vet upon the garrison; and ere it would be
reached Fort Pickens might be reinforced.
This lgst would be a cldar indication of pol-
icy, and would better enable the country to
accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a
military necessity. An order was at once
directed to be sent for the landing of the
troops from the steamship Brooklyn into
Fort Pickens. This order could not go by
land; and must take the longer nd slower
in |
| ple, can or cannot maintain its territorial in- |
to the exhaustion of all peaceful | It |
route by sea.
The first return news from the order was
received just one week before the fall of
Fort Sumter. .The news itself was that the
officer commanding the Sabine, to which ves-
sel the troops had been transferred from the
Brooklyn, acting upon some guas: armistice
of the late Administration, and of the vxis-
tence of which the present Administration,
up to the time the order was despatched,
had only too vague and uncertain rumors to
fix attention—had refused to land the troops.
To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a
crisis would be reached at Fort Sumter, was
impossible, rendered so by the near exhaus-
tion of provisions in the latter named Fort.’
Iu such a conjucture, the Government
had, a few days before, commenced prepar-
ing an expedition. as well adapted as might
be, to relieve Fort Sumter : which expedi-
tion was intended to be ultimately used or
not, according to circumstances.
The strongest anticipated case for using
it was now presented, and it was resolved to
send it forward, as had been intended in this
contingency. It was also resolved to notify
the Governor of Seuth Carolina that if the
attempt should not be resisted, there would
be no effort to throw in men, arms, or am-
munition without further notice, orin case
| of an attack upon the fort. This notice
| was accordingly given, whereupon, the fort
| was attacked and bombarded to “its fall,
| without even awaiting the arrival of the
| provisioning expedition. It is thus seen
| that the assault upon and the reduc-
| tion of Fort Sumpter was in no sense a |
| matter of self defence on the part of the as-
sailants. They well knew that the garrison
in the fort could by no possibility commit
aggression upon them. They knew—they
were expressly notified-~that the giving of
! bread to the few brave and hungry men of
the garrison was all which on that occasion
could be attempted. unless themselves, by
resisting so much, should proveke more.
They knew that this Government desired to |
keep this garvison in the fort, not to assail
them, but merely to maintain visible posses-
| sion, trusting,as herein before stated, to time
| discussion, and the ballot-box. for final ad-
| justinent. And they assailed and reduced the
fort for precisely the reverse object, to drive
out the visible authority of the Federal Union
and thus force it to immediate dissolution.
That this was their object, the Executive
well understood, and having said to them in
the Inaugural Address, ‘You can have no
conflict without being yourself the aggres-
sors,” he took pains not only to keep this
declaration good, but also to keep the case so
frec from the power of ingenious sophistry
as that the world should not be aole to mis~
understand it. By the affair at Fort Sumpter
with its surrounding circumstances that
point was reached. Then and thereby the as-
sailants of the Government began the conflict
of arms without, a gun in sight, or in expec-
taney, to return their fire, save only the few
in the fort sent to that harbor years before
for their own protection, and still ready to
give that protection in whatever was lawful.
In this act, discarding all else, they have for-
mediate dissolution or blood.
And this issue embraces more than the |
| fate of the United States. It presents to the |
Constitutional Republic or Democracy—a
| tegrity against its own domestic foes.
| presents the question whether discontented
| imdividaals, too few in numbers to control
the administration according to the organic
law in any case, can always, upon the pre-
tences made in the case or on any other pre-
tence, break up their government and thus
practically put an end to free government
upon the earth.
It forces us to ask, Is there in all Repub-
lics this inherent and fatal weakness !—
Must a government of necessity be too strong
for the liberties of its own people, or too
weak to maintain its own existence ?
So viewing the issue, no choice was left
| but to eall out the war power of the govern-
ment, and so to resist the force employed
| for its destruction, by force for its preserva-
tion.
