A NATIONAL PAPE.R, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JffHN FENNO, No. 34, t/OPTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA
[No. 134 of Vol. IV.] Wednesday, September n, 1795.
,'o^gz:
lOR THE GAZETTE.
TO THE SIEUR. GENET,
Minijler oj France.
C LOATHED with a diplomatic charaAef,
and received, bv the firft functionary of
the United .States, as the accredited Minister
from a g;eat nation, you sustain, fir, an office
to which the policy of the American republic,
religiously obicrvanr ol the universal law of
rations, allures etni:ifent immunity. Regard,
ingyoii in this high character, a republican
pew claims to address yon.
To announce, in this address, the name by
which I am per Ton ally kuown, mi ht be ar
htijtoed as oftentationt' neither is it required
by she usages of the American press. But the
M.m of honor, fir,' disdains to communicate
t .j;4ugh t'le press what he would not avow at
the command of propriety. And, although
ideas of delicacy may now advise me to con
ceal my name even from the printer, I fpum
the idea of (hrinking from the charge should,
jultice'and honor forbid such concealment.
Yet, while my language does not offend a-
prmxriptoriTrtroertit*tiwt xbti*
J may fairly claim to be the sole iepofitory of
my own secret
Deriving no perfotial emolument from the
fifcal system of the United States, and holding
no office under their national government, I
am not the dependant of any of the ohiefs of
departments, and living in a land of liberty,
I difejaiu to be the stave of party. A plain
man, I speak in the charafler of one of the people.
Conscious that the sovereignty of the United
Stares resides in the people, and that the au
thority of their government is an emana
tion from their will, I purpose neither to
disregard the dignity *>f your representative
office, nor to violate the decorum that be
comes the char after which I now personate
before an enlightened public.
That you are not Jellitute of talent, is ob
vious from communications which the press
has fubmittcd to the- public eye. That you
have been unfortunate si ice your arrival in
America, is probable fTfoin the fame com
munications. And God forbid, fir, that any
part of the American people ihould, for this
cause, qfi?r you indignity !
7>«. ixaen inured unfortunate, ir, er
ring through ignorance, ancl not from inten
tion, you have prejudiced the cause which du
ty and disposition urged you to benefit. And
to prevent your being thus beguiled by error,'
is not inconfirtent with the principles of real
Jriendlhip.
That you fhduld err in your ideas of the
Ame ican public, is a misfortune, against
which aii extensive acquaintance with the
hillory of departed empires, or with the ac-
toal state of society in Europe, could not,
alone, complttely you. In the United
States, fir, the human character has adorned
a form uptrior to whatever authentic history
has recorded of Greece, or Rome J countries
in which ferocious manners characterized a
rigid ariftoci'acy, and profligate populace,
who struggled for domination, and alternate
ly outraged the law of moral order : And to
convince you tliat the speaker's opinion is
consonant to that of a philosopher whose ta
lents ought to command your refpeft, I refer
you to jeffeifon's " notes on Virginia."—
The feudal difpotifms of Europe, in which
hereditary usurpation has ethafculated rhq
energies of mind and yet reigns over syco
phants and slaves, are strangers to that force
of character which resides in the citizens of
America.—And the French ardour for liber
ty yet wants that temperance of mind which
characterizes thp republicans of the new world.
Feeling in the cause of liberty that »rdor
of spirit which diftinguilhes your nation, and
arriving among a people whose love of liberty
is the strongest sentiment of their foul, you
feein, fir, to have been ignorant, how much
the American pafiion for liberty is tonder the
discipline of an exalted reatfon. The Ame
rican palTion for liberty is not the Roman
pride of domination j a criminal pride, that
claims liberty for one nation, and denies it
to a conquered world. No ! The American
citizens are fnends to the cause of universal
liberty, which, in their estimation, is infepar
■ble ii om the equitable empire of law. And
the adherence to that liberal order which the
law of republicanism preftrihes is estimated»
by them, as being friendly to virtue, and re
quifite to the good of universal focietv.«—
Glorying in republican principles, persuaded
that all the tyrannical thrones of Europe niuft
«re long fall before the united forces of phi
losophy and liberty, they proudly claim for
themselves that national independence which
they acknowledge to be the right of all the na
tions ot the globe. And, while they exult in
the hope of the universal funeral of monar
chy, they recognize, within the circle of their
own empire, no sovereign but themselves.
