Democratic watchman. (Bellefonte, Pa.) 1855-1940, May 30, 1861, Image 1

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NO, 20.
Terms of Publication.
PERMS :—81,60 ots. if paid within three months
$2,00 if dlayed six months, and $2,50 if not paid
ghibin the year, These terms will bo rigidly ad-
Hered to.
ADVERTISEMENTS and Business Notices insert
od at tho usual rates. and every deseription of
EXECUTED in the neatest r, at the lowest
prices, and with the wtmos atch. Having
purchased a large collection of type, we &re pre-
pared to satisfy the orders of our friends.
Qfilce in the Arcade, second floor.
@doe, on the Diamond, one deor west of the
Port Office.
wffiee formally occupied by the fon. James Burn-
“3. 3. LINGLE,
1s now prepared to wait upon all who may desire
ts professional services.
Rooms at his residence on Spring street.
Feken daily (except Sundays) from 8 A.x.t0 5 p.x
n his eplendid Saleon, in the Arcade Building,
Bellefonte Penn'a.
AR tee rt——————— -—
Offies on High Street (cld office.) Will attend to
ppofessional calls as heretofore, and respectfully
¢ffors hie services to his friends and the public.
711 attend to professional calls as heretofore, he
os ofers his services to hia friends and
she public.” Office mart door to his residence on
Spring street. Oct 28-08-tf.
OFFICE—The one formerly ocoupicd by Judge
Feb. 14th, 1861--Vol. 6: No. 6.
Office in Reynolds’ Arcade on the Diamond. .
Ira C. Mitchell ha ciated C. T. Alexander
with him in the practice of law, and-they will
ve prompt attention to all business entrusted to
a Centre, Mifflin, Clinton and Clearfield
oR =
Bills of exchange and Notes discounted. Col-
iections made and proceeds promptly remitted. —
Interest paid on special deposits. Ixchangein the
anstern cities constantly on hand for sale. Depos-
its receivea
Dopoeits Received— Bills of Exchange and Notes
Discounted —Interest Paid on Special Deposits—
Qollections Made, and Proceeds Remitted Prompt-
y—Exohange on the East constontly on hand:
B. 0. HUMES.
Willpractice his profession in the several Courts
of Centre County, Ali business intrusted to him
will be faithfully attended to. Particular attention
prid to collections, and all monies promptly re-
mitted. Can be consulted in the German as well
a3 in the English language.
Office on Highst., formerly occupied by Judze
Burnside and D. C. Boal, Esq. }
Wilt attend promptly to all business entrusted to
their care. Office in the building formerly occu
pled by Hon. Jas. T. Hale.
Messrs Hang & Hoy will attend co my business
daring my absence in Congress, and will be as
Mistod by mo in the trial of all causes entrusted to
them. Jawes T. H .
December 15, 1859. = HEB
Drugs, Medicines, Perfumery, Paints, Qils, Var.
nishes, Dye-Stuffs, Toilet Soaps, Brushes, Hair and
Tooth Brushes, Fancy and Toilet Articles, Trussels
and Shoulder Braces. Garden Seeds.
Customers will find myst pck complete and fresh,
and ell sold at moderate prices.
_ Ez@~Farmers and Physicians
are nvited to examine my stock.
A. 0. FURST,
3 ILL practice in the several Courts of
Centro and Clinton counties. All lega;
1 aginess entrusted to his care will receive prompg
OFFICE—On the North-west corner of the Di-
om the country
March 28, 1861.—1y*
600 & 808 Market Street, above sixth,
GW. i
Avs EY shag LY HINKLE, Proprietor.
mse ee eli
HAUPT, Jr. & C0. successors to
J © J.D. Harris & Co., manufacturers of Hun-
gicker’s Clover Huller, Threshing Machines, Rich’s
Patent Iron Beam, Wortz & Side Hill Plow, Cul-
tivators, Stoves of various kinds, Corn Shellers
Thimble Boxes, Durke & Rose Wator Wheels. Iron
Fencing of any size and weight made and fitted
ap to order, also Castings for Rolling bills and
Furnaces, work invariably warranted as recem-
Rellefonte, April 26, 1860.