The call was made and the response of
the country was most gratifying—surpass-
| ing in unanimity and spirit, the most san-
| guine expectations. :
| Yet none of the States commonly called
| Slave States. except Delaware, gave a 1egi-
| ment, through regular State organizations.
| A fei regiments have been organized within
| some others of those States by individual
| enterprise, and received into the government
service. Of course, the seceded States so
| called, and to which Texas had been joined
about the time ot .the inauguration, gave no
| troops to the cause of the Union, The Bor-
| der States so called were not uniform in
| their action, some of them being almost for
the Union, while in others, as Virgima and
North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas,
| the Union sentiment was nearly repressed
| and silenced. ;
The course taken in Virginia was the most
remarkable, perhaps the most important. —
| A convention elected by the people of that
| State to consider this very question of dis-
rupting the Federal Union, was in session
| at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter
| fell. To this body the people had chosen a
| large majority of professed Union meu. Al-
| most immediately after the fall of Sumter,
| many members of their majority went over
i to the original disunion majority, and with
them adopted an ordinance for withdrawing
the State from the Union.
Whether this change was wrought by
their great approval of the assault upon
Sumter, or the great resentment at the gov
ernment’s resistance to that assault, is not
definitely known. Although they submitted
the ordinance, for ratification, to a vote of
the people, to be taken on a day, then some-
what more than a month distant, the Con
vention and the Legislatures, which was al-
So in session at the same time and place,
with leading members of the State, not
members of either, immediately commenced
acting as if the State were already out of
the Union. They pushed their military
preparations vigorously forward allover the
State. They seized the United States Ar-
mory at Harper's Ferry and the Navy Yard
at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received,
perhaps invited, into their State large bodies
of troops with their warlike appointments,
t
|
from the so called Seceded States. They
formally entered into a treaty of temporary
alliance and co-operation with the so called
Confederate States, and sent members to
their Congress at Montgomery, and finally
they permitted the insurrectionary Govern-
ment to be transferred to their Capital at
Richmond.
The people of Virginia have thus allowed
this giant insurrection to make its nest with-
in her border, and this government has no
choice left but to deal with it where it finds
it, and it has the less regret, as the loyal
citizens have in due form claimed its protec-
tion. These loyal citizens, this government
is bound to recognize and protect as being
Virgima.
In the Border States, so called, in fact the
Middle States, there are those who favor a
policy which they call armed neutrality ;—
that 13, an arming of those States to prevent
the Union forces passing one way or the dis-
union the other over their soil. This would
be disunion completed, figuratively speaking.
It would be the building of an impassable
wall alongethe line of separation, and yet
not quite an impassable one ; for under the
guise of neutrality, it would tie the hands of
the Unjon men, and freely pass supplies from
among them to the insurrectionists, which it
could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke
it would take all the trouble off the hands
of secession, except only what proceeds from
the external blockade. It would do for the
disunionists, that which of all things they
most desire—fced them well and give them
disunion without a struggle of their own.—
It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution,
no obligation to maintain the Union, and
while very many whe have favored it are
doubtless loyal, it i3, nevurtheless, very in-
jurious in effect. .
Recurring to the action of the Government,
it may be stated that at once a call wae
made for 75,000 mulitia, and rapidly follow.
ing this, a proclamation was issued for clos-
ing the ports of the insurrectionary districts
by proceedings in the nature of a blockade.
So far all was believed to be strictly legal.
At this point the insurrectionists announc-
ed their purpose to enter upon the practice
of privateering. Other calls were made for
volunteers to serve three years unless sooner
discharged, and also for large additions to
the regular army and navy.
These measures, whether strictly legal or
not, were ventured upon under what ap~
peared to be a popular demand and a public
necessity, trusting then us now that Con-
gress would readily ratity them. It is be-
lieved that nothing has been done boyond
the Constitutional competency of Congress.
