of§ A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS 'BY jOHN FENNO, No. 34, NOPTH FIFTM-STREET, PHILADELPHIA [No. 104 of Vol. IV.] For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STAtES. THOUGHTS ON THE STATE OF AMERICAN INDIANS. (Continued Jrom A'o. 99' °J \ NOTHER. important step to lie taken in XI bringing the aborigines of this country to civilized manners, is the permanent eftab lifliment of mariage between a Jingle pair — Tbe practice of polygamy* —tlie informalities of the marriage contraftf— rhe tVf S u "? nt and causeless reparation:,? which take place anions them, call tor a reform. Polygamy is condemned by nature—the proportion which •xifts between the two sexes—the aiftnal ex perience of its inefficacy to promote popula tion, and the jealou'y, diftrull and inhumanity, it creates, prove it incompatible with the in tereils of focietv or morals. The formalities at the commencement of the contrast, are so few and unimportant, as leave no durable imp re ill on of the obligations it confers—and the frequent divorces and renewed marriages, leTen domeftx harmony, weaken parental affection, and retard the multiplication of* the £p.cie s. The initiation of marriage, is one of the foundation princi ples of civil society. It at once raises tliafe male !'ex from that (late of degradation in tvhich savage nations have confined then), to the rank and influence to which by the equal laws of nature they are entitled gives them that ascendency over the public opinion and manners, which they are peculiarly fitted to maintain. The delicacy of their constitu tions, the exquisite fanfibility of their pallions, the foftnefc of thetr manners, and the attrac tions of love, are calculated to temper the fierce paflions, and humanize the coarser feel ings of the msn. The ellimation of women is in effect a diftinguilhing mark of growing refinement. Marria»e also lays t'.ie mod folidfoundation or domestic happiness and the in create of po pulation. A community of good":—a partici pation of joy and sorrow—mutual in te reft in each others reputation —the habit of recipro cal attention! and kindrceiles, and the equal and interelling care of the offspring, ft length en the attachment 6f the parent?, sweeten the ties which unite them, and add rtew de lights toall the scenes of dpmeftic intercourse. Marriage further jjnfures the care ofebirh the parents to support and educate their children,' and to train tliem to ferae employment by -which they may be able to obtain their own subsistence, and contribute to t'.ie wealth and strength of the community. It is in the narrow circle of domestic socie ty that good members of the community are formed. There the principles of order, Iv bordinatioll and induftty, are firjl acquired, and vouth t' ained for the duties of manhood. In the means employed by ancient legisla tors to introduce the institution of marriage, to rentier it honorable, and lo prevent the vi olation ps it, we traca the high elteem in which they held it.s The more effectually to destroy the promis cuous and temporary connexion which gene rally provails between the sexes in ,rude and lavage nations, and to introduce the custom of a permanent union between a single pair— they incorporated the form of marriage with the ceremonies of religion, and fanftioned it by t : ie authority of the laws. Thev also availed themselves of thofc cus toms to which accident or neceffityhad given birth, and by blending them with their infti tutlpns, facilitated their reception, and aug mented the public veneration for rr.odefty a ,d cbcorum. In later times, the fame princi ples have been adopted for the fame purpose. Thus the man always solicits. The ceremony is performed by a person invested with autho rity, in the presence of the relations and friends of the partie-., attended with some ast of religion. So highly was the conjugal union efleemed among the ancient Greeks, that above two centuries elapsed before widows dnrft marrv again, and the lurprife of anti quity has tranfm'tted us the name of the wo man whofirit entered on a ieoond marriage— celibacy was oifgvaceful, and barremicts was deemed a great misfortune.|| Children born in lawful wedlock were an honor and an ornament to their parents, and gave them rank smd diftinftion among their fellow citizens. In Home marriage was encouraged by an nexing particular privileges to ir. Those who bad the mod children, ceteris paribus, were always preferred. Thus the confn'i who had the mo ft numerous offspring, received the en signs of'office firft, and bed the choice of tlie provinces. The senator, in like cirenmftan ces, had hit name written firft in the cata logue, and the privilege of dtfivei ing his opi nion firft in the fcnate. Such were sooner ca* pubic of office, and were exempted from such as were tropb'efome.l * Carter, (fiap. 12. + Ibidem Hijhry t*j S'trth Arteries, p. 63. J Caivt T iChap* 12. 10/ den 9 Hi/lory ej the Five nilitns. i 10/ 1 p. 52. 