Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]) 1789-1793, September 18, 1793, Page 541, Image 1

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A NATIQHAI PAPER} "" ri -~ J Tr rrr li'm I i~L J J ,L_ J' _ 1 ' -I- ' ' ■ 1 ■ ■ » -
■ ..i... . , , BYJdtiNfCNW, No. 34, NOfTB, FIfTU.STH££T, FHILAP^LKHXA
[No. . Jtf of Vol. IV.] ■ \y EDME ' SPAY> September .8, , 795 .
R. I C H M O N D, (Virginia.)
Jul olio wing ts thi+iddrefs of the citizen i as
dndiii vicinity Jo the President of the ihited Stat a.
Richmond, Aifguft 17, 1793.
fMPIiESSED with a full cmivi&ion of the
wiklomofyour adminiflration in general, &■
especially approving that system of conduct
Tffhich you have adopted, ind (teadily oblerv
ed towards the belligerent powers of Europe
we, the inhabitants of Richmond and its vi
cinity in the commonwealth of Virginia, are
happy in an opportunity of conveying to you
their genuine fentiinents.
When propitious heaven had crowned with
victory the efforts of your country and yoiir-
J'eli, while rejoicing America enumerated the
blclliiigs to be derived froij) so important a
revo utiog, it was not reckoned among the
teatt of tbem tha', in future, the people of
this favored land might in peace pi their
own happinifs,though war -And violelfte Ihould
desolate the European world, or drench it in
human blood—So too, when the good genius
of Amerii a had deviled that change in otir
government, which her wifdmn has since a
itoptedjit heltl an argument atfotrie weight
ugainft the necefiitv of this (change, and all"in
opposition to it with one voice declared, that,
situated as this country is, no njadnefs or.fol
ly could ever be To lupreme -as to involve us
again in European contests. Nor was this
opinion, so uniform and uuiverfal, in favor
of peace, derived from any other lource than
a knowledge of the real situation and a con
viction of the real intfcrefts of America. It
is impoflible for the eye of cool and tempe
rate reason' to survey ihefe United States
without perceiving, that, however dreadful
the calamities of war may be to other nations,
they ar6 still more dreadful to us, and howe
ver important the benefits of peace to others,
to us they are fti.fl more beneficial.
From tilofe whose province it is to make
war, we expert every effort to avoid it con.
filtent with the honor, interest and good faith
of America ; from you, fir, to whom is as
signed the important talk of, ''taking care
that the laws be faithfully executed," we
have already experienced the mofl: active and
•watchful attention to our dearest interests.
Ever iince the period when a just refpe&
for the voic4 ot your country induced you to
abandon the retirement you loved, for that"'
high station to which your iellow-cit izcns una
nimously called you, your conduct has been
uniformly calculated to promote their happi
ness and welfare : And in 110 instance has this
been more remarkable, or yonr vigilant at
tention to the duties of your office more
clearly di covered, than in your proclamation
icfpf&ing the neutrality of the United States.
As genuine Americans, wUh no other in
terest at heart but that of* our country, un
biafTed by foreign influence, which hiftoi y in
form? us s»as been the bane of more than one
republic, onr minds are (/pen to a due fenfc of
the propriety, jitflice, and wifdorijfflp" tnis
measure ; and we cannot refrain from ex
prefljng our pleasure at its adoption.
We recoiled' too well the calamities of war,
not to use our belt endeavors to retrain any
kicked citizen, if fuc'l* indeed can be fodnd
among u*, who, disregarding his oWn duty,
arid the happiness of the United States, in vi
olation of the law of the land, and the wish
tft the people, /hall dare to gratify his paltry
paflions at the rifle of his country's wel
fare, perhaps of her existence.
W* pj ay heaven to manifeft' its
tial care of these Hates, by prolonging to
tnem the blellmg of your administration—ants
)nay the'pure spirit of it continue to animate
rhe government of America through a fU'C
ceflion of ag|es.
Signed by-desire and on behalf of the nresting,
GEORGE WYTHE, Prefidcrtt,
(Tefte) ANDREW DUNSCOMB, Sec'ry.
To of Richmond and its vicinity.
