VOL. &,
BELLEFONTE, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 27, 1861. ol
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NO, 24.
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WALLIADI Fi. BLAIR,
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RELLETONTE, PA.
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14th, 1861--Vol. 6: No. 6.
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December I3, 1809.
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DRUGGIST, :
5 BELLEFONTE, PA.
WHOLESALE AND RETAls DEALER IN
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om the country
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BELLEFONTE, PA. :
NRT TLL practice in the several Courts of
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March 28, 1861.—1y-
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: NEWS OFFICE;
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~ Suleet Poetry.
AFTER THE BATTLE.
The drums are mufiled ; the bugles are still ;
There’s a pausg in the valley—a_halt on the hill,
Ard bearers of stand ards swerve back with a
thrill ;
Wkere the sheaves of the dead bar the way;
For a great field is reaped, Heaven's garners lo
fill,
And stern death holds his harvest to-day.
There’s a voice in the winds like a spirit’s low
ery—
Tis the muster roll sounding and who shall re-
ply?
Not those whose wan faces glars white to the sky,
With eyes fixed so steadfast and dimly,
As they wait that last tramp which they may not
defy,
Whose hands the sword hilt so grimly.
The brave heads, late lifted, are solemnly Lowed,
And the riderless chargers stand ¢uivering and
cowed,
As the burial requiem is chanted aloud,
The groans of the Qeath-stricken drowning;
While victory looks on, like a queen, pale and
proud,
Who awaits till to-morrow her crowning.
There is no mocking blazon, as clay sinks to clay,
The vain pomps of the peace time are all swept
away
It tho terrible face of the dread battle day ,
Nor coffins nor shroudings are here ;
Only relics that lay where thickest the fray
A rent casque and a headless spear.
Far away, tramp on tramp, peals the march of
the foe,
Like a storm wave’s retreating—spent, fitful and
slow,
With sonnds liko their spirits that faint as they
go
By yon red g
Shall d
To the
owi ng river, whose waters
h sorrow the land where they flow
of her desolate daughters
ik w
They arc fled—they are gone ; but oh! not as they
came, z
In the pride of those numbers they staked on the
game;
NO more shall they stand on tic vanguard of fame,
X ever lift the stained sword which they drew ,
Never more shall they b of 2 glorious name,
Never march with the leul aud the true.
Where the wreek of our legions lay stranded and
torn,
They stole on our ranks in the mists of the morn ;
Like the Giant of Gaza, their strength it was shorn,
Ere th led up io the sky;
Frem tho fash of cur steel a new day-break seem-
ed born,
As we rung up—to conquer or die.
The tumult is silenced, tho death lots are east, *
And the heroes of battle are slumbering at last,
Do you dream of yon pale form that rode on the
blast?
Would ye free it once more, O ye brave?
Yes! the broad road to honoris red where ye
passed, 4 i
And of glory ye asked— hut a grave.
Miseellawgons,
A CALL FOR A SUSPENSION OF
HOSTILITIES.
ADDRESS OF THE BORNER STATE CONVENTION
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
A convention of delegates, representing
the Border Slave States, held at Frankfort,
Ky., adjourned the other day after adopting
the following address. The proceedings of
this convention have been looked for with
much interest :
To the People of the United States.
Fellow Citizens :—The delegates to a
convention of the Border Slave States, as-
sembled in the city of Frankfort, desire to
address you in relation to the present condi-
tion of the country.
None of us have ever cxpected to live to
see tho spectacle now exhibited to our dis-
tracted land. The cry to arms resounds
throughout the our borders, and in a few
short wezks we have seen all ever the land
the marshalling of troops for the conflict.--
The pursuits of peace are neglected and
abandoned, and the fell spirit of war has
seized almost every heart, until even gentle
women yields to the fierce impulse, and
encourages the strife, and the maternal eye
gathers a tear as the son seizes his arms and
rushes towards the field of cornage and of
death.
If this war-like spirit—this terrible ener-
gy—were displayed to meet the legions of
an invading enemy, our hearts would exult
in the exhibition of martial spirit of our
countrymen ; but, alas! the combatants
are descendants of sires who stood side by
side on the day of battle, to maintain the
independence of our country, and in the
approaching conflict brother is to fall by
the hand of brother.
Can we hope, in this day of fierce passion,
that our voice, crying for peace can be heard?