Soon after the first call for militia it was
considered a duty to authorize the command-
ing general, in proper cases according to his
discretion, to Suspend the priviledge of the
writ of habeas corpus, or in other words to
arrest and detain, without resort to the ordi-
nary processes and form of law, such indi-
viduals as he might deem dangerous to the
public safety. This authority has purpose-
ly been excercised but very sparingly. Nev-
ertheless, the legality and propriety of what
ced upon the country the distinct 1ssuo—im | has been done ueder iv are questioned. and
| the attention of the country has been called
to the proposition that one who is sworn to
take care that the laws be faithfully exccuted
| whole family of man the question whether a | should nothimself violate them. ‘Of course
! some consideration was given to the ques-
government of the people by the same peo-.| tions of power and propriety before this mat-
ter was acted on.
The whole of the laws which were required
Ito be faithfully executed, were being resis-
| ted, and failing of exccution in nearly one
| third of the States. Muat they be allowed
| to finnally fail of execution, even ifit had
| been perfectly clear, that by the use of the
| means necessary to their execution, some
single law made in such extreme teuderness
of the citizens’ liberty, that practically it
relieves more of the guilvy than of the inno-
cent, should toa very limited extent, be
violated.
To state the question more directly, are
all the laws but one to go unexecated, and
the Government itself to go to pieces lest
| that one be violated ? Even in such a case
1 would not the official oath be broken off if
the Governmant should be overthrown, when
!it was believed that disregarding the single
law would tend to preserve it ?
Bat it was not believed that this question
was presented It was not believed that any
law was violated. The provision of the
Constitatien that the priviledge of the writ
i of habeas corpus shall not be suspended
| unless when in cases of rebellion orinvasion
public safety may require it, is eqivalent
to pmvision that such priviledge may be
suspended when in cases of rebellion or in-
vasion the public safety does require it.—
| It was decided that we have a case of rebel-
‘lion, and that the public safety does require
the quallified suspension of the privilege of
the wnt which was authorized to be made.
Now, it is insisted that Congress, and not
the Executive, is vested with this power.—
But the Constitution itself is silent as to
which or who is to exercise the power, and
as the provision was plainly made fora
. dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed
that the framers of the instrument intended
that in every case the danger should run its
course untill Congress could be called togeth
er, the assembling of which might be pre-
vented, as was intended in this case by the
rebellion. .No more extended argument is
now offered, as an oppimon at some length
will probably be presented by the Attorney
General. Whether there shall be any legis.
lation upon the subject, and if any what, is
submitted entirely to the better judgement
of Congress.
The torebearance of this Government had
been so extraordinary and so long continued
as to lead some foreign nations to shape
their actions as if thoy supposed the early
destruction of our National Union was pos-
sible. While this on discovery gave the
Executive some concern ; he is now happy
to say that the sovereignity and rights of
the United States are now everywhere prac«
tically respected by foreign powers, and a
general sympathy with the country is mani-
fested throughout the world.
The reports of the Secretaries of the
Treasury, War and the Navy will give the
information in detail deemed necessary and
convenient for your deliberation and action
while the Executive and all the Departments
will stand ready to supply commissons, or
to communicate new facts, considered im-
portant for you to know. ‘
»
It is naw recommended that you give the | tainly a power to destivy ths Government
legal means for making the contest a short | itself had never known as Governmental a
and a decisive one; that you place af the |
control ot the Government, for the work, at |
least 400,000 men, and $400,000,000. ‘That!
namber of suen is about one-tenth of those!
if proper ages within the regions, where aps |
parently, ali are willing to engage, and the |
sum less than a twenty-third part of the |
money value owned by the men who sour)
ready to devote the whole,
A debt of $600,000,000 now is a less sum |
per head than was the debt of our reyolution
when we came out of that struggle, and the|
money value in the country now bears even |
a greeater propertion to what it was then,
than dces the population. Surely each man |
bas as strong a motive now 10 preserye our |
liberties as each had then to establish them. |
A right resuit at this time will be worth |
more to the world than ten times the men |
and ten times the money. The evidence |
reaching us from the couniry, leaves no doubt |
that the material for the work is abundant |
and that it needs only the hand of legisla. |
tion to give it legal sanction, and the hand of
the executive to give it practical shape and
efficiency. |
One of the greatest pecplexities of the Gov- |
ernment is to avuid receiving troops faster |
than ic ean provide for them.
