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CHURCHES, MINISTERS, AC.
VRE<BVI£UIAN—Her. Ba.vbb, PMtnr—Dreatlilng
moraine at 11 o’clock, and in tb« evening
Ti - oVl.a-k I’rnvcr Meeting in tlie Lecture Room every
YFeJ' -e lay evening at 7 o’clock.' Salikath Scitool in same
oca"«t »• i o’cloJt In tho morning. ,
SIHTIIODIST EPISCOPAL—Rev. W. Lsa Spotivtood.
P.<'.T-l'ieac'uing every Sabbath morning at 11 o’clock,
ta lin the evening at 7 o’clock. Prayer Meeting in the
Ucuirc Ileum every Wednesday evening at 7 o’clock,—
B»U«t)i School in the same loom at 2 o’clock P. M.
EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN—Rev. C. L. EußExrsnn,
Pmkt —iTfaebing every Sabbath mnriiing at 11 o’clock.
,nJ ie'ihc evening af 7 o’clock. Prayer the
LKinre Room every Wednesday evening at 7 o flock.—
jeU«!h School in »*UM> room at 9 o’clock A. St.
BAPTIST —Rev. A. H. SrHßOvrsn, I’afitor.—Preaching
emv Sahbith’moi ningat 11 o’clock, and in thcevenlngat
Ju’cljck. Prayer -Meeting uvery Wednesday evening at
Te’cleck. Sabbath School at 9 o’cpjck A. M.
CMIKD BItETIIUEN—Rev. SaaiCll Kipdabt. Paator.
fo-clhag cverv Sabbath morning at 11 o’clock, and in the
cvcil igat 7 o’clock. Prayer Meeting in the Lecture Room
mrv Wednesday evening at 7 o'clock. Sabbath School in
the same room at 9 o’clock in the morning. ,’
PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL—(No regular Pastor.)—
PiMtkiug on Sabbath morning at 11 o’clock, and in the
tuning at 7 o’clock. Prayer Meeting every Wednesday
tuning at 7 o'clock. Sabbath School at 9 o’clock A. M.
ENGLISH CATHOLIC—Rav. Jobs Iviea. Paator—Di
tine ten ires everv Sabbath morning at 11% o’clock and
In li e aftern oou il S o’clock. Sabhatli Scliool at 2 o’clock
U *ue uJUruoou.
OCKUAN CATHOLIC—Rev. «■ ■ Pastor.
icrvictM every Sabbath moruing at o’clock,
to-1 iu tie uUenjooii at 3 o'clock. Sabbath School ot 1
♦’•lock iu the afternoon.
miUAN' MLTUODIST— Rev. Airxasdsr Johnston,
J^aai.T.—lier.v'hiug every Fourth Sabbath in each wunlb.
Prayur Mating every Friday evening ut 7 o’clock. Sab-
WiU School at ’1 o’clock In the afternoon.
RAIL ROAP SCHEDULE.
ON AND- AFTER MONDAY, NOT. 25. Will, TKAISS
fill Arrive at aud leave Altoona Statiau at follows:
£jiififsi Train J&it arrives 0,36 P. 31., leave* 0,66 P. if
“ West A, 31. “ 8,40 A.M.
f«it “ East .« 346 A. M. “ 3,4 U A.M.
« West “ . 8,65 P.M., “
Mill “ East « 7WA.fi- “ 7.46 A.II.
“ >• West « 2,26 P.M., ' “ 2,46 P.M.
?ii* UOLLIDAVSIUIIIG IUIANCU connects with Ex-
E-rcM Trala sad Post Line West, and Mall Train East and
INDIANA BRANCH TRAINS connect with Johnstown
Trains East and-West, Express West, and
fiiiUuin East uud W**t-
ENOCH LEWIS, Cen'l .Su*t.
MAILS CLOSE AND OPEN.
MAI I»S CLOSE.