On the opening of the Court on Mon-
day morning, the 20th inst., the names of
the Grand Jurors for the term being called,
and Anthony E. Roberts appointed fore-
man, Judge Cadwalader delivered the fol-
lowing very important. charge : —
courts of the United States, a Circuit and a
District Court, are established for this and
every other judicial district. Though you
aro empanneled in the District Court, you
are, for all practical purposes, a Grand Jury
for both Courts. An act of Congress. gives
to you the cognizance of all criminal offences
which are within the jurisdiction of either
court. The Circuit Court has an ultimate
exclusive jurisdiction for the trial of such
offences against the United States as are
punishable capitally. But an idictment for
a capital offence may bo found by you m
this court. If so found, it will, under the
act of Congress, be transferred into the Cir-
cuit Court for trial. You may, therefore,
in the legitimate exercise of your duty,
inquire #3 to all such capital and other
oftences as are made criminal by the laws
of the United States, You may irquire as
to such of these crimes as have been com-
mitted on the high seas, or out of the juris-
diction of any particular State, in all cases
12 which the offender has been apprehended
in, or first brought into this district. But
in cther cases you are to inquire only as to
such offences as have been committed in this
district. You cannot, under the Constitu-
tion, inquire as to offences committed in the
western district of the State, or within the
limits of any other State.
The criminal jurisdiction of the Courts of
the United States is of limited extent.—
There is no general system of jurisprudence
which can be can be called a common law
of tho United States, as their Government
is organized under the Constitution. A
Court of the United States cannot punish
on act as eriminal unless Congress has made
it a crime, and conferred the jurisdiction to
try it upon the Court. Congress cannot
iegislate for this purpose otherwise than in
execution of a power conferred by the Con-
stitution. But the express grants in the
Constitution of the specified powers of
legislation as to certain crimes do impliedly
exclude, or even restrain the general author-
ity of Congress to vest in the Courts of the
United States a criminal jurisdiction co-
extensive with all the reasonabie exigencies
of their government, The Supreme Court
hag decided that this general authority is
given by the provision of tae Constitution
which enables Congress to wake all laws
necessary and proper for carrying into exe-
cution the powers conferred upon that body,
and all other powers vested in the Govern-
ment of the United States, or in any of its
departments or officers. But the Constitu-
tion cxcepls cases of treason from this gen-
eral authority, and Congress, in legislating
under it for other cases, has ordinarily
refrained from extending the criminal busi-
ness of the Government beyond its apparent
immediate exigencies.
If, at a crisis like the present, we should
think an extension of the criminal jurisdic.
tion of the United States within the consti-
tutional limits necessary and proper, in order
to meet urgent cases not provided for, we
must Dear in wind that the subject is for
the consideration of Congress, and not of
the Grand Jury or of this Court. Our busi-
ness 15 not to make but to administer laws.
We must administer those in force without
abridgement, but without undue extension.
The ordinary criminal business of this
Court is very simple. The indictments are
usually framed in the words of acts of Con-
gress, whose language sufficiently describes
the offences with which accused persons are
charged. A particular instruction from the
Court ig, therefore, seldom necessary. Ido
not know that any business to be acted upon
Ly you is of an unusual character, or of
such importanze, as to require any remarks
from this Court. But passing events of
public notoriety are of an importance unpre-
cedented 1n the political history of the
United States. You doubtless desire to
know how far these occurrences may present
cases proper for your consideration. If you
entertain this desire, T ought, as TI think, to
endeavor to satisfy it, without waiting until
I shall have been informed officially that
such a case has actually eccurred.
The Constitution has conferred upon Con-
gress alono the power to declare war, make
rules concerning captures on land and water
and raise and support armies and navies.—
The President has no constiturional power
to institute a war. But the United States
may be involved in a war which has neither
been dec’ared nor commenced by their Gov.
ernment. When this occurs, particularly
when it occurs during the recess of Congress,
the Presidert, as Commander-in-Chief of
the Army and Navy, must necessarily pre-
scribe and regulate the modes in which
hostilities are to be prosecuted. «This which
is undisputed as to a foreign war, cannot be
less true of intestine hostilities. He is, by
the Constitution, required to ‘¢ take care that
the laws be faithfully executed.” Other
officers only swear to support the Constita.
tion. His oath, as prescribed in it, is that
he will, «“ to the best of his ability, preserve,
protect and defend ” it. When hostilities,
actually waged against the Constitution and
laws, assume the dimensions of a general
public war, he must prosecute opposing
hostilities, offensive as we!l as defensive,
upon such a proportional scale as may be
necessary to reestablish, or to support and
maintain, the Government. The United
States ate now engdged in thus prosecuting
an intestine war on a large scale. All former
differences of opinion as to the merits of the
disputes in which the existing dissensions
may have originated, should be dismissed
from the minds of good citizens while hos-
tilities are pending. Nothing should be
I'done that can have a tendeney to weaken
array, for a hostile purpose, every step which
ernment of our country, such consuiracy is
not treason. To conspire to levy war, and
to actually levy war, are distinct offences.