Will any protraiture of the horrors of war
that we can give have any influence with
those who are rushing madly on to destroy
cach other 2 We fear not. States which
should have been with us, and whose voice
would have increased the potency of our
demands for peace have been siezed with the
prevailing madness, and have rushed to
arms. Shall we feel bound to riake our
voice to be heard, with the hope that our
words will have their influence some day,
when men shall behold the wasting and
desolation their madness has produced.
All the Slave States, except four, are ar-
rayed in hostility to the General Government,
and are demanding that the Confederation
which they have formed shall be recognized
as a separate sovercign nation. The process
by which they attempted to form themselves
into a distinct nation has been for each State
5 nthlies at the usuzl prices.
is 24-758-tf, GEO. LIVINGSTON
General Government terminated, and then
unite informing a confederation among them-
selves. .
Our present purpose does not require us
to discuss the propriety of the acts of these
States, yet it may be proper for us to say
that they find no warrant in any known
principle of our government, and no jusidfi
cation in the facts existing when they se-
ceded.
While these States claim that their sover-
eignty as a nation shall be recognized, and
have collected armies to make good ther
elaim, the Government of the United States
insists that the ordinances of secession are
utterly void, and that tbe - Constitution and
laws of the United States are still in force
in the seceded States just as they are within
the other States, and to maintain this posi-
tion armis are rapidly gathering on the bor-
ders of the seceded States.
If there could be any intervention by
which the shedding of blood and desolation
of civil war could be avoided, the practical
good sense of the American people might
discoyer some mode of adjusting the diffical-
ties, which would be alike honorable and
beneficial to both the contending parties, —
But while one side demands the recognition
of its sovereignty, and the other insists
that such a recognition is a constitutional
impossibility, it 1s manifest that there can be
no arbiter but the sword, unless the peo-
ple themselves, acting upon and through
their representatives, State and national,
shall interpose, arrest the strife and enforce
a settlement without bloodshed. If any
terms of adjustment would be . satisfactory
to both parties, which would: fall short of
the recognition of the sovereignty of the
scceeded States, and will satisfy them, and
short of the obedience of the seceded States
to the Constitution and laws of the United
States, and will satisfy the people of the
United States; it is the duty of each party
to notify the cther.of such terms as would
be satisfactory, so that an attempt at adjust-
ment be made.
But we repeat, if a recognition of the sov-
erignty of the seceded States continue a sine
qui non, and if the Government continue to
disclaim jthe constitutional power to make
such a recogmtion, thore 1s no peaceful solu-
tion of the difficulty possibile, other than
the people .themselves may by their action
produce.
1t is proper for us to say that in our opin-
ion the Constitution delegates to no one
department of the Government, nor to all of
them combined, the power to destroy the
Government itself, as would be done by the
division of the country into separate confed-
eracies, and that the obligation exists to
maintain the Constitution of the United
States, to preserve the Union unimpaired.
It has been suggested in quarters entitled
to the highest respect that the independence
of the States which have seceded might be
acknowledged by a National Convention
adopting an amendment to the Constitution
for that purpcse, as such an amendment
would have the support and acquiesence of
the seceded States. But we leave this for
decision of the people and their representa-
tives, when they shall fee! tke imperative
necessity of such a settlement.
We now turn to the consideration of what
ought to be done for the purpose of quieting
apprehensions within the. few slave States
which still adhere to the Union established
by our fathers.
We ask no concession of new or additional
rights. We do not fear any immediate en-
croachment tipon our rights as slave States
The amendments to the Constitution pro-
posed by the last Congress assare us that at
present there isno danger that our rights
will be assailed. But we are few in num
ber, and the preponderance of the Free
States is continually increasing. The secu-
rity to our rights is now afforded by the
sense of justice in the minds of the free
States oly be Jost by a change of popular
feeling in the future. One great object in
constitutions ig to protect the rights of mi-
norities.
In the constitution there are gencral grants
of power to the Congress of the United States
which night be perverted to our injury con-
trary to the spirit of that instrument‘ and
still the letter of the grant claimed to war
rant the injurious legislation. Such are the
power ‘‘ to regulate commerce between the
States,” and the power of ‘ exclusive legis-
lation over the District of Columbia,’’ aud
¢ over forts, dock yards and arsenals in the
several States.” ~ It would not now be
claimed by Congress that these grants au-
thorized an interference in the sale of slaves
between the people of the different States,
nor would it be claimed that they authorized
the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia while Maryland and Virginia re
mained slave States, nor the like abolition in
forts and other places within slave States.—
While we are aware that all the territories
then unorganized, were organized by acts of
the lasu Congress, which contain no prohibi-
tion of slavery, and while we know that this
was the action of a Congress in which the
free States had the control at the time the
acts were pasged, still these are but acts of
Congress, subject to repeal or alteration, as
public reeling may change under temporary
excitement. .