The firft functionary of this sovereign, fir,
is that veteran patriot, Washington. To
him is uiianimoufly confided the helm of em
pire. Yet, if he is guilty of violating that
corftitutioa which cloathes him with the ex
ecutive power and prescribes the rule of his
duty, if he is faithlefs to that high trull to
which he has (Worn to be faithful.—<lo I in
jure you, thou firll citizen of America, by
luppofing in impossibility ?—lf I fay, even
Washington is thus guilty, he knows, and we
all know, that he is constitutionally responsi
ble. But, ai to this point, the people of the
United States want no foreign interference:
and our fair swords will never permit hftn,
or any other man, in this country, to be ar
bitrarily accused, arraigned, and ordered to
death, by a tyi ant who bears the name ol'Na
tional Convention. As the only sovereign,
ibe people know that the legitimate power of
their constituted authorities eflentially ema
nates from their will, which is announced in
the constitution. And fir, as they have pro.
vided for the constitutional punishment of
their highest officer if guilty of high crimes 8c
misdemeanors, they, on the other hand, as
men of honor feel tbemfelves pledged to sup
port him in the performance of his constitu
tional funftionj: and, as men who are not
dastards, they must and wiil thus fupporthim.
As to thq*£ ( »<ftitutio<iality of the measures
which the President has adopted, relative to
rrirroc, ant} hrr ciwniW*, 1 rcct.»
charge him with having mifcondufted. No
man, I am confident, who ha; corre&ly deve
lopedthe principlesof universal law, if be will
honeltly speak his opinion, will fay, that the
President's proclamation Was uaconftitution
al. The book of universal nature, being a
chef i'auvrt, is the only work which the Ame
rican people recognize as being of indrfputa
ble authority in all political queftfons. And
I prei'ame, that, after fully consulting this
authority, you would not be able to prove
from it that the President has mifcoudu&cd
as toTrance Except that lam not an ora
tor as you ai*e, and if a man who never had
an ofllce at Versailles, and who in the simpli
city of nature speaks right on, were adequate
to maintain an argument againlt the Minister
Plenipotentiary of France, I Ihould hope, were
it proper and neeeflary, to be able Specifi
cally to maintain the present sentiments a
gainst even yonrfelf.
The mealufes of the President being con
ilitutional, his enlightened fellow citizens, as
men of principle, would support him, had lie
never been the Chief of their patriot army.
Independently of tteir sttachitietit to the urft
of Generals, their perfbnal and public honor
is, by the very principles of the fecial contract
pledged to support their own officer in exe
cuting the lervice which their country has
assigned him. And they know that the prin
ciples of political arrangement and national
prosperity ptefcribe the establishment of pub
lic authorities, as being requisite to the be
neficial administration of their conimoii af
fairs, as eflential t6 their capacity of acting
in concert, and as indispensably necessary to
the maintenance of their own independent
sovereignty.
Sir, the of the United States
afis by conftitnted reprelentatives, and hot
otherwifc. This sovereign, as such, limply
wills : And it is done.
On mature deliberation, the American so
vereign, in adopting a general constitution
for the empire, has determined not to have
" any direst correspondence" with foreign
powers. And the President, as the organ of
the whole American nation, immediately re
presents the whole people for the purposes of
national intercourse. Their sovereign will,
as manifefted in the national constitution,
haspronouriced, that it is neither wife ror
beneficial to admit any application from fo
reign States except through the organ of the
executive. Their .general plan of policy be
ing delineated in the constitutional chart, its
fpecific execution is committed to the ref
peftive authorities, who are the constituted
organs of the sovereign in the business of ad
niiniftration. The American sovereign, fir,
has such a sense of his own character that he
disdains the idea of being peribnally called up
on to ast in queftioos that merely concern
the actual administration of affairs.
The principles of liberty forbid the sovereign,
who wills, to also act. Philolophy forbids ft—
National dignity, and justice, forbid it—The ne
cefTary principles of republicanism forbid it—
And, notwithstanding the example of the French
National Convention, it is not in the power of
the collected talents of all Europe, to make the
enlightened sovereign of America guilty of thus
outraging the principles of liberty, philosophy,
dignity, justice, repubiicaniTra. We refufe
to negociaie except through the ageocy of our
executive ; not becauie we fear the President as
our master, for he has no luch chara&er, and
we have no such few ; nor because we are such
idiots or cowards as to think the power of go
vernment fupcrior to our owo, for we know
that the power of government is derived from
our delegation ; but we refufe any other mode
of national negociation, because we judge this
mode to be wisest, btft, just—and, especially
and above all, becanfe such is our sovereign will.
And (bould the maintenance of this will require
the sword of the people, you and all mankind
may be adored, that ii must not, will not, and
(hall not deep in the scabbard.
Such, fir, are fentiroenu which the American
people hold forth to nations. And, from iholc
533
fcntimenti, the. Trench ought not to desire or
txp«£l Americk to depart, although her sove
reignty {houty be invaded by all the powcis of
Europe, followed by the reft of the world, like
hell wiih blatkrfttnfurre&ion, at their heels!