AMONG the 1 numerous expreflions of" tfie
foiiJe, in favor of the xvhi<bh r
have been adopted -for the observance of neti
trality in the present war of Europe,none- is
niorfe grateful to me, than that of Richmond
and its vicinity.
■ in'wticli'if' lay's
viairu to nly affectioliare ii c k\i dwTe d eM T
In recolle&ieg the anticipations wAhivei-S
of a pacific policy, as'ntoft- con'
Jiinant with the lituation of the United States
«fcd't!ie : getmis of Cut- government, it is a
Whtfn'tlitf o'ccili'dn for
exemplifying it' o«Ur«, fefitilttgnt's' eorfei?
P" nd .itif with if appehf tit j)erva<fce»«iry; paW
the cnirjmimirv, This fteadmefs of* views,
M»Wylionlora!We to the national fharafter, is
wel ' «rtculat*dto ft'ppfert in" the adminiftra.
tion of oar aflair*, afplrit conftarftfylivbra
ble to the gieat hbjeft of peace.'
the, boft rnd fibcereft- eftdet-;
JWs t° thvj 'end, may fonietiniei prove inet-
ItMUjfi, vet H will always be a (ource of con.
l«»riort&«ld'*»!U.dfagetociit, that'theia)jin>i
of warj jl -at my time they {hkllfic ck-
have beer, unfmight af>* unpro
,«**&. Ever* gdod cifeen will then tattt
events with that firnincfs and perfeverarce
w#ich naturally accompany the conVcrinifnefs
ot a good cause, the conviction that' there is
no ground for ft If reproach.
True to our duties and interests as Ameri
cans—firm to our purpofjL a s lovers of peace
—let us unite our iervent prayers to the
C.reat Kuler ot tJniverfe, that the jus
tice ;,nd moderation of all concerned iV.ay
permit us to continue in the nninterrupted
enjoyment of a blelfing vvhlch we so greatly
prize, arid oi which we ardently wish them it
speedy and permanent participation.
At a general meeting of tbe inhabitants of
the town of Petcrfburg (Virginia) ami its
vicinity, at the comt-boufe of the laid
town on Monday the 2d September 1793.
.-THE committee appointed by the town
m'ccfing held 0:1 Saturday last, to draw up'and
propose to the p relent for their con
fideration, certain refdiutions, this day pro
pofcd to the meeting the resolutions follow
ing, viz.—
Re f *olv«d, T ha* it i«»c©nfi{ient with the true
irttereft of t!ie United Spates, as well as their
good faith, to preser ve the ftrifteft neutrality
in the prAfent' situation of Eurdpe.
7 hat; we highly approve, and are firmly re
foived ftridtly to oblerve the President's late
proclamation, because we believe it was dic
tated by a profound knowledge of the lute
rests of th6fe states, and by a sincere and ho
neil desire of promoting their real happiness
and prosperity.
That we will use every exertion to dif
; countenance andTupprefs'all fnch tiefigns and
procee&?rfgs as in any manner tend to inter
- rtjpt that harmony and tranquility which we
enjoy under a just and pacific admiuiftratifm
°* ' ia ipP' government.
That the intei ference of any foreign power
or minister in the internal adiriiniitration of
dur govermnent, is an infringement of the
sovereignty of the people, tends to destroy
public cwjfidence, to introduce confufiui* and
anarchy, and therefore ftiould excite the in
dignation and reprehension of every indepen
dent American.
I any attempts to diminifti that confi
dence which our citizens repose in the difin-
of the present chief magilbate
of the United Spates, are equally ungrateful,
illiberal and urjuft.
Resolved, That the Chairman tranfrtiit the
foregoing refdltltidns to Thomas Jefferfbn,
Efq & req;uefl. him to comiriunicate the fame
to the Prefideirt of'the United State*.
And the said resolutions being levei ally and
dirtin<sVly read, were nnaniinoufly adopted.
And the meeting confirming, the following
resolution was prdpofed and unanimotifl'y a
greed to.