8.16 A. 31. k 11 16 A. 3!.
3 10 A.M,
„ 8 20 **
; 4 11 22 A.M
Eastsrn Way 1 66 P. M.
Owes UociiS:—During the week, from 6 46 a. M. till
7Wr.*. On Sundays. Lvm 7 46 till 900 a. m.
GEO. W. PAXTON P. M
MEETINGS OF ASSOCIATIONS.
MOUNTAIN LODGE, No. 2fit. A. Y. 61.. meet* on second
Tuesday of each mouth, at-7% o’clock P. NT., in the third
Hory of the Masonic Temple.'
MOUNTAIN w: At CHAPTER, No. 160 It. A. C., meets
fcti the first Thursday of each month, at 7}£ o’clock P. 31.,
ifi wane room as aiKivc.
Mountain COUNCIL. N 0.- R,* S. M„ meets on the
flm Monday of each month, nt o’clock P-31., iu same
room m above. . ‘
MOUNTAIN. COMMANDEHY, No- 10, K. T. meets on
its fourth Tuesday of each mouth, at 7*/j o’clock P. 3T,
in hid» room os above. '
ALTOONA LODGE, N 0.473, I. 0. of 0. F., meets every
Friday tveuing, clock. in the -seccura story of the
TKRANDA LODGE, No. 532. I. O. of O. F., meets every
Jwsduy evening, at 7% .o'clock, InlhlrU story of Patton’s
Building, on Virginia street.
WINNEBAGO TRIBE, No. 35, I. 0; K. 51., meets every
Tuevlty evening in the second story of Masonic Temple.
OotiTtcil fire kindled at 7lh run 30tb brenth. ’
ALTOONA DIVISION, No. 311, S, of T- meets every
Saturday evening, at 7 o’clock, in the second story of the
lUsoalc Temple! .
fbeernsr—Andrew G. Curtin.
fiKnrfory of State-—Hi Slifer.
JUiorncy Ctnend— William M. MorMlth,
Judttor OmmiJ—Thomaa E. Cochran.
Aurrflfor Central— WiUlam L. Wright.
AdjuJUxnt General~-IZ. M. Biddle.
gßhMc Sreosww—Henry D. Moore.
BLAIR COUNTY OFFICERS.
JMga 0/ the Q*aii.~ President Judge, 1100 Georg© Tay
lor. ACTocifttea, €*muol Bomi, Adam Mow.
StaU Senator—U<>o. Lewie Vt. 3aU.
Jh-othonotary— AnUiony B- .^rrow.
Register ana Seccrder**~Tlvtgfi A\ Caldwell.
Sktrtf— Samuel ACcCaiaant. JrtpotyWoha MatSa.
District -4f&rn«y—litoljaniln L, llewjl. _
County Wmwfemert Oeorgo L. CoWan, Georg© Komi,
June* M. KlokewL- ,
Cbunfy purveyor'— James &'Gwla.
T*uuur«r~John.lfeK©tBe. ' -■
JWr Bme ZH'ryctori—Peter Good, If payid
Auraudt. • *’ •
Auditors —A M. Lloyd, Bobt. M. Meaijiaer, L-L.
o»©h<r—A, J. Freeman.
Oomvwt Schoolt~rJ6hn Mltcbfcll
ALTOONA BOROUGH OFFICERS.
AiWcet of the Jacob M. Cherry, John McClelland.
AwMvhn AUUun. ■: ■
fwa OnmcO—A. A. Smyth. Daniel Laoghman. Johm
K; Ore©nwoo4. C; R. Hostetter, 11. Ji’iSetftoo.' *
wrk to M. Woodkok.
»w?lyA rw<iavr*l)Atikl JUwglunao,
B.-Cramer, John Shoemaker, J.B.
U.leoiMr, WtuV Bordnn. Jffrae* Lowtber, R.A. Beck,
of &Aoor J3oarrf—J. B. UUeman.
of Sate, (Vwirty, Sorough and BcAool Tfcr— Job.