All questions under this head must be
pongnired ie calmness and caution. The
same great Judge said that “as there is no
crime which can more excite the minds of
men than treason, no charge demands more
from the tribunal before which itis made a
deliberate and temperate inquiry.”
Misprision of treason will next be ‘consid-
ered. The act of Congress of 1790, which
prescribes the punishment of treason, in
levying war, or adhering to enemies, enacts
also, that if any person or persons Having
knowledge of the commission of any of the
treasons aforesaid, shall not conceal, and
not as soon may be, disclose and make
known to the President of the United States,
or some one of the Judges thereof, or to
the Preident or Governor of a particular
State, or some one of the Judges or Justices
thercof, such person or persons, on convic-
tion, shail be adjudged guilty of misprision
of treason. The act then prescribes the
punishment of the offen » In England this
offence was anciently denned as, ** the con-
cealment or keeping secret any high trea-
son.” But, ender the doctrine of construc-
tive treasons all persons. consenting to tret-
son were deemed, in England, guilty of
treason of itself. Sir M. Hale. therefore,
qualified the deflinition of misprison of
treason by designating it as the offence of a
person who, knowing of a treason, though
no party or consenter to it, yet conceals it,
and doth riot reveal it in convenient time.—
This definition was followed in England, in
the year 1820, by Chicf Justice Abbot,
(afterwards Lord Tenterden.) But the for-
mer English definition is more appropriate
in the United States, where a mere consent,
without an act of participation, does not
‘render a tan guilty of a treason. Chief
Justice Marshall, therefore, in 1807, said:
«To know and conceal the treason of an-
other is misprision of treason.” 4
The exemptign in the United States of
revolutionary conspiracies from the penalties
of the treason, seems to give a peculiar im-
portance to the simple difinition of mispris-
ion of treason which Chief Justice Marshall
thus gave conformably to the act of Con-
gress. This act is further useful in ascer-
taining precisely the magistrates to whom
the disclosures of the treason must be made,
in order to escape the penalty of conceal.
ment. In England the rule—expressed
rather loosely—is that the communication
of the knowledge must be to some magis-
trates, or other persons in authority.
A prosecution for this offence may be
sustained without & previous @on¥iction of
the treason which has been concealed, or
proceeding of any kind, against the traitor.
But his actual guilt must be as regularly
roved as if the prosecution were against
imse!f. The concealment is a negative
fact. Yet some proof of it must be given.
The circumstances under which the accused
party obtained his knowledge of the treason
may so manifest his probable intention to
conceal it, as to cast upon him the burden
of its disclosure, But, in the absence of
such circumstances, or of any others of a
like tendency, the prosecution cannot be
supported by mere proof of the treason and
of his knowledge of it. There is, I am
aware, a semblance of authority that such
proof may alone suffice to cast upon him
the burden of making the disclosure. But
this doctrine is opposed {4 rule of evidence
founded upon an established principle of
To those who imagine that this war would
be of short duration, and would shortly re=
sult ic the surrender of the Southern forces,
we commend the following from the N. Y.
Tribune. Although none of the editors of
that paper are willing to fight for tke Con-
stitution, they certainly appreciate the stat:
of affairs so far as to have corrett ¥iews'o
Southern daring and courage :
«Let the folly be uttrly hooted of sup-
posing that the rebels will not fight. The
the beligerent strength of the Government.
The gravest offences which can be committed
at such a period, or, indeed at any period,
are such as consist in breaches of the allegi-
ance to the United States. The only speci-
fied offences which have been made criminal
under this head are treason and misprison
of treason. 1 will ask your attention to
some remarks upon each of these crimes.