In a word, the people will save their Gov-
ernment, if the Government itself will do its |
pars only indifferently well. It might seem, |
at first thought, to be of little difference!
whether the present movements at the South
be called secession or rebellion. The moy- i
ers, however, well understand the difference, |
At the beginning they knew they conld nev. |
er raises their treason to any respectable mag |
i
|
i
nitude by any name which imphes violation
of law. They knew their people possessed as !
much of moral sense, as much of devotion to
law and order, aod as much pride in, und |
reverence for the history snd Govern ~ent of |
their common country ur any otber civilized
and patriotic people,
They knew they could make no advance-~
ment directly in the teeth of these strong and
nobie sentiments. Accordingly, they coms
menced, by an insidoous debauching of the
public mind, They invented an ingenious
sophism which, if conceded, was followed by
portectly logical steps through ali the inei-
dents to the completa destruction of the
Union. Tie sophism itself is that any State
of the Union may, consistently with the Na-
tional Constitution, and therefore lawfully
and peacefully, withdraw from the Union,
without the consent of the Union cr of any
othsr State. The little disguise, that the
supposed right is to be exercised only for a
Just cause, because they themselves are to be
the sole judges uf its justice, is tuo thin to
merit any notice. i
With rebellion thus ‘sugar.coated, they |
have beon drugging the public mind of their |
section for more than thirty years, and until
at length they have brought many good men
to & willingness to take up arms against the
Government the day after some assemblage
uf men have enacted the farcical pretence of
taking their State out of she Union, who
could have been brought to no such thing the
duy before.
This sophism derives much, perhaps the
whole of its curreney, from the assumption
that there is some omnipotent and sacred su-
premacy pertaining to a state, to each State
of our Federal Union. Our States have
neifher more nor less power than that resery-
ed to them in the Union by the Constitution,
no one of them ever baviog been a State out
of the Union. The original ones passed into
the Union even befure they cast of their Brit- |
ish Qelonial dependence, and the new ones
ench came into the Union dicectly from a
condition of dependence excepting Texas;
and even Texas, ini ry indepen-
denes, was never tate. The!
new ones only took in of States |
ow coming into the Uai rile that name |
was first adopted for the old ones in and by |
the Declaration of Independenca. Toerein |
the United Colonics were declared to be free |
nad indapendent States,
Bat even then the object plainly was not
to declare their indspendence of one another, |
or of the Union, but direerly the contrary, as |
their mutual pledge and their mutual astion, |
befors, at the time and afterwards, abun-|
dantly show. Tae express plighting of faith
ty each and all of the original thirteen, in|
the articles of confederation, two years later, |
that “the Union shall be perpetual,” is most |
conclusive. llaving never been States, cith-
er in substance or in name outside of the
Juion, whence this magical omnipatence of
State Rights agsoer r 3
tawfaily destroy the Unio
said abeat the Sovereignty
the word even if aot in the National Consti- |
tution, nar a8 is helaived in dny of the Swate |
Constitutions. What 1s a Sovere |
tha political eense of the term?