_ Refolveri, That we consider the combina
tion of the despots of Europe ngainft the Ii-
Uertiesol Fiance, as having a direct tendency
to destroy the political happiness of mankind ;
& though we fefej aniritereft in preserving our
neutrality, yet it is our fineere w'iihj that ii
]>?rty and the rights of man may be the pre
vailing piilicipies throughout tie universe.
THE Grand Jury for the
of the counties of llenrjco, Goochland, Ha
nover, Chefferfield, and Powhatan, impressed
with the charge delivered to them by the
pvefidlng Judge of this d*iftii&, have directed
.their attention to the fubjetfis M'hich it pre
sented to their notice, upon some of winch
tfiev think it proper and to express
their sentiments.
Adverting alio to the nature and objess of
their inftitutitfn, thty consider thenifeli'es to
be fully authorised, as oiVen as the occasion
shall be fufiiciently prefling or important, to
animadvert upon the laws and proceedings of
the government.
In the prefeht calamitous (late of foreign
hoftilitres, the Grand Jury conceive that the
I.onor and happiness of, this country ale in a
great measure involved in the conduct which
its government ihall purl'ue towards the na
tions'a't war.
They consider the United States as bound
by the treaties as %vell a$ their dea eft inter
ests to observe a Itri<st neutrality towards the
belligerent powers, and therefore they teftify
in this public manner their high approbation of
thole measures which have been adopted by
the President of tlie United States, to procure
a pun&ual observance of that neutrality and
thereby* to p eferve the'honor and toe promote
the true inteieifcs of this country.
The Grand Jury, estimating as they ought
the foverelgnty and independence of these
United States, view with a juit indignation
all attempts of foreign powers or their Minis
ters to influence the measures of our govern
ment, or to detach the confidence oi* the peo
ple frotii those to whom they Uave committed
its administration, such attempts ought to be
confide Ted as high'infults upon the people of
America, as incitements totbe boldest treason,
and as calculatcd to plunge the government
and Citizens of the United States, into all the
evh of anarefcv and diiorder.
TTAVINGfeen that the executive has no
A A conftitntionn] right to interterc in any
question whether there be or be not a cause of
war, and the cxtenlive confequinces flowing
Irojn the do&rines 011 which a claim has been
a flirted, it remains to be enquired wihether
the is better warranted in the fact
Which he a flumes, namely that the proclama
tion ot the Executive has undertaken to de
cide the queltion, whether there be a cause of
war or not, hi the article of guaranty be
tween the United States and France, and, in
so doing has exercised the right which is claim
ed for that department.
Before I proceed to the examination of this
point, it may not be amiss to advert to the
novelty of the phrai'eology, as well as of the
doiflrines, expounded by this writer. 'The
iource troni which the former is evidently
borrowed, may enlighten our conjectures
with regard to the foqice of the latter. It is
a just obl'er viitien also that words have often
a gradual influence on ideas, and wh'iij used
in an improper jenle, may cover fallacies
which w. ;,tberwfe efc2|w (!l"i
I allude particularly to his application of
the term gmtrvmcn't to the txceulive authority
alone. TPhe I'roclamaiion is " a manifefta-
tion pi the ferife-of the government; 4< whv did
not the government wait, &c.—The policy
on the f>aj t-of the government oi' removing all
doubt as to its occu dijpojition/'* "It \vm of
great inrptotarfce that our citizens fliould un
derihmdas early as possible the opinion en er
tained by thegovmnnint, &c." If j„ addition
to the reft, the early manifeftation of the vieui
of the government, had any effect in fixing iht
public opinion, &c. The reader will probably be
struck with the reflexion, that if the Procla
mation really portl-iTed the character, and was
to have theeifeas, here ascribed to it, fonie
thing more than the authority of the govern
ment, in the writer's sense of government,
would have been a necefiaiy sanction to the
ast, and if the term 44 governineut be remo
ved, and that of« Pieiident" fubftitoted, in
the sentences cjuoted, the j lift ice of the re
[ flsftion will be felt with peculiar force. But
| I remark ortl}-, on the Angularity of the llile
! adopted by the writer, as fiiewing either that
. the phrafe«t«gy of a foreign government
is more fatrtilrar t'o him than the phrase
"logy pro|*r to our own, or that he wiflies
to propagate a familiarity of the former
in preference to the latter, I do not know
what degree of difapprobatton others may
think jjue to this innovation of language,
but I consider it as far above a trivial criti
cifrri, to obfervc'that it is by no means un
worthy of attention, whether viewed with
' an eye to its probable cause or its apparent
tendency, " the government/' unquestiona
bly means in the United States the whole go
vernment, not the executive part, either ex
clufjvelv, or ptc-cmincntiy j as it may do in a
monarchy, where thefplendor of prerogative
eclipse;, and the machinery of influence, di
refis, every other part of the government
111 the'former and proper sense, the term has
hitherto been used in official proceeding-;, in
public difcuflions, and in private difconrfe.