The Constitution provides that ¢ treason
against the United States shall consist only
in levying war against them, or in adhering
to their enimies, giving them aid or com-
fort.” Congress has defined the offence as
that of any person or persons owing allegi-
ance to the United States, levying war
against them, or adhering to their enemies.
giving them aid or comfort within the United
States or elsewhere.
A person owing neithera permanent alle-
giance nor a temporary local allegiance to
the United States, cannot be guilty of trea.
son against their Government. Such a per-
son, if engaged in prosecuting hostilities
against them, without any authority from
an established government is a pirate. If
he prosecutes the hostilities under the pu-
thority of a foreign government, he is not a
pirate but a public enemy. None of these
remarks apply to a citizen, resident, or
inhabitant, or temporary sojourner, within
the United Sfates or their {arriteries.
Any such citizen, resident; sojourner or
inhabitant, at any point between the Atlan-
tic and Paciiic Oceans, and between the
Mexican and Britigh American dominions,
engaging voluntarially in hostilities against
the United States, will be guilty of treason
in levying war until his relation to their
Government shall have been differently
determined by Congress as that of a public
enemy or otherwise. When a body, large.or
small, of armed men, is mustered in military
any one of them takes, in part execution of
this purpose, is an act of levying war.
The marching of such a corps, with such
a purpose, though not a warlike blow be
struck, is levying war upon land. Merely
cruising in an armed vessel, with a hostile
purpose, is levying maritime war, though
the cruiser may not encounter a single ves-
sel. The question what service, naval or
military, should be deemed voluntary, and
what compulsory, is determined, through
motives ¢f policy, by a rule of great strict.
ness. The excuse of compulsion is admitted
only in favor of parties forced, under a per-
sonal fear of death, into the hostile service,
who quit it afterwards as soon as they can.
Bat when intestine hostilities are prose-
cuted on a large scale, captured persons are
usually detained as prisoners of war, with.
out being handed over to the civil authorities
for trial. For this reason, and because this
district is not a seat of actual hostilities,
the points which have been mentioned will
probably not assume the character of prac-
tical questions during your attendance on
the court. In passing from them, we may
recapitulate what has been said on the sub-
ject by stating that levying war against the
United States is treason whenever the hostil-
ities are voluntarily prosecuted by rebels or
jusurgents in violation of their duty of als:
The considerations of such treasons as
consist in adherencs to enemies may, be pre-
faced by the remark that the word ‘ ene-
mics ” here designates public enemies, the
citizens or subjects of a foreign power, with
which the United States are at open war, —
A doubt has, therefore, been suggested
whether adherence to rebels or insergents,
giving tkem aid and comfort can be treason
under the Constitation of the United States.
But there has never been a sufficient legal
reason for doubt upon the subject. Any act
in giving aid and comfort, which, if afforded
to foreign public enemies, would constitute
a treasonable adherence to them, will, when
afforded to rebels or insurgents, consitute
an act of treason in levying war. For this
and certain other purposes, there can be no
mere accessaries or accomplices in treason,
But all participants are alike in law, princi-
ples in guilt.
Giving to enemies aid and comfort is a
specification of methods of treasonable ad-
herence to enemies. The examples of such
adherence usually stated are accepting com-
tnissions in their service for hostile purposes
and furnishing them supplies or‘intelligence
to promote such purposes. Though such
intelligence or supplies have been intercepted
without having reached their destination, or
having benefitted in any manner the enemy,
the offence is consummated if they have been
placed in a course of transmission to the
enemy. These are, perhaps, the only trea-
sons of which the cothmission in this district
may be apprehended as in any degree prob-
able. They may be committed at any dis-
tance from the seat of actual or intended
hostilities. If a treason of this, or of any
other kind has been committed, it may be
prosecuted in any district within which any
one act, in part execution of it, has been
performed. But a mere unexecuted purpose
to commit an ct of treason, without any
step taken in performance of it, is not a
criminal offence. Thus, Judge Washington
was of the opinion that carrying provisions
towards enemies, with an inteution to supply
them, would bie treason, though the purposes
were frustrated, but that merely going on
an expedition for the purpose of peaceably
purchasing provisions, in order that enemies
might afterwards be supplied with them
was not treason.