It is but just that the rights of the slave
States, now in a small mivority of the whole
States, should be guarded in the particulars
mentioned by such constitutional guarantees
as shall render them secure against further
legislation in times of excitement.- Our dis-
tinguished fellow citizen, the Hon. John J.
Crittenden, for the ‘purpose of securing by
constitutional guarantees rights already pos-
sessed, presented to Congress certain propo-
sitions to amend the constitution, which met
with general approval, and were satis(aetory
to us ard to our people, and those proposi-
tions, as originally offered, or any that are
equivalent, would be now satisfactory, and
would quiet apprehensions that exist, to
some cxtent, in the minds of real friends of
the Union, and which are industriously ex-
cited by those who are the enemies of the
Union and of the people.
Whether any such constitutional guaran-
tees would have the effect of reconciling any
of the seceded States to the Government from
which they have torn themselves away we
cannot say, but we allow ourselves to lope
that the masses in those States will in time
learn that the dangers they we »
pn yoade
that they
by itself to declare all connection with the
re
fear were greatly oxsggerated, and
wilT then be disposed to listen {o the calls
of interest and of patriotism, and return to
the family {rom which they have gone out.-
One effect of “giving such guarantees, cer-
tainly, will be to prove to the world by the
frank recognition of the rights of the few
slave States adhering to the Union, that the
States which have seceded have abandoned
the best government in the world without
any good or sufficient cause. :
It may be urged that there are not new a
sufficient number of States acting in the Un-
ion to ratify any such constitutional amend-
ments as will furnish the gnarantees we re-
quire. But it 1S to be remembered that
there is no time fixed by the constitution fer
such ratification, and if they should be rati-
fied by the free States, then at the end of
the present civil war, terminate as it will,
cither in the restoration of the seceded States
to the Union, or in the establishment of their
separate national existence, there will be
the number of States required for the ratifi-
cation.
_ Fellow citizens of the United Statbs, you
are about to be engaged in a war in which
the horrors that ordinarily attend that state
are Likely to be aggravated by the fact that
you are of the same family, and have long
lived together in intittato intercourse and m
friendly relations. The kind feelings that
once existed have been changed to bitter-
nesg, soon to degenerate, it may be, into
deadly animosities.
We desire to remind you that you are
contending about a question of principle upon
which we would fain beheve that you are on
each side convinced that you are right. It
1s no longer a question of party politics, ne
longer a question about the right to hold
slaves in the Territories, or to retake them
when they escape ; the Guestion now to be
settled is, whether we shall live in the same
Unicn as formerly, or whether our fathers
formed a government upon such principles
that any one State may, at her own pleas-
ure, without the consent of the others, and
without responsibility to any human power,
withdraw from her connection with the Gov-
ernment and claims to be sovereign as a
separate nation. It will bb 1eadily seen
that this, as a question of principle, is not
affected by the number of States that have
withdrawn. It would have been well if this
question could have been solved in some
other mo#e than by a resort to war ; but it
may be that nothing but a Divine interposi-
tion now can determiue it by other means.—
A war upon such a question ought not to
produce any higher exasperation or excite
any greater degree of animosity than is in-
cident to all wars. In the meantime let the
spirit of humanity and of the high civilization
of the age, strip this war of the horrors that
generally attend such civil strife.
Our States desire, and have indicated a
purpose to take no part in this war, and we
believe that in this course we will ultimate-
ly best serve the interests of our common
country. Tt is impossible that we should
be indifferent spectators ; we consider that
our interests would be irretrievably ruined
by taking part in the conflict on the side
were the strongest sympathies of our people
are, and that our sense of honor and duty
requires that we should not allow ourselves
to be drawn or driven into a war in which
other States, without consulting us, have
deliberately chose to involve themselves, —
Our safety and our dignity as among the
most powerfull of the slave States demand
of us that we take’ this position.
If the time shall come when oyr friendly
meditation may arrest the further progress
of the strife, our most earnest and strenuous
efforte shall not be wanting to bring about
peace, and itis by such efforts that we hope to
serve the interests of our country,
And now, in conclusion, we make our sol-
emn appeal to the United States. This Gov-
ment—its preservatiop is your preservation
—its overthrow is your ruin, and you ere
the rizhtful arbiters of its fate.