It is'as fliort and as e»jy, and less liable to
misapprehension, to fay, the Executive or the
President, as to fay the government. In a
word the new diali& doiild not proceed either
from neceflity, codveniency, propriety, or
perfpicuitv J *110 being in oppolition to com.
mon tifage, so marked a fondnefs for it, jnf
tifies the notice iiere taken of it. It (hall no
important subjecT: of the crefeut paper.
I proceed therefore to observe that as a
" Proclamation," irt its ordinary nle, is an
address to citizens or fubjefts only; as it i
always nnderflood to relate to the law acluullj
in Obeifiwi, and to be an act partly and exclu
/ivcly Executive ; there can be 110 implication
irt the name or the Jo>m of such an inilrument
that if was meant principally, lor the infor
mation of foreign nations ; far le(s that it re
lated to an eventual Jhpulation on a fubjedt, ac
to be witnin the I.egifiaiive province
When the writer therefore undertook tf
e-'gi at't h s new prerogative on the Procla
niation, by afdibing to it so unusual, and 1 11
implied a meaning, it was evidently incum
bent 011 him to ftiew, that the/M7 <if the in
livument cou'd not be fatisfied by any othe
conftruftion than his own. he done this
No. What lias he done ? lie has called th<
Proclamation a Proclamation of neutrality
he has put his own ai bitrary meaning on tha
phi afejand has then,proceeded in his arguments
ami his inl>renf||s, Wlth 3,1 much confidence,
as if no qneftion was ever to be asked, whe
ther the tirin " neutrality" be in the Procla
mttion ; or whether, if there, it could jufti
ly the ufir he mates of it.
It has appeared from nbfervations already
made, that if the tirtn "neutrality" was in'
the Proclamation, it cou'dnbt avail the wri
ter, in the prfifent difcuflion ; but the fact ll
rto Itch iprm is to be found in it, nor any other
< * Tie uAiler Iff hi ttot fn the Jape paper, A'».
''//> to'Junx.Jfcid, " HtKiii Prefiiimt announced
his own dilpofition,, ketvtmU have tan tJtfrffc,
rile rtilh tttfifn, ijrujt pTsfnmption.-
[Whole No. 458.]
term, of a meaning equivalent to that, j u
whick the term neutrality is uiid by him.
There is ti.e less pretext, in the prefer*
cafe, tor hunting alter any latent 01 extra
ordinary objefc) beraul'e an obvious am) legal
one, is at hand, to fatisfy the octalion r. n
which the Proclamation ili'ued. The exift
enceot war among several nations with which
the United States have an extensive inter
course; the duty of the Executive to p,c
lei ve peace by enforcing its laws, whillt thole
la\vs C»>iitinned in force ; the danger that fn
difcreet citizens might be tempted or fur.
prised by the crisis, into unlawful proceedings,
tending to involve the United States in a
war, which the competent authority might
decide them to be at liberty tn avoid, and
which, if they ftiould be judged not at liberty
to avoid, the other party to the rtenlual ccn
tr J in 'B hr not be willing to iinpofe on them )
thtfe Jurtly mfyht have been fuificient grounds
<0? the meafurc pursued by the executive, and
being t<?gal and rational grounds, .it wouid be
wrong, i( Mere be no nficeffity, to look beyond
It there be any tiling in the Proclamation
of which the wrtrer.eotild have made a linndlef
it is the part which declares, the itjfw/itten, the
duty and the intcrcj} of the United States, in
relation to the war ex tHng in Kuropt. As
the Legislature is the only competent and
coiiftitut iOn a I organ oi the will of the na ti o;. j
that is, of it? difoofttion, its ditty anil its in
terelf, in relation to a commencement ol w&r (
in like manner as the prelident and Senate
joihity, not the President alone, are in relation
to peace, afre'r wai has been commenced J
will not dissemble niv wifli that a language
left exposed to criticism had been preiered ;
but taking the expiefiions, in the sense of
the writer hiinfetf; as analogous to the fan.