AdarTt— John Lnwtbcr, C. J. M»no, Alex..McCormick.
Jwnw-Joha MeCMl»»d, s t
•«e*i7d Im J.h. MMfmjOcr.
J 'F C Vf BattMt-Kuc wmim.Jt.UHMy.
■ •■ - • .V*M W»nl—Jglinlfcflper.
.—. _ NorthW«nt—ChrtattoU Wki»Uer.
"•S - "*-** W«rd-IK Jobc JUoopw. s
> J*. Wjrfl—J. £, Heilman, Robt. Pitcalrni.
INrth Wm4—g«kt. MoConnlek, John. Condo.
IB MEMORY OF HOB.ED W. D. BAKER.
Delivered in (he UnitS States Senate, at Hu late
Extra Seaton af Congrtu.
Mr. BAKER. Mr. President, it has
not been my fortune to participate in, at
any length, indeed, not to hear very much
of the discussion which has been going on
;—more, I think, in the hands of the Sen-i
ator from Kentucky than anybody else —
upon all the propositions connected with
this war; and, as I really feel as sincerely
as he can tin earnest desire to preserve, the
Constitution of the United States for eve
rybody, South as well as North, I have
listened for sonic little time past to what
he has said with earnest desire to appre
hend the point of his objection to this par
ticular bill. And now —waiving what I
think is the elegant but loose declamation
in which he chooses to indulge—l would
propose, with my habitual respect for him,
(for nobody is move courteous and more
gentlemanly,) to ask him if he will he
kind enough to tell me what single' pro
vision there is in this bill which is iu vio
lation of the Constitution of the United
States, which 1 have sworn to support—
oue distant, single proposition in the bill.
Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. I will state,
in genetal terms, that every one of them
is, in my opinion, flagrantly so, unless it
may he the last. I will send the Senator
the bill, and he may comment on the sec
.V 11 00 A.M.
8 00A.il. A 11 OO A, 31
7 00 P. 31
U 700 “
BT BAYABD TAYLOR. Jt
Cb! fallen hero! nobio friend I
J Tia not the friend I mourn in thee*
Though called, in mid career, to end
Thy •bluing course of victory.
I dare not grieve for friendship’s s*ke,
To know thy soldier's knell la rang;
That sham* or gloryne’er shall wake
The silvery trumpet of thy tongue;
That dim the eye whose lightning eeared
The traitor, through.his braaeu mail;
Tboee lips whose smile ofsweetness cheered
Our darkest day, are cold and pale.
No selfish sorrow fits thee now, . \
And we who loved thee stand aside
While she, our mother, veils her brow
And In. her grief forget* her pride.
Whenh&lf the stars of honor fade,
That gemmed her burner**; morning sky,
fibs see* them triumphs vbo betrayed,
And he, her truest chieftain, die!
When lav ambition rule* the land, 1
And patriots pla> the traitor's part,
We ill cun spare his open hand,
Wc ill can spare bis honest heart.
When timid lips proclaim their doubt,
To chill the ardor of the bravo.
We miss his dauntless battle-shunt;
That never truce to treason gave.
When freedom’s base apostles preach
Dishonor iu the sacred name
Of Peace, his crand indignant speech
No more shaft smite the cowering
God! Thou hast sheathed the sword ho draw;
Wo bow before tby dark decree;
Dut give the arms that build auew
Our nation’s temple, streng.h from Thee]
HON. EDWARD D. BA£ER.
Mr. BAKEII. Pick out that one
winch is in your judgment most clearly
Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. They are all;
in my opinion, so equally atrocious that.
I dislike to discriminate. I will send the
Senator the till,.and tell him that every
section, except; the last, in my opinion, vi
olates v the Constitution of the United
States; and of that last section I express
no opinion. . ' , ■
■ Mr. BAKER. I had hoped that the
respectful suggestion to the Senator would
enable Kim to point out to me one,.in his
judgment, most clearly so, for they are
hot all alike, they are not equally atro
Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. Very nearly.;
There are ten of them. The Senator can
select which ho pleases.