bo far wrong to define it ** a poli come |
munity without a political superior Test-
ed by this, noone of our States except Texas
‘ever was a sovereignty, aad even Texas gave
up the character on coming into the Union,
by which act she acknowledged the Constiv
tution of the United States nnd the Jaws and
treaties of the United States, made in pursu-
ance of the Constitution, to be for her the
suprems law of the land The Stares have
their status in the Union, and they have no
other legal status. If they hreak from this,
_they can only do so against law and by rev-
olution. The Union, and not themselves sep-
arated, procured their independence and
their liberty. By conquest or purchase, the |
nion guve each of them whatever of indo«|
pendens and liberty it has. The Union is]
older than any of the States, and in fact it}
created them as States. Originally some de~
pendent colonies made the Unton, and, in
turn, the Union threw off their old dépen-
dence for them and made them States, such |
as they are: not one of them ever had a State
Constitution independent of the Union,
Of course it is not forgotten that all the
new States framed their Constitutions before
they entered the Union; nevertheless depen-
dent upon, and preparatory to coming into
the Union. e
Unquestionably the States have the pow-
ers and rights reserved to them in and by the
National Constitution; but among those,
surely, are not included all gonceivabis pow:
ars, however mischievous or destructive, but
at most sach only are known 1n the world at
1
itreif?
91
just that she shall now go off without consent
{ity of the legally qualified yoters of any State
{ his own free choi
i the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever
merely administrative power.
This relative matter of National power and
State Rights as a principle, is no other than
the principle of generality and locality.
Whatever concerns the whale should be
confided to the whole, ts the Geveral Goy-
ernment ; while whatever concerns enly the
State should be left exclusively to the State.
T'uis is all there is of original principle about
it. Whethér the National Constitution, in
defining boundaries between the two, has ap-
plied the principle with exact aceuraey, is
not to be questivned, We are also tound by
that defining, without question. What is
now combatted is the position that Secession
is consistent with the Constitution, is lawful |
and peaceful, It is not contented that there |
is noy express law for it, and nothing should
ever be implied as law which leads to unjust
ur absurd vonscqnences.
The Nation purchased with money the
countries out of which several of these Statea
wera formed. Is it just that they shall go off
without leave and without refanding? The
nation paid very large sums—in the aggre-
gate, [ believe, « hundred millions—to re-
lieve Florida of the Aboriginal tribes. Is it
or without making any return? The nation
is now in debt for money applied to the ben-
efit of those so called seceded States in coma
mon with the rest. Is it just either that
ereditors shall go unpaid, or the remaining
States pay the whole? Part of the present
nations debt was contracted to pay the old
debts of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave |
and pay bo part of this hersell 7 |
Again, if one State may secede, 80 may |
another, und when all shall have seceded,
none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite
just to creditors ? Did we notify them of
this sage view of ours wien we borrowed
their money ? If we now recognize this doo |
trine by allowing the Seceders to go in peace
it is dificult to see what we can do if others
choose to go or 10 exhoit terms upon which
ther will promise to remain,
The Seceders insist that our Constitution
admits of Secession. They have assumed to
make a National Constitution of their own,
in which of necessity they have either dis.
carded or retained the right ot Secession, as
thay insist it exists in ours. If they have
discarded it, thersby admit that on principle
it ought not to be in ours. If they have re-
taiaed it by their own construction of ours,
they show that to be consistent they must
accede from one another whenever they shall
find it the easiest way of settling their debts,
or effecting any other selfish or unjust uhject.
The principle itself is one of disintegration
and upon which the Government can possibly
endure,
If all the States save one, should assert
the power to drive that one out of the Union
it is presumed tha whole class of seceeder
politicians would at occe deny the puwer,
aod denounce the act as the greatest out-
rage on State rights.
But suppose that precisely the same. act,
instead of being called driving the one out
should be called the seceding of the other
from that one, it would be exactly what the
seceeders claim to do, unless, indeed, they
make the poins that the one, because it is the
minority, may iightfully do what the other,
because they are a majority, may not right-
fully do, These politicians &ro subtle and
profound on the right of minorities ; they
are not partial to that power which made the
Constizution, and speaks from the preamble
calling itself “the People.” It may well be
questioned whether there is to-day a major
except perhaps South Carolina, im favor of
disunion. There is much reason to believe
that the union men are the majority iu many
if not every other one of the so ealied se-
ceeded States. As the contrary has not been
demonstrated in any one of them, it 18 ven-
tured to affirm this even of Virginia and
Tennessee, for the result of an 2lection, held
in military earnps where the bayonets were
all on one side of the questivn voted upon,
can searceiy be considered a demonstration
of the popular sentiment. At such an elec
tion, ail thal jarge class who ate not at once
for the Union and against coercion, would be
coerced to vote against the Union.