guage which might be proper, 011 the recep.
tioii df a pubiic Mihilier, or any filn'ilar occa
sion, it is evident, that his conUruftion can
derive no succour, even frbns this rel'ource.
If the Proclamation then dties Hot rtqtitri
the eonftruflion which tills writer (iaj taken
the liberty of putting <>n it j I leate it to be
decided whether the following confederations
do not forbid us to' fnppofe, that the Presi
dent could have intended, bv that ast, to em
brace and prejudge the Legiflutive -qtieftiotf
whether theie was, or was not, under the cir
cuinftances of the cafe , a taufe of War in the
article of guaranty.
It niiewn rtaf fncfi an {hv'nfiaj
would have dfYrrpeß a pVeroj-ative not V c%«#
rn the Execiijive, indiivencimfejffdfy vetiid in
artother appnVtmeiit.
ill the Conftitutiona! power of
deciding a question of war, the Lo.'iflaiint
ought to be as free to decide, according to iis
own fcnfe' of the public good, on ore tide »<
on the other fide. Had the Proclamation
prejudged the question on either fide, ar.d t, ro .
claimed its dcc'fion to the acrid; the Lcgiflature
instead of being as fiee as it ought, might hi
thrown under the dilemma, of either lacri
ficing its judgment to that of the Kxccqm t ;
or by .oppufiog the Executive judgment, t ,f
producing a relation between the two deiia. t
merttsy extremely delicate among ohrlelves
and oi the worlt influence on the national
character and intereiis abroad ; a variance of
this nature, it wiil leadily be perSeived
would be very different from a want of con.
formity to the meie rccommmddtions of rhq Ex
ecutive, in the meafnres adpptcd by the Lei
It does not appear that ftch a Proclama
tion could have even pleaded ant call, Jinn
either of the parties at war withY arc?' for
an explanation of the light in which the guar
ty was viewed—whiMl, indeed, no polit v*
indication whatever was given ofhoftile pur
poles, ir is not conceived, that any power
could have decently made fiach an applicar
t.on—or it they had, that a Proclamation
would have been either a fatisfaaory, „ r an
honorable an Aver. It could not have been
(atisfaftory, if serious apprehensions w lv
tertained, because it wou'd not have pro.
cee.ded from that aut:.o tv which ;,ione
could definitely pronounce the will of tlid
United States on the lobjert. It *ould not
have been honorable, becaiife a private <li.
ptomatic anfwei only is due to a priva te di
plomatic application ; and to hwe done lb
much more, would have marked a pnfiiani
mity and want of dignity in the Execut.v*
Dvt wnether th? Executive whs at was not
applied ti>, or whatever weight,be allowed i«
that cirenmftance, ic ought never to be pre.
fuinrd, that the Executive would so abruptivf
lo puftl'ulvj and so foleinnly, piocecd to t ,; f.
claim a f'enle of the raff,, which the oiler
party might consider and w (h to lupport l.y
difcaflion as its tine and reafbnable import.
It." afliedy indeen, in a tone that fiufficienfly
difflays the spirit in which th; w iter ton both the Proclamation and the rreat v.
" 3d the Executive Hand in need of tl,« hV-
gicof a foreign agent to enlighten it aj to the
duties or the inteiefts of the nation ;„r Was it
botnd to »fk his content to a flep which ap.
pciredtn itlelf confident with the former,
an< conducive to the latter ? The sense of
treaties was to N- learnt the treaties
tbtnifelves." Ha<! he coufulted tis Vattel,
4**, iTfk r»v
■>* K' *? 2-i J^:!.-;
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