We hope you will take the subject of this
address into your own consideration. Act
with the energy and decision of a free people.
In you and you alone we have confidence.—
You have the intelligence and the power . to
rule this fearful crisis. Make known your
will in some emphatic form that shall give
athority with your representatives everys
where. : :
May v7c not earnestly hope that you the
people, the whole people, without regard te
parties or sections, will be able to command
a settlement of the national difficulties, and
will sce the propiety and necessity of having
a cessation of present hostilities, so that the
measures of pacification which your wisdom
may devise, can be calmly considered by
your constitutional, authorities, of
We venture to suggest for your considera-
tion and action.two specific propositions as
most likely to lead to pacification :
1st. That Congress shall at once propose
such constitutional amendments as will se»
cure to slaveholders their legal rights, and
allay their apprehensions in regard to possi-
ble encroachments in the future. \
2nd. If that should fail to bring about the
results so desirable to us and so essental. to
the best hopes of our country, then let a veol-
untary convention be called, composed of
delegates from the people of all the States,
in which measures of peacable adjustment
may be advised and adopted and the nation
wrested from the continued horrors and ca-
lamities of civil war. {
To our fellow citizens of the South we de-
sire te say : Though we have been greatly
injured by your precipitate action we would
not now reproach you as to the cause of that
injury, but we entreat you to re-examine
the question of necessity for such action, and
if. you find that it has been taken without
due consideration as we verily believe, and
that thé evils you apprehended from a con.
tinuance in the Union were: neither so gre:t
nor £0 unavoidable as you supposed, or that
Congress is willing to grant ad quate secur-
ities, then we pray you to return promptly
to your connection with us that we may be,
in the future, as we have been the past, one
great, powerful and presperous nation.
£ HAAN ie Piready _ been afforded
that a Divine power 18 ready. to. interpose
and prevent brethren from slaughtering each
other. While the bombardment of Fort
Sumter continued no lives were lost. When
a Providential IRC was no longer
needad «v prevent che effusion of blood In
civil strife, several lives were lost in che per
formance of a mere ceremony. We woul
said to bis daughter:
invoke the presence and aid of that Power
to prevent our fellow citisens, on both sides,
from slaughters, and we would commit the
interests of our distracted country to His
hands who can bring forth peace and order
out of strife and confusion, when man’s
wisdom’s utterly fails.
J. J. CRITTENDEN, President.
JAMES GUTHRIE,
H.R. GAMBLE, of Missouri,
WM. A. HALL.
J. B. HENDERSON, «
WM. G. POMEROY, «
R. K. WILLIAMS,
ARCHIBALD DIXON, ¢«
F. M. BRISTOW,
JOSHUA F. BELL,
GC. A. WICKLIFFE, «
G. W. DUNLAP,
J.. F. ROBINSON, “
JOHN B. HUSTON, «
ROBT. RICHARDSON, «
JNO. CALDWELL, of Tennessee
ee
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
A FEW INTERESTING, UNPUELISHED FACTS, EX-
EMPLIFYING HIS COWARDICE AND TREASON.
There are some important facts in the his
tory of this very conspicuous and very des-
piceble person which have not been mads
kuown to the American public at large, and
which seem, to me, to be worth communica-
ting to the world through the newspaper
press. TLey are interesting and instructive,
especially at the present time, ay illustrating
and demonstrating his character, and conse-
quently, to some extent, the characters of
those who, well knowing him selected him
as the Nena Sahib of the Southern Sepoy
munity, ; .
I do not think it worth while to go into the
details of his threatened duel with Cel. Ed-
ward Bissell, of Illinois (since deceased in
the Governorship of that S:ate,) though a
genial reference to it is proper to show the
undisputed fact that—having appeared in
public to provoke and seek a mortal combat
—in private correspondence he was availing
himself of every paltry quibble to evada the
impending consequences of his rash repeti-
tion of the very stale trick of a Southerner
bullying a Northerner in Congress, on the
presumption that a man in the North will
not fight a duel, knowing that a duelist is
more infamous here that 8 coward is in th
South. .