Mr. BAKER. Let me try then if I
must generalize as tho Senator does, to
see If I can get the scope and meaning of
this hill. It is a hill providing, that the
President of the United Stales may de
plore, by proclamation, in a certain given
state of fact, certain territory within the
United States to bo in a condition of in
surrection and war j which proclamation
shall be extensively published within the
district to which it relates. That is the
first proposition, I ask him if that is un
constitutional ? That is a plain question.
Is it uaconstitutiqnal to give power to the
Presitlenf to 4edlare a portion of the ter
ritory of the United .States in a state pf
insurrection dr rebellion ? He will pot
dare to say it Is. '
f JJr. BKI2CKINRIDGE. Mr. Presi
dent, the Senator from Oregon is a very
adroit debater, and he discovers, of course,
die great advantage he would have if I
were to dlhw the floor, to
have .his.bwn drltaeisma .made <» them.'p-
When he has oloseduu* speech, if I doom
it necessary, I may make some reply. At
ALTOONA, PA., THURSDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1861.
present, however, I will answer that ques
tion. The State of Illinois, I believe, is a
military district; the State pf Kentucky is
a military district. In my judgment the
President has no authority, and, in my
judgment, Congress has no right to confer
upon the President authority, to declare a
State of insurrection or re
! Mr. BAKER. In the first place, the
hill does not say a word about States.—
That is the first answer.
r Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. Does not the
Senator know, in fact', that those States
compose military districts ? It might as
well have said “ States” as to describe
w.hat is a State.
Mr. BAKER. I do; and this is the
reason why|>l suggest to the honorable
Senator that this criticism about States
does not mean anything at all. That is
the very point. The objection certainly
ought not jtoibe that he can declare a part
of a State in insurrection and not the
whole of it. In point of fact, the Consti
tution of the United States acting upon it,
are not treating of States, but of the ter
ritory comprising the United States; and
I submit <mce more to*his better judg
ment that it cannot be unconstitutional to
allow the President to declare a county .or
a part of a county, or 'a town or part of a
town, or partof a State, or the whole of a
State, or two States, or five States in a
condition of insurrection if in his judg
ment that be the fact. That is not
In the next place, it provides that'that
being so, the military commander in that
district may make and publish such po
lice rules and regulations as he may deem
necessary to suppress the rebellion and
.restore order and preserve, the lives and
property of citizens. I submit to him, if
the President of the United States has
power, or ought to' have power, to sup
press insurrection and rebellion, is there
'any better way ‘to do it, or is there any
Other ? The gentleman'says, do it by the
civil power. Look at the fact. The civil
power is utterly overwhelmed; the courts
are closed; the judges banished. Is he
to do it in person, or by his military com
manders ? Are they to do it with regula
tion, or without it? That is the only
Mr. President, The honorable Senator
says there is a state of war.; The Senator
from Vermont agrees with him ; or rather
he agrees with the Senator from Vermont
in that. What then? There is a state
of public war; none the less war because
it is urged from the other side:; not the
less war because it is unjust ; not the less
war because it is a war of insurrection and
rebellion. It is still war; and lam wil
ling to say it is public war —public as !
contradistinguished from private war? —
What then ? Shall we carry that war on ?
Is it his duty as a Senator to carry it on ?