Judge then, fir, what mud be the fentimenta
of Americans, on examining the publi(hed let
ter which you have recently add relied to the
chosen representative of the whole American
nation ! A plain mart as I am, expefi not that I
should (peak on this fubjefl with that Cublime
and impafliooed eloquence which has been cul
tivated in France more than in any other mo.
dern nvti'on I Thereltjte, permit me to Ijpeak
and freely, as 1 feci, and because I feel I
without undertaking, however, to pronounce a
panegyric ou myfelt, a bufincfs at which Ame
ricans are not expert, I leave it to others, to
fftinute whether 1 evince any portion nf " the
energy and franknefa which ever characterize a
true republican."
Unfortunate indeed may you be deemed, if
you have been led, from any cause whatever, to
indulge the visionary idea of a separation be
tween the President, and the people of Ameri
ca, And yet, fir, you appear, from your awn
words, W fcfeve indulged vhw idea. For is.since
(.*■- f f of>t
hasokvin-ucd against the views of the people,
and aga>nft their principles of honest faith. as to
Frafnce, the President is at the head and front of
the offending. Would you, by pdblifhing the
late official communications relative to this fub
je&, be understood to charge him, fir, with be
ing unfriendly to the cause of liberty ?—-with
wishing to be the sultan ?—with a defjgn, by his
conftruefcion of treaties, to aid the league of
powers against France ? Or would you be un
derstood to charge him with fearing tfie power
of Britain, or any other nation, and with, pufil
lanimoufly defer tin# the charatttfr of America ?
He has been proved* fir, not only in the calm
hbur of peace, bu» amirfft the storm of war.—
And no lncohfiderabrle part of his countrymen
have been proved by his tide. Yet, it you
think the young Americans, who have never
tried " £he flinty and steel couch of war," are
dastards'; and if ynu would know how the fact
is ; if too you think that such condutt on vour
part will promote the objefcU of your million ;
let their fathers be insulted ! you may then
know whether the sons are dastards.
Do you then mean to publickly charge the
Prefidi.-;# with Violating the obligations of our
nation* J To him, to you, to the
charge tsTJ.fUfuUy inter tiling.
HavC not otfr judicial officers, by their opi
nion, fan&ioneo his interpretation of cxifttng
treaties? And are not the judges the constitu
tional expofirors of all our laws of every de
scription ? And are not treaties part of the law
of the land ? After our judges have expounded
the law, do we recognize, as relative to our own
conduct, any ulterior tribunal of adjudication ?
And db you imagine, that any foreigner what
ever shall, within the circle of >ur empire, be
eventually permitted to a£f, in any cafe what
ever, in opposition lo such interpretation ? Do
you deem it advifeable to appeal, on a national
question, from our conftuuted authorities, whose
decisions we acknowledge to be obligatory on
ourfelvei, to us who have constituted tbofe au
thorities ? The procedure, fir, would not ac
cord with the established order of things in thi|
country. But if, while sustaining the
of miniiter plenipotentiary, you choose to avail
yourfcif of that general liberty which every
person has of publicly dating whatever any
printer will publifti, there is no law in the Unit
ed States which can, in the firft instance, prevent
the calling upon the American people to
judge of the President. But
tiich a piocedurc, in a quellion be
tween our nation and a foreign power, being of
the nature of a u dire£l correspondence" with
the fovereign,is uot conceived by the people, 44 to
be within the line of propriety or duty." Our
sacred regard, however, to the liberty of the
press, renders the procedure practicable. And
if a foreign minister should, before the tribunal
of public opinion, thus impeach our higheit of
ficer of disloyalty to his fovereign,that fovercign
will indeed decide on the merits of the appeal,
and with a spirit worthy of an enlightened fo
vereiert. If the officer has been guilty of be
friending tyranny, guilty of violating his offici
al duty ana our plighted faith by facnficing the
honest mtcrefts of our friends to those of their
enemies, we mud and will be fatisfied. If our
national integrity be appealed to, and national
justice is publickly demanded against Walhing
tort, by our honest swords we declare, that, if
constitutionally proved guilty, he shall be pu
nished. Although he has grown grey in the fcr
vice of his country, yet we have the firmnefs to
steel our hearts for the momeot, and to dare be
just even against him. But by the fame swords,
which we hope will never have cause to blufti
for their owners, we further declare, that the fo
refg* jsisiarr, who thus fevcrely invokes our
jiiftiel, makes an experiment upon us whicn he
must never repeat ; For, on thia fubjeft, no fo
reign power (hall use us for sport. And if you
have ever once thought of adopting such a mea
sure, let me, if you are pausing on the banks of
the Rubicon, request you to consider its confe
qucnce. In cafe of its adoption, yourfelf or
Washington, must be condemned. Should you
demand of us to fit in solemn judgment on the
man who commands our united hearts, you must
in the event, seal either his, or your, political
damnation ! Should you publickly appeal Wafti
ington of national disloyalty, be sure you fur
oifti damning proofs againQ him I t>« sure, y«u
&Uso
[Whole No. 456.]