It may be affirmed, without extravagance
that the [ree institutions we enjoy have de-
veloped the power and improved the condi-
tion of our whola people, peyond any exam.
ple in the world. Of this we now have a
striking ond impressive illustat’ on. 8) large
aun army ns the Geverument has now on foot
was never be'ore known, withont a
soldier in it but who had taken bis pluce of
-
But more than tf There are many gin=
glo regiments whose members oue and ans
other possess full practical knowiedge of all
single
slmgle
else, whether useful or elegant ia known in!
the world ; and there is scarcely one frony
which there could not be selected a Presi-
dent, a Cabinet, » Congress, and perhaps a
Court abundantly competent to administer
the government itself. Nor do I say this is
not frue.also in the army of our late friends,
now adversaries in this contest. Butif it is
50, so much better the reason why the Gav-
ernment which has conferred such benefits
on both them and us should not be broken
up..
Whoever, in nny section, proposes to aban
don such a srnment, waald do well to
consider in reference to what principle it is
that he does it. What better he 1s likely to
gat in its stead. Whether the substitute will
give, or be intended to give, so mueh good
to the pecple. There are some forshaudow-
ings on this subject. Our adversaries have |
adopted some declarations of independence
in which, unlike the good old one, penned
by Jefferscn, tha omit they words “all men
are created equal” Why? They have
adopted a temporary National Constitutior.
in the preamble of which. nulike our good
old one, signed by Washington, they omit,
“We, the people,” and substitute, “We the
deputies of the sovereign and independent
States.” .
Why ? Why this deliberate pressing out
of view the rights of men god the authority
of the people ?
This is essectially a peoples’ contest, Ou
the side of the Union it is a shaoggle for
ject is to elevate the condition of men; °.
lift the artificial weights from their shen
era; to clear the paths of laudable pure
for all ; to afford men an unfettered st.
and a fair chance in the race of hfe.
Yielding to partial and temporary dens.”
ures {rom necessity, this isthe lending 0: -
ject of the Government tor whose exis
we contend.
I am most happy to believe that the ;
people understahd and appreciate this, . i»
worthy of note thai while in this, the go»
meni ’s hour ot trial, large numbers of s
in the army and navy who have been '
ored with offices have resigned and po»
false to the hand that had pampered the
Not ona common soldier or eommon oz
i» known to have dessrted his flag. Grea:
honor is due to those officers who remuiced
true, despite the example of their traitoroue
associates, But the greatest honde and the
most important fact of all, ia the unanimous
firmness of the common suldiers and 2ommon
sailors, To the last man so far as known,
they have successfully resisted the traitors
ous efforts of those whose commands but an
hour before they obeyed aa absolute law, —
This is the paimotic iostinet of a plain pso-
ple. They understand without an arguraent
that the destroying of the Government wirich
was made by Washington, meaus no good to
them, Our popular Government has oficn
been called an experiment. Two points ‘in
it our people have already settled. The su. -
cessful establishing and the successful a:
ministering of it. Oue still rewains, Ite
successful malniainance againsta formida-
ble internal attempt te overthrow it. I: 13
| for them to demonstrate to ths world, that
those who ean fairly carry an election oan
also suppress a rebeliion; that ballots are th
rightful and peaceful successors of buliete
and that when ballots have fairiy nnd Con-
stitutionally decided, there can be no suc:
cessful appeal back to bullets, that there ca
be no euccessfgl appeal except to ballots
themselves at succeding elesiions. Such
will be a great lesson of peace, teaching mer
what they cannot take by un election, neith-
er can they take it by war ; teaching all the
folly of being the beginners of the war.