If so, how ? By armies, under command;
by military organization and authority,
advancing to suppress insurrection and
rebellion. Is .that wrong? Is that un
constitutional? Are wc. bbt do,
with whoever levies war against us, as we
would do if he was a foreigner ? There
is no distinction as to tho.lnode of carry
ing on war ; we carry on war against an
advancing army just the same, whether it
be from Russia or from SoUth Carolina.-
Will the honorable Senator tell me it is
our duty td stay here, within fifteen miles
of the enemy seeking to advance upon us
every hour, and talk about nice questions
of constitutional construction as to wheth
er it is war or merely insurrection ? No
sir. It is our duty to advance, if we can;
to suppress insurrection; to put down re
bellion ; to dissipate the rising; to scatter
theeneiny; and when we have done so, to
preserve, in the terms of the bill, the lib
erty, lives,; and property Of the people of
tho country, by just and fair police regu
lations. if ask the Senator from Indiana,
[Mr. Land,] when we took Monterey, did
we not do it there ? When we took Mex
ico, did we not do it .there? Is it not a
part, a neccessary, an indispensable part
of war itself, that there shall be military
regulations over the country conquered
and held? Is that unconstitutional?
I think it was a mere play of words
that the Senator indulged in when ho at-:
tempted to answer the Senator from New:
York. I did not understand the'Sehator
from New York to mean anything else
substantially but this, that the Constitu
tion deals generally with a state of peace,
and when war is declared it leaves the
condition of public affairs to be deter
mined by the law of war, in the country
where war exists. It is true that the Con
stitution of the United States does adopt
the laws of war as a part of the instru
ment itself, during the 1 continuance of
war. The Constitution docs not provide
that spies shall be hung. Is it unconsti
tutional to hang a spy? There is no pro
vision for it in terms in the Constitution }
hat nobody denies the. right, the power,
the justice. Why f Because it is part
of the law of war.
The Constitution does not provide for
the exchange of prisoners; yet it may be
done under the law qf war; Indeed the
fionstitutioh does hot provide that a pris
pmipr may be taken ait jUljyckhla captivity
is perfectly just and constitutional, it
[independent in evebtthing.]
seems to me that the Senator, does not,
will not, take that view on the subject.
, Again, sir, when a military commander
advances, as I trust, if there are no more
unexpected! great reverses, he will ad
vance, through Virginia, and occupies the
country, there, perhaps, as here, the civil
law may be silent ; there perhaps the civil
officers may flee .as ours have been com
pelled to flee. What then ? If the civil
lav is silent, who shall control and regal
late the conquered district—who but the
military commander? As the Senator
from Illinois has well said, shall it be done
by regulation, or without regulation ?
Shall the general, or the colonel, or the
captain, be supreme, 1 or shall he be regu
lated and ordered by the'President of the
United States ? That is the sole ques-
tion. Senator has putit well.
I agree that wa ought to do all that we can
to limit, to restrain, to fetter the abuse of
military power. Bayonets are at best 11-
logioal arguments. lam not willing, ex
cept as a cause ot sheerest necessity, ever
to permit a military, commander to exer
cise authority over life, liberty, and prop
erty. But, sir, it is part of the law of
war; you cannot carry in the rear of your
army your courts; you cannot organize
juries ; you cannot have trials according
to the forms and ceremonial of the,corn-
mon law amid the clangor of arms, and
somebody must enforce police regulations
in a conquered or occupied district. I
ask the Senator from Kentucky again
respectfully, is that unconstitutional; or
if in the nature of war it must exist, even
if there be no law passed by us to allow it,
is it unconstitutional to regulate it?—
That is the question, to which I do not
think he will moke a clear and distinct re
Now, sir, I have shown him two sec
tions of the bill, which I do not think he
will repeat earnestly are unconstitutional.
I do not think that he will seriously deny
that it is perfectly constitutional to limit,
to regulate, to control, at the same time to
confer and restrain authority in the hands
of military commanders. I think it is
wise and judicious to regulate it by virtue
of powers to be in the bands of
the President by law.