European history displays a terrific regis-
ter of sactifices of human victims charged
with treasonable conspiracies or desigrs.—
Fictitious conspiracies are said by Blackstone
to have been the engines of profligate and
crafty politicians in all ages. To avoid such epee
evils, the language of the Constitatien of | « A Weartnt QUAKER MBEROHANT in New
the United States excludes from the definition | York has lately had in his employ a stout,
of treason all such intents, plots and con-
gpiracies, to violate the duty of allegiance
as have not been, in part at least, executed.
Evidence of such a conspiracy or intent,
may, sometimes, indeed, so dsfine the char-
acter of acts performed in execution of it ] ,
as to afford proof that they amount either salary shall be continued during thy absence
to levying war or adhering to enemi2s.— | as if thou wert here; but if thou dost 7dt
But, unless an act of one kind or the other desire to become a soldier, and serve thy
has been wverformed, no accuinyla.ion of | country, I no longer require thy services
such evidence can suffice to sustam a prose- here.” The young man has enlitsd.
cution for treason. ‘The Supreme Courf,
through Chief Justice Matshall, have said
that, ¢ however flagitious may be the crime
WiLL, they Mus? fight, and that desperately.
They have burned their ships, and retreat is
henceforth impossible. Any peace that may
be made must involve their signal triumph
or their utter humiliation. ’
Nor will it answer to deprecate the mili:
tary resources and efficiency of the rebels.—
Even cowards in their position would fight
desperately, and they are no cowards. Most
of them have been trained from the eradle to
consider personal bravery. the very first re
quisite of manly character, and skill in the
use of arms the first ne jessity of a gentle-
man. The rifle and the revolver have been
their playthings from boyhood, and the duel
or some “difficulty’’ involving peril to life,
are with them themes of daily contemplation
and frequent observation, And, while we
are confident that a majority of the Southern
people are at heart Unionisty to day, we
judge that seven eights of the fighting force
__« me Chivalry” —of the slave States—the
young, the daring, the ambitious, the des-
perate— have been drawn into the meshes of
the rebellion. They have many of the very
best of our late Army officers, and their
soldiers will at first be better led and han-
dled than ours. Such are the advantages
with which they will enter upon the con~
test, add to which it must be fought mainly
on ground which they know thoroughly and
we very imperfectly, in tite midstof their
resources and at p distance from ours, while
ten of the 1ihabitants of the seatof war
will cagerly give information to their lead-
ers where one will venture to give &ny to
family, who he thought could serve his coun-
try to advantage, and he accordingly ad.
dressed him thus yesterday :
« William, if itis thy desire to become a
soldier, thou art at liberty to do so, and thy
er Ratt
Way is an old maid, Ike a dried orange ?
Because neithier of them ig worth a good
of conspiring to subvert, by force, the Goy- | BQueore.
healthy, able-bodied young man, without |
Much has been said in relation to the
number of steamers the rebel States have
‘under their control, and which would, in all
probability, be converted into war vessels
or privateers. We append a list of their
steam marine, with their tonnage, draft,
and the number of guns they could safely
Tons. Draft. Guns.
Star of the West, 1172 12 ft. 5
Steamer W. Webb, 600 10 ft. 2
Steamer Texas, 800 10 ft. 3
Steamer Arizona, 600 9 fi. 3
Propeller Austin, 900 10 ft. 3
Tow boats, say six, 1800 5 each 6
Total, . 22
Tons. Draft. Guns.
Steamer Nashville, 1200 10 ft. 4
Steamer Nina, £00 6 ft. 1
Pro. Lady Davis, 150 4 ft. 2
Steamer Isabel, 900 10 ft. 4
Steamer Cshawba, 400 6 ft. 2
Steamer Gen. Clinch, 500 6ft | 2
Steamer Jas. Gray, 400 9 ft. i
And 3 river steamers, 600 41. 3
Total, 19
: Tons. Draft. Guns.
‘Steamer Everglades, 500 6 ft. 3
Three river boats, 700 3 each. 3
Total, 6
Tons. Draft. Guns.
Steamer Fulton, 698 10 ft. 5
Total, 52
TLe principal portion of the armed vessels
now in the possession of the Confederate
rebels are those which have been seized or
been surrendered by traitors on board.
Name. Looasion. Guns, Rig.