I have never been able to suppress my
contempt in reading a correspondence tend-
ing, or relating to. a proposed or supposed
possible duel. The case is invariably so be-
fogged with techuicalities, and pettifozgcd
with rasealities, which would make an attor~
ney in the Marine Céurt or Tombs blush on
suggesting, that no honest man of average
courage can feel a particle of respect for
either party —prineipls or seconds—after the
perusal,
with many men wh) have done these silly
th'nus, but have never been able to esteem
or honor one of them afier such a perfor-
mance
y refer to Davig’s affair with, Bissell
to remind the public that he * backed down”
and backed out of a fight which he himself
first proposed ; and that he requested Col.
Bissell to allow bini to do sc, on a pretext
stzgestod and furnished by himself.
It has been repeatedly announced that
Jufferson Davis will command the Southern
Sepoys in person in the campaig now com-
mencing. I hope he will lead their army
on the first battle field, for I mean to be there
myself. But I very much diiubt whether Mr,
Davis has the courage tc expose himself to
the peculiar risk--not of immediate death
but of eapture— which he would incur in that
position. Some of * our boys” are * bound”
to * have his carcass” alive, if it costs a
thousand of their dives,
By ‘he way, if Jefferson Davis should lead
the secession army in person, itis to Le
hoped that his memory (or courage) won't
fail bim, as it did at the battle of i
Vista. when he omitted to give the third and
essential command to throw his. regiment
into solid squad ; By the wight and left of
flank battalions! To the color—march !’’—-
The consequences of this hiatus valde deflen-
dus was; that his regiment was left spread
in the form of a V, to receive tha eharge of
4000 Mexican cavalry, coming down upon
them iu full career, on the slopes of Buena
Vista. The survivors of that regiment know
that nothing saved them from annihilation
but their practiced, deadly marksmanship
with rifles.
Perhaps it was well for Jefferson Davis
that Zachary Tay'or was his father-in-law,
though unwillingly so, A sterner and more
Brutus-like commander might have ordered
a court martial on the spot, that would have
condemned him to be shot for cowardice, or
other moral incompetency. :
In my cpinion, Jeffarson Davis should
have been court-martialed for his disgraceful
misconduct at that battle, as soon as it was
decided. Perhaps he would Lave been, but
for his peculiar relatiocs to Major General
Zachary Taylor, whose daughter he had
married by stealth, in opposition to the ex-
presssd wighea and positive commands of
the father. General (then Colonel) Taylor
“If you marry Lieu
tenant Davis, I will never see your face
again, dead cr alive!” The infatuated girl,
nevertheless, eloped with Davis, who had
taken advantage of the fridndly patrenage
of his commanding officer, and violated the
law~ of hospitality by secretly gaining the
affections of his daughter. In such abhor-
rence did Zachary Taylor hold Dayis, that
he kept his word with a firmness that may
be deemed pitiless cruelty. When in the
course of time his disobedient daughter lay
on her death bed, and sent to bim a penitent
message, entreating him to visit her, that
«hs might die in peace, with her father's
blessing, or, at least, his forgiveness. the
stern reply of the inexorable old man. was:
“I warned you that if you married that
man, I weald never see you again, living or
dead, and I never will!” And se the anfors
runate lady died, unblest and unforgiven by
nim.
When Davis came under the immediate
gommand of his father-in-law in the Mexican
war, General Taylor refused to recognize
him in any way, except officially, as is, giv-
ing orders, and in other matters of purely
military form and duty.
I have been [riendly and intimate
There was a two (old obstacle to Taylor's
performance of his duty in the Buena Vista
matter. Davis was his son-in-law, and was
at the same time, known to be tha object of
his hatred and abhorance. Ile could not
well have eseaped suspicions of bad motives
or personal feeling, in either viaw,
A friend, to whom I read the foregoing a
short time siner, gave me the following
sketch of Davis relations to ga old Missisipis
an, renowned for desperate and reckless
courage: Alexander McClung often proved
himself, on the battlefield and on the dueling
ground, a men of dauntless and unsu passed
valor, showing an absolutely suicidal cons
tempt of death on every occasion that
presented. Ile killed many men with bis
own hand, and finaly shot himself in tha
head. -
I bappened to Le in constant communica«
tion with Colonel A. R. McClung of Mississ~
ippi in 184 and 1850, and had almost daily
conversations with Lim in relation to promi-
nent Missiesippians, As a matter of course,
Jeff Davis was freauently named, and for
him McClung entertained the most supreme
contempt. He said Jeff. was not a man of
truo courage —that he wished to be regarded
as a duelist; but, in giving a chalenge, would
always cast about for a non-combatant, ana
would exercise enongh prudence to crocp
out of accepting one from an antaponist
ever whom lio bad not a great. advantage.—
MoClung said on one oceasion : La
w.. Tam sorry I over fought» duel, It is
cota tleasant business, and yet I would like
to fight one moro, with one man, and that
man i8 Jefferso Duvis, because I think the
Umted States would be better off without
him. “But tie will not fight me; he is too
great a coward. In fact. ho is not now,
never wag, and never will be, a brave man,
in the true sense of the word. Ie is a dana
gerous and wily politician, loaded down with
vanity and sel(-conceit, wishing oniy for hig
own aggrandizement, and he cares not ag
what expense cr over how many desolate
households. Ie thinks of himself, aud hina
self only ; and I should not he surprised tg
find bi, one of these days, taking such step
in public as will place his neck in a halter;
for he is a bad man and a scoundrel, und
have frequently denounced him as auch be-
fore the people of Mississippi, and the dirty
poltroon and artful vilijan never hsd a cour
age to resent it."