Now, a few words, and a few words only,
as to the Senator’s predictions. The Sen
ator from Kentucky stands up here in a
manly way in opposition to what he secs
is the overwhelming sentiment of the
Senate, and utters reproof, malediction,
and prediction combined. Well; sir, it is
not every prediction that is prophecy. It
is the easiest thing in the world to do ;
there is nothing easier, except to be mis
taken when we haye predicted. I con
fess, Mr. President, that I would not have
predicted three weeks ago the disasters
which have overtaken our arms ; and I do
not think (if I were to predict now) that
sis nonths hence the Senator will indulge
in the same tone of prediction which is
his favorite key now. I would ask him
what would you have us do now—a con
federate army within twenty miles of us,
advancing, or threatening to advance, to
overwhelm your Government; to shake
the pillars of the Union; to bring it around
your head if you stay here in ruins ? Ale
.we to predict evil, and retire from what
we predict ? Is it not the manly part to
go on as we have begun, to raise money,
and levy armies, to organize them, to pre
pare to advance ; when we do advance, to
regulate that advance by all the laws and
'regulations that civilization and humanity
will allow in time of battle 7 Can we do
anything more ? To talk .to us about
stopping is idle; we will never stop.r—
Will the Senator yeild to rebellion ? Will
he shrink from armed insurrection ?
Will his State justify it? Will its bet
, ter public opinion allow it ? Shall we
send a flag of truce? What would we
have ? Or would ho conduct this war
so feebly, that the whole world would
smile at us in derision ? What would he
have ? These speeches of his sown broad
cast over the land, what clear distinct
meaning have. they ? Aro they not In
tended lor disorganization in bur very
midst ? Aro they not intended to dull
our weapons ? Are they not intended
to destroy our zeal 1 Are they not in
tended to animate our enemies ? Sir,
are they not word* of brilliant, polished
treason, even in the very Capitol of the
Confederacy I [Manifestations of ap
plause in the galleries ]
The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr.
Anthony in the chair.) Order?
Mr. BAKER. What would have been
thought if, in another Capitol, in another
Republic, in a yet more martial age, a
Senator as .grave, not more eloquent or
"■dignified than the Senator from Kentucky,
yet with the Roman purple flying over
,his shoulders, had risen in his place, sur
rounded by all the illustrations of Roman
glory, and declared that advancing Han
nibal was just, and that Carthage ought
to be dealt with in terms ofpeace ? What
would have been thought if after the bat
tle of Cannae, a Senator there had risen
in his place and denounced every levy of
the Roman people, every expenditure of
its treasury, and every appeal to the old
Ye«oUoctt6ns and the old, gbmea ? Sir, a
Senator,;|dfßself learned fat .more than
myself in euoh Ibrfe, [Mr.
tells me, in a voice that I am glad is au
dible, that he would have been hurled from
the Tarpeian rook. It is a grand opm
’mentary upon the American Constitution
that we permit these words to be uttered.
.1 ask the Senator to recollect, too, what,
save to send aid aud comfort to the enemy,
do these predictions of bis amount to?
Every word thus uttered falls as a note of
inspiration upon ' every confederate ear.
Every sound thus uttered is a word (and
falling from his lips, a mighty word) of
kindling and triumph to a foe that deter
mines to advance. For me, amid tempo
rary defeat, disaster, disgrace,
that my duty calls me utter another word
and that word is, bold, sudden, forward,
determined war, oocording to thcwdaWs of
war, by armies, by military commanders
clothed with full power, advancing with
all the past glories of the Republic urging
them on to conquest.
I do not stop to consider whether, it js
subjugation or not. It is compulsory
obedience, not te my will: not to yours,
sir; not to the will of any one man; nOt
to the will of any one State; but compul
sory obedience to the Constitutition of
the whole country. The Senator chose
the other day again and again to aniniad -
vert of a single; expression in a little
speech delivered, before the Semite, in
which I took occasion to say that if the
people of the rebellious States could not
govern themselves as States, they ought
to be governed as Territories. The Sen
ator knew full well, then, for I explained
it twice—he knows full well now —
on this side of the Chamber; nay in this
whole Chamber; nay, in this whole North
and West; nay, to all the loyal States in
all their breadth,- there is hot a mao among
us all who dreams of causing any man in
the South to submit to any rule, either as
to life, liberty, or property, that we . our
selves do not willingly agree to yield to.