Washington, New Orleans, 2 Schooner
R. McClelland, New Osleans, 3 Schooner
Lewis Cass, Mobile, 3 Sehooner
Dodge, Galveston, 3 Schooner
Aiken, Charleston. i Schooner
Total, 10
Grand total of guns, 62
Allow 20 privateers, each 4 guns, 80
Total, 142
The steamer Star of the West is too well
known to need an extended description at
our hands. She is a side wheel steamer,
has two decks, and was built in Philadel
phia about nine yoars ago, She is 228 feet
in length, 32 fect beam, and 24 feet depth
of hold. She is provided with a proper
amount of canvas. Owing to her age she
could not carry and work safely more than
four, or at the most five guns. She is nota
fast vessel, but is a good sea boat.
The W. H. Webb is a side wheel steamor,
and was for some time employed in Phila-
delphia harbor as a tow boat. She was
sold to a New Orleans house, and has been
performing towing duty at that place for the
past three years.
The Texas is zn old fashioned boat now
‘Flying between New Qrleans- and ports in
Texas, and is engaged in the cattie trade.
With considerable strengthening and re-
pairs she could be fitted to carry two medi-
um guns.
The same may be said of the Arizona.—
She is an old boat, and the chmatc, as well
as the worms of the gulf, have left their
mark on her frame. She could carry three
The Austin was. buils in Philadelphia
three years ago, and is in pretty good con-
dition. She could carry three guns.
Aside from these vessels, about six of the
Y | tow boats which tow ships from the Belize
wp to New Orleans might be fitted to carry
one gun each. ,
The steamer Nashville, at Charleston, is
a fine side wheel steamer, of about 1200
tons buiden. She is double decked, and
could carry four medium 32 pounders. She
was formerly employed in the trade between
this port and Charleston.
The Nina is a small tug, mounting one
The Lady Davisis a small tug. Accord-
ing to the Charleston Mercury, she is to
mount five gups ; but according to common
sense and actual observation, she can and
does only mount two.
The Isabel is a side wheel steamer, and
could mount four guns. She was employed
in the trade between Charleston and Ha-
vana. It was in this vessel that Major
Anderson was transfered from Fort Sumter
to the steamer Baltic after the evacuation.
The Czhawba is an old river boat, and
was known in past years as the Governor
Dudley, plying between Charleston and
Wilmington. She could, upon a pinck,
carry two guns.
The General Clinch is a river steamer.—
She could carry two gus.
The James Gray'is an iron propeller, and
was purchased by the State of South Caro-
lina for the sum of $33,000. She was built
mm Philadelphia two years ago. Sheis of
the following dimensions :—Length, 112
feet, 22 feet beam, 12° feet held. She is
armed with one § inch columbiad, cast ef
the I'radegan works near Richmond, Va.—
In addition to the above mentioned, there
are three river steamers at Charleston which
each carry one gun, but they would bo una.
ble t3 go outside of the bar in rough weath-
At Savannah they have the steamer Ever-
glade (now called “the Savannah} a Emall
side wheel vessel, said to have baen pur-
chased by the State of Georgia, for the sum
of $34,000. She can carry three small guns.
She is intended for a despatch boat and coast
at p———
A Fort Sumter Orricer Resievs -—Lieat.
Richard K. Meade, date of the U. S. Army,
and co duty at Fort Sumter, during its
siege by the South Carolina troops, has re-
signed his position, and returned to bis na-
1 tive Stats, Virgima,
The steamer Parana, which arrived at
Boston on Saturday, the 18th inst., failed to
bring any regular European mail. Itis,
therefore, almost impossible to form any
decided opinion as to the tone which the
English press may have assumed with refer-
ence fo the cival war now in this country.
The following is an extract from the Dub-
lin News of the 7th inst., from which it will
be seen that the probability of a collision
between our Government and Great Britain
hag already been apprehended as being by
no means impossible :
«The exciting accounts which follow
each other so rapidly from New York show
that the crises so long anticipated has at
length arrived. The American question
has now superseded all others in immediate
interest. * * * The Fed-
eral Government has proclaimad a blockade
of the Southern ports, but until they ean
cover 2000 miles of seaboard with their crui-
sers, the blockade will not be what is called
« effective,’ and the British Admiral on the
station will protect British vessels in enter
ing and leaving ports not effectively closed
by e consicerable naval force. This matter
may easily lead to a collision with United
States ships of war, and very probably
John Bull may not be unwilling to seize
the present favorable opportunity for wiping
oft old gcores. On the other hand, it was
thought that England would refuse to ac-
knowledge the legality of the letters ef mar-
que 1ssued by the President of the Confed-
erate States, and would hold his Government
accountable for any loss or capture, under
the authority of these letters, of British
property sailing in American bottoms. This
hope, however, has been disappointed.