prove him falfe to his trufl ! Or by the wrath of
injured frienri(hip, ♦♦****♦*
Sir, you have been received as mini iter pleni
potentiary from a nation whose friendfliip we
value, and purpose to defervc. Yet, as proud
as delicate on the fubje& of friendship, the Ame
rican mind can feel the implications contained
in your letter ro the Prefidcnt of the United
States. • Then, fir, if you wou4d not alienate the
mind of America, fort.ear, on this rhemc* the
language of reproach ! Goad rot the spirit ot'
Americans, by accusing their common repre*
tentative and friend of cold indifference to the
cause of liberty ♦ nor charge him with want
fidelity to their public engagements! It is tht
pride of the American nation, fir, to observe its
treaties of commercial amity, and yet be just to
every nation under heaven : Its firmnefs too is
equal to its pride.
If you value the American cftimation of the
French, it is hoped, that you will never, in fu
ture, mention the disinterested friendship of
France to thi« country in the vary fame sentence
in which joti complain that the American go
vernment has nor f bv way of requital, manifeft*
ed a regard lor * tnrr mtereft ! for, ertcrpt in re
lation to the ruder part of mankind fact) as are
' ' ' v.rft.. 't . ~ tt ?tc\ Ac
American falhon to talk ofgifts which are to be
fiatd for.
It is further mentioned, for your refl.flion,
that the American researches have not yet rfif
covered, in any of the regions of science, that
the obligations of gratitude are perieftlv com
pulsory like those of justice. Nor has moral
philosophy as yet taught them, that it is a proof
ot delicate generosity to speak of meafurcs un.
der the profefled idea of being generoui, and
yet, at the fame time, demand a fpecific retribu
tion. It is presumed, that the humane Ameri«
[ K cans, who never enquired whether any of the
uriloitunate fugitives from oite of the Freueh
islands were called ariftdcrats, but at once ho
nored themfclves and their country by their ge
nerons beneficence to them all, will never give
cause to doubt the frofejfed motives of their con.
du£t, hv uiging ilieir generofuy as the balls of a
legal demand. This, however," i» a fubjeft, fir,
on whith I leave you to feel lentiments whnch
wounded delicacy cann«t easily express.
ALFRED.
EXTRACTS,
f't+tkt CalumHm*Cmthti.
Notwithstanding the great di»«rJitj of,po
litical fentimeat an many fubje&s, all concur
in opinion, thfct tlie prolperity of our country
disappoints the wiflies of her enemies, and
furpaires the hopes of her most fanfnine
friends. '
The husbandman finds an high price, and
increaling demand for tiie products ofhis foiL
The mechanic has coftftant employ, and full
compsnfation for his labour and 11cill. The
merchant visits every part of the globe, in
Cuccafsfu! pursuits of gain ; and while the na.
tions of Europe are. engaged in destroying
each other, his Ihips can alone supply them
with the bread that feeds, or the apparel that
covers them.
Free from restraint, aod welcomed to every
shore, the American seaman can ftfurely, and
ilmoft exclusively, carry the produce of the
world, and command a recompence.equal to
his wilhes. In Europe, the sailors are em
ployed in navigating their (hips of war—the
artizans, instead of fabricating the conveni*
ences of )ife-*-the husbandmen, instead of
tilling the foil, and producing subsistence for
themselves, and others, are busied in mutual
deltruftion. Americans enjoy almofl: a mo
nopoly of feeding and carrying for the richest,
and most populous nations of the earth. This
enviable condition the people of the United
States know well how to estimate ! and, in
jnftice to themselves and posterity, cannot,
will not put at hazard. They have too lately
experienced the horror? of war, and too dear
ly paid for peace good government, to
risque their preftnt tranquility.
From the Columbian Gazetteer.
In the days of contest, between the charac
ters of Whig and Tory, it was often alked,
(and fometiraes very gravely) to which of them
we Ihould suppose the Apostle Paul adhered
and a positive answer to this would have de.
cided the opinion of mod who made that en
quiry.
The fame implicit confidence is given at
the present day, to the decisions of tlmfe nf
the firft (landing in the State, and a propor
tionable degree of it is always bestowed on
men of eminence in every station ; this, by
many is supposed to be a very rational mode
of Judging, in cases where one is not fufficient-
Jy acquainted with the merits of a cause to
judge of it himfelf.—But there is a different
class of mankind who fufpeft the Judgment
of all who go in * higher walk of life, and
that from a strange idea, of which they seem
to be very fond, that goodness and greatness
are incompatible, and that no one can be wifir
who knows more than them r elres, or boncft
Who holds more property.