Did he ever think of that? Subjugation
for what? When wc subjugate South
Carolina, what shall we do? We shall
compel its obedience to the Constitution
of the United States; that is all. Why
play upon words? We do not mean, we
have never said,; any' more. If it be sla
very that men should obey the Constitu- ■
tion their fathers fought for, let it be so.
Jfit be freedom, it is freedom equally for
them and for us. We propose to subju
gate rebellion into we propose to
subjugate rebellion into peace; we propose
to subjugate confederate anarchy into con
stitutional Union The Senator
well knows that we propose no more. I
ask him, I appeal to his better judgment
now, what does he imagine we intend to
do, if fortunately, we conquer Tennessee
or South Carolina —call it “conquer” if
you will, sir— what do we propose to do ?
They will have their courts still, they will
have their ballot boxes still; they will
have their elections still ;• they will have
their representatives upon this floor still;
they will have taxation and repesentatiott
still; they will havo the writ of habeas
corpus still; they will have every privi
lege they ever bad and all we desire.
When the confederate armies are scat
tered; when their leaders are banished
from power; when tho people return to a
late repentant sense of the wrong they
have done a Government they never felt
but in benignancy and blessing, then the
Constitution made for all will be felt by
all, like the descending rains from heaven,
which bless all alike. Is that subjuga
tion ? To restore what was, as it was, for
the benefit of the whole country and of
the whole human race, is all Wc desiro
and all wo can have.
Gentlemen talk about the Northeast.
I appeal to tho Senators from the North
east, is there a man in aU yoii States
who advances upon the south ¥tih any
other idea but to restore the Constitution
of the United States in its spirit and uqity ?
I never heard that one. i believe no man
indulges in any dream of inflicting there
any wrong to public liberty; and I res
pectfully tell the Senator from Kentucky
that he persistently, earnestly, I will not
say willfully, misrepresents the sentiment
of the North and West when he attempts
to teach these doctrines to the ‘ confeder
ates of the South.
Sir, while I am predicting, I will tell
you another thing.- This threat about
money and men amounts to nothing.—
Some of the States which have been named;
in that connexion, 1 know well. I know,
as nay friend from Illinois will boar me
witness, bis own State, very well. lam
sure that no temporary defeat, no momen
tary disaster, will swerve that State either
from its allegiance to the Union, or from
its determination to preserve it. It is hot
with us a question of money or of Wood;
it is a question involving considerations
higher than these. When the Senator,
ftOm Kentucky' speaksof the. pacific, J
aee anothelt diaiinguished friend from Illi
nois, now worthily, represntiiig one of the
States on the, Pacific, ("Mr. • Donoaxii,]
who will bear me witness that I know that
State too, well. I’ take' the liberty—l
know I but utter Wa in ad*
vance —joining with him, to say that that
State, quo ting from the passage the gen
tleman’himkwffcas qnoiedjwill b? true to
treasure!' Thcre maybo some disaffected;
Editors and pßOpailttfl&s.
there nay be some few i*en there tfho
would, “rathe* rule in bell thWscrW-l®
heaved” There pro suohmeb ev«n?-
where. There are & few men there woo
have Ibft the Sopth fer the good. uf die
South : who ere perverse,vielMit,desb««-
tive, revolutiCnhry, and oppoeed to rtrfil
order. A few, but very few, thus formed
and thus nurtured, in California and Or-*
egon, both persistently endeavor to create
and maintain mischief; hut the grant por
tion of our population are loyal to the Core
and in every chord of their hearts. They
are. offering through me —more to tfaif
own Senators every day from Ca&fbfesk,
and indeed from Oregon—to add to (he lc*-
giona pf this country, by the hundred! and
the thousand.. They are willing to .on#*
thousands of miles with their anqa hi
their shoulders, at their own expense, to
share with the best offering Of their heart's
blood in the great struggle of consritutiott
al liberty. I tell the Senator that his pre
dictions, sometimes for the South, some
times for the middle States, to me (hues
for the Northeast, and then wandering
away in airy visions out to the far Pacific,
ahout the dread of our people, - ' as for lost
qf blood and .treasure, provoking theea to
disloyalty, are false in sentiment, falae.w
feat, ana false in loyalty. The Senator
from Kentucky is mistaken in them all.