These conversations occurred on board the
ship Levine, B. Gardiner, master, on our
passage from New York to Valparairo. Me.
Clung wus on his way to Bolivia, ns Charge
d’ Affairs from the United States, ;
In introducing to the notice of the Sunday
Mercury’s readers theso facts in the history
of the arch-traitor, I am not violating any
rule of propriety which protects the ‘strictly
private’ moral delinquencies of public
By common consent of all gentlemen engaged
in the business of writing for puablieation,
and of all publistiera, the sins and errors of
personal and domestio life are not to he bia~
zoned to the world, as a means of injury the
general reputation o v politician, hc woys«
er deserving his political course may be of
condemnation and moral reprobation.
8 I said in my article printed in the In-
dependent, a few months ago, exposing tha
systematic thelts of a Yale College student,
committed thirty-three years since: * Had
not that little thief (now a Senator ia Con-
ress) reproduced in public life the morality
of his early private life, the secret of the sins
of his youth would bave remained hidden in
the bofome of those who then knew, and now
remember them.” :
The Tribune, Times and other papers any
that my * little thief” was Judah P. Benju=
min, pow Attorney.General of the Southern
Confederrey of traitors and pirates. 1 did
not publish the name of the person described,
bat will promptly furnisn it whenever the
right mam calls upon me for it ;
When Benediot Arnold (a man of far high:
er character as to courage, triath and hon
sty, than any of his presentimitators at the
South). committed his bold treason it was
considered justifiable to search through his
whole previous life, to his very childhood,
for evidences of his innate total deprayity :
snd incidents constitute an interesting and
insiructive portion of Lis published bLicgras
phy. [am doing no more or less than a sim-
ple.duty in contributing to the history of our
time and country these © characteriatics of
Jefforson Davis and his co-adjntators in ireas
son, theft, assassination and piracy,” Among
them may be specially mentioned David L,
Youle, ex-Sonator from Florida, of whose
early life. L will give some familiar sketches
at my earliost leisure and convenience. .
1 affiz my name to these statements, nof
merely on the general principle that annonys
mous charges are entitled to no respect or
belief, but because I am particularly desi~
10us to furnish my proofs and authoritios to
the immediate * pariies in interest,” when
ever they dare apply to me for them. Of no
other parson will I take any notice in this
connection, To those whom I accuse, Ialono
am responsible.
D Francis Bacon, M. D.
Cr RA rene
ay .
Murer oF TE INNOCENTS. — The Chicago
Post says: y the hands of a private in-
dividual, who just escaped from a Seces-
sion mob in Knoxville, Tenn., we have re-
ceived a note from a well informed and cred.
itable person in that city. In this note is
an account of the most wicked and wanton
outrage that has yet been perpetrated in this
war. An avowed Union man in Knoxville
had refused to submit to the dictation of the
mob, and to make his refusal the more poin~
ted he sent word to the ringleader of the
mob that he would never take down a Union
flag that floated over his house, and would
never allow any one else to do it. The mob
immediately set up a barborous yell, and
started off for the ofiender against the mor.
tals of the traitors. At the gate of the house
a little girl. three years of age, was seen at
at play, and one sf the gang, on being told
that she was the daughter of the object of
their murderous mission, picked a stone
from the ground and threw it at the child’s
head, killing it instantly. Inthe annais of
even the Sepoy insurrection, no deed more
wantonly cruel than this can be found.—
Can it be that the people of Tennessee will
not themselves avenge this little girl's
death ?” :
. Upwards of fifty papers have suspended
iu this country within the past two months.