Privateering has been condemned by the
unanimous voice of the civilized nations of
Europe, the United States alone raising its
voice in opposition to the condemnation.—
The South is so weak in naval resources
that an energetic protest from the maritime
power would probably put a stop to, the
threatened renewal of this barbarous system
of privateering ,which, indeed, islittle Le tor
than piracy. It is worth rem arking, that
one of the first writers who held up privateer-
ing to evecration wag an American, the fa-
mous Benjamin Franklin, next to Washing=
ton, the founder of the freedom and indepen-
dencz of the United Sates. His authority,
however, docs not scem to have much
weight with Americans of the prosent “dry,
as both Northerners and Southerners have
declared for the continuance of this species
of legal piracy. The Times has been told
that there are letters of marquee now in
London, and agents have arrived by the Iagt
steamer to make contracts for Armstrong
guns and ail other warlike stores of the most
recent invention. ¢ Both parties,” says the
writer. will come into the markets of Eu-
rope and bid for men and ships. so far 28
Privateering is concerncd, the South will
have the advantage. No adventurer would
care to take service with the North because
there would be little or no pray.”’ |. ;..
+ The South has no commerce, and its
produce would be carried in neutral bottoms.
The North, however, has ships upon every
sea, and is a victim that will pay a plunder-
er, ‘Lhere are silk cargoes to be intercepted,
even in the Eastern seas, and the treasures
of California are to be met with afloat.”’—
It is now quite plain that in this quarrel,
despite all that has been said and writte
about slavery, England sides with the Cenle
erate States. She does so, indeed, compell-
ed by the strongst motives of scif interest.—
Her cotton manufactures cannot flourish, or
even exist, without the usual supplies of
raw material from the South. The North
has just adopted a protectionist tariff very
unfavorable. to English interests, and in
resisting the enforcement and extention of
this prohibitory tariff, the South is virtually
fighting England’s battle. Sill more, the
jealousy of the United States, as a maritime
Power, is a fixed principal of Britith site
raanship ; and we may be certain that the
news of the blow just inflicted on a navy
which, in some respects, was formadibl,
to England, has given satisfaction, not léo
but deep to the great bulk of Engishmen.
1t is so easy to bring about a collision, and,
under present circumstances, it would be
so safe and advantageous for. England to
pick a ¢uarrel with the Governnient of. tho
United States, that we shall not be Suipri-
scd to find her Majesty's Government assur»
ing a position, with regard to this civil broil
which may easily lead to war. That they
will allow the cotton supply to be cut off by
the blockade of the Southern ports is hardly
to be e¥pected. :
Doubtfull questions of right are easily and
promptly settled when there 1s no doubt
about the question of force. The burning
of the Gosport dockyard has, for the me-
ment, placed the United States navy at Eng-
land’s mercy, and if, on this occasion Eng-
land is considered as a rival and foe, wo
must be nearer to the millennium, than is
popularly supposed. This has been an-
nounced to the House of Commons by Lord
Joy Rusepcn in words which p2int stronge
ly m the direction of a rupture between
England and the United States. Lord Jori
declared that the British Government would
not recognize the blockade proclaimed of the
Southern poztd tinless it were made effective
but that they did recognize the legality of
the letters of marque issued by President
Days. Now, the Washington Government
threatens to treat the holdersof these letters
¢f marque as pirates, and unless the spirit
of Yankeeland has sunk very low, they wilt
probably show fight also on the blockade
question, It is evident that Lord Jomx
knew mors about this matter thin ho chose
to communicate to the House and the public.
And it is also evident that no more favorable
oceasion than the present is likely to offer
for striking a blow at one of the few mari-
tio rivals England has cause to dread.
A Soupier who was once wounded in bat-
tle set up a terrible bellowing. An Irish-
man, who laid near with both legs shot off,
immediately sung out—¢ Bad luck to the
likes of yo —co yer think that nobody is kild
Bat yerself 2”
re A Go pt tin
Dox'r get above your business,” as a lady
said to the shoemaker who was measuring
ber ankle in order to ascertain the size of
her fuet.