Five hundred million dollars? What
then ? Great Britain gave more than two
thousand million in the great battle few
constitutional liberty which she led at one
time almost singlchanded against tbu
world. Five hundred thousand men:
What then ? We have them: they
ours j they are children pf the oowby,
They belong to the whole country; they
are odr sons; our kinsmen; end there are
many of us who will give them ill up be
fore We will abate one word of pur just
demand, or will retreat ope inch from the
line which divides right from wrong.
Sir, it is not a question of men of of
money in that sense. All the money, all
the nien, are, in our judgment, wen be
stowed in such a cause. When we give
them, we know their value.- Knowing
their value well, we give them with the
more pride and the more joy. Sir, iw
can we retreat? Sir, how egu wemafcp
peace? Who shall treat? What corah
missioners ? Who would go? Uponwhat
terms? Where is your boundary line?
Where the'end of the principles we shall
have to give up ? What wul become of
constitutional government? What will
become 6f public liberty ? What of past
glories ? What of future hopes ? Shall
we sink into the insignificance of the
gravp—a degraded, defeated, emasculated
people, frightened by : the results of one
battle, and scared at the visions raised by
the imagination of tho Senator from Ken
tucky upon this floor? No, sir; athbii
sand times no, sirl Wo will tally—iu
indeed, our words be necessary-—we will
rally the people, the loyal people, of the
whole county. They will pout forth their
treasure, their money, their men, without
stint, without measure. The quiet peace*
able man in this body may stamp bis foot
upon this Senate Chamber floor, as'of old
a warrior and a senator did, and from that
single tramp there will spring forth- armed
legions. Shall one battle determine the,
fate of an empire, or a dozen?—-tbp loss
of one thonsand men or twenty thousand ?
—or 8100,000,000 Or $500,000,000? In
a year’s peach, in ton 1 years, at most, of
peaceful progress, we can restore them
all. There will be some graves reeking
with blood, watered with the tears of af
fection. Thefe will be some privation;
tjbere will be somewhat more need Tof la
bor to procure the necessaries of lifoi.
When that is said, all is said. If we have
the country, the whole country, the Union,
the Constitution, free government-?—with
these there will return all the benefits of
Well-Ordered civilisation; the path of the
country will be a career of greatness and
of glory such as, in olden time, our fathers
saw in the dim visions of years yet to
coine, and such as would have been ours
to-day, if it had not been for the treasbn
for which the Senator too often scekstb
apologize. ; • - •
jj®-A letter from Beaufort describing
tbe pillage by ; the slaves tliere,
article of properly which was valuable
and portable was carried o$ the beds and
mattmsc* hatiogbeen eat up iu order
to provide wrapping material,- and the
feathers thrown- Ron the Witidowslf ■ ?$•
and fortes stood out op the sidewalks, n|''
tars and s*i}|iiS|?
ent stages of dilapidation upon the pave
ments, and the ehtire place seined this
very picture of ruin aha llm
houses outside were *ef '
and tbc dower gardens were nnipjargd*
but the interiors Were Httlo better!, than
a ohaos of broken furniture, torn books,
engravings, &e. : ' \'/?
B®*Bamum. offers $l,OOO forth* louersprs
sentaUTO of “Boothem chivalry*’’found’ dip ok
at peoofort, SepUi Carolina, whsn
wae taken possessionotbyiiidlfniqatroop*. -
'; : - — ■ illk* ,T* tJtf ‘-j
“ÜbdontaPMst thoo what moo rsadosi ”
;u i-s - .V-»