Lest there ba some uneasiness in the
minds of candid men as to what ia to be the
course of the Government towards the South
ern States after the rebellion ahall bave beer.
suppressed, the Exeentive deemw it proper tu
say il will be his purpose then, as ever, to be
guided hy the Constitution sod the lows,
| and that he probably wilt Lave no different
understanding of the powers and duties of
the Federal Government, relatively to the
rights of the States and the people under tha
Copstitation then expressed in the Inaugural
Address, He desires to preserve the Goy-
ernment that it inay Le administered to ail as
it was administered by tio mon who made it.
Loyal citizens everywhere have the right tc
claim this of tneir Government, snd the Gov
ernment has no right to withhold or neg!
it. 1tis not perceived that in giving it th
is any coercion, and conquest or stthjugaticn
in any just sense of those terms,
The Constitution provides, and all tis
States have accepted the proviston that the
United State shall guarantee to every Stats
in this Union a Republican form of Govern
ment. But if 2 State may lawfully go out of
the Union, Laving done so it may also dis
card the Republican form of Governments, so
that to prevent its going on, it is all indis-
peneabie to usc every means to the end of
maintaining the guaranty. When an ond 1s .
iawful and obligatory the indisjonsable
means te obtain it are also luwiul and oblie
gatory.
It was with the deepoet regret that the
Executive found the duty of employing the
war power in defence of the Government for
ced upon him. He could but perform this
duty or surrender the existence of the Gov-
ernment. No compromise by public ser
vants could ip this case be a cure: Not that
compromise are not often proper, but hat
no popular movement can long strvive a
marked precedent. That those who carry
an election can only save the Government
irom immediate disruption, by giving up tre
niain poiat, upon which the peopla pare the
slection, The people themselves, aud ro:
their servants can safely reverse their own
deliberate decisions.
As a private citizen, the Lxzeeutive sould
not have consented that these institgtion:
shall perish much less would Ye in hetraye
of 80 vast and so sacred a trust us theso fre.
people had confided to im,
He felt that he had no moral right teelitin,
nor even to court the chances of his own life
ih what might follow. In full view of his
great responsibility, he has so far dine what
he bad deemed his daty, You will now,
accordiug to your own judgement, perform
yours. He sincerely hopes that your views
and your actions muy s9 accord with hig a8
to assure all faithful citigens who have dis-
turbed in their rights ot a certain and speedy
#estoration to them undar the Constitution
and the laws. ;
Aud having thus chosen our course withe
out guile and pure purpose, 1st us renew ou»
trust in God, and go forward without fear
and with manly hearts.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Jury, 5th, 1861.
5 MER BY
Swear Hot. —Salmon P. Chase, Secretary
of the Treasury, ought to be required to
take the oath of allegiance at oncs. At the ,
famous Abohtion Convention held in Buffa<
lo in 1848, he was chairman of the commit
tee which reported the {ollowing resclution :
Resolved, That we hereby give it to be
distinctly urderstood by this nation and the
world, that as abolitionists, considering that
the strength of our cause lies in its right-
cousness, and our hope for it in conformity
to the laws of God, and our support of the
rights of man, we ows to the Sovereign Ru-
ler of the Universe, as a proof of our alle-
gance to Him, in all our civil relations and
offices, whether as citizens, friends: or as
public functionaries, s¥orn to support the
Constitution of the United States, to regard
and fréat the third clause of that instru-
ment, wheoever applied in the case of a
Sugitivs slave, as witerly Null end Void,
and consequently forming no part of the !
Constitution. of the United States, whenever
we are called upon or sworn to support it.
maintaining, io the world, that form and
rere ft lp er eet ee.
7 Subject for counteplation— The fos
‘Ake tice, 8p Governmental powers, and cer-| substanas of government, whose leading ob- | ture prospects of our country.