1 wL 11. p. 123, Wednesday, May 29, 1 793• The severe law? of almost all nations a gainlVconjugal infidelity difcovcr to us the refpe<st they entertained for modeQy, an( l the care thry employed to preserve the public ve neration for it—among the Egyptians, Gre cians, Romans, Hindoos, Germans, and Pe ruvians—the crime of adultery was punished with extreme rigor. Thus by establishing a permanent union be twee 11 a jingle pair—by obtaining the public fentimeut in favor of it—by ena&ing laws to prevent the violation of the contract and by strengthening the natural guards to morteftv, ancient legislators brought their people from promiscuous love to a lawful and honorable connection, and rendered it a powerful inftru merrt in improving their manners and in bringing them to a relish for ciyii society. Let these precautions which have succeed ed in'other nations be taken to establish mai riages among our American let the ceremony be public and solemn—let it be ho norable and de fir able—ma k e it the inteieft of the parents to iTave a numerous offspring, let those who excel in this refpeft be entitled to superior dilfc'indlion and let modesty be guarded by the public Yeutiment and the au thority of Jaw. For the Q AZEI f £ of. the UAITED STATES. MR. FEN NO, IN j unification of the French revolution which proinifes to be productive of foiiiucb good to mankind, though unhappily attended with fomc very disagreeable appenda< es in bringing it about, permit me to recapitulate, some observations I have met with in the course of my reading on the civil war of Great Britain in the last centu-y. u Tlie English have, by more historians than one, been much reproached for entering so readily into a civil war agtinft thtir so vereign, and the fame reflexions have been made against other nations, tbat have been actuated by the fatoe spirit : It may not the efore be amfs t<S enquire into the pro priety of this opinion and draw a flight pa rallel between the value of Liberty, and the unhappy effetts which must neceifarily atrend the ailertion of it, by violent means—lf the latter are found to outweigh the formev, tbofe who have made such remarks are doubtlcls in the right, and have proved fuHicicntly that h nation when she finrfs her liberties attacked, had better resign them all ?,t once, and by that means escape the horrors of a civil war. But if coolness is pardonable in answering such a proportion, let us ask a plain quellion without the least hear—What on earth is so valuable as freedom ? Cart any Sacrifices too great be made for the preservation of that, without which nothings any longer of value ; without which all poflcUlon, even of the com mon rights of nature, enjoyment of health, family, fortune and every thing most dear to the human mind is totally precarious ! Can any,one hesitate a moment in answering this query I A florid description of the honors of a civil war, may be the answer. But why are these cffe&s called horrors ? Surely be canfe they are deftru&ive of those very con nections and poifeflions, the fecuiity of which fly on the approach of arbitrary power. Can a civil war be the ruin of any thing, which despotism will spare ? Are not domestic con vulsionl; temporary, and the loss of liberty per petual ? May not the security of every thing valuable to mankind, be rendered permanent by a resolute defence of liberty ? Is any thing gained by its loss ? where then, in the name of common sense, can be found an argument futficient to level the comp«vifon. But I ain not much surprised at historians disliking the age wherein public liberty is alFerted; the reign of Charles the firft can not figure like that of an Anne, wherein the a&ions of a Marlborough are recited—nor like that of a Lorn XIV. <vherein the mo narch is the grand Hero. But where a peo ple are struggling for their liberty-—'where the legislative power is conftantJy involved ♦ in disputes with an M designing executive, the historic page is by no means brilliant. The nation's jealousy and ftubbornefs may hare some bad consequences in the opinion of cou-tiers—-the reign may not be fliining, but perplexed and crabbed, filled with the circle of endless disputes, and aIJ the jarring diflo nance of patriotism and power, party and corruption, accusation and defence, with a long string offufpicions and fears,which make a wretched figure in hiftpry—-in such a litua tion even the public foreign affairs will fuffer. Paltry considerations ! Let them : The peo ple however are feturitg their Liberty; ai d they had better preserve that, with such fan cied disgrace, than lose it triumphing in the midst of glory. I ain persuaded that a free nation, had bet- ter be continually involved in disgusting dis putes between courtiers and patriots, in all the minut»»of discontent, and jealous of the power of government, be aiming ever at fix ing new bounds to ambition, and raiting frelh obstacles to despotic designs better far let their annah be defpiled in future age;, as a collection of difguftin£ quarrels and vaih vio 413 lenres, than hare therti fliitie with the glori ous but diabolic details, which enliven and adorn the page of an hiftonpn.—'The con quests of an Alexander—the fla lightered mil- lions of a Caesar—- the daring rashness of a ! Charles ; and the victorious career of a Fre deric ; —Thefe are the tales of wonder which glow in fp endid colours beneath the pencil of an admirin-g recorder ; these are the wretch cs who fill the world with carnage—trample on the liberties of mankind"-—break thus all the ties of nature, and leave their uames fore moil on tl}e lift of Fame.-—l 4 this fame ?Is fame the rfcward of these military heroes, who to use an excellent expre&on of RofTeau,— arc good #>r nothing h - to knock one ano ther, on the head—what a pother is made a bout this fjime ! This {hilling phantom which glitters oil the ruins of humanity ! The ines timable worth of liberty is not to be put in competition with these alone, but with civil wars themselves and every domestic convul sion that can'difturb a free people :■ No hor rors are too g>eat to hazard for the enjoyment of this of all earthly blefTnigs. Take the long run fcf several ages, and it will be found that public freedom. luis feidom bee-n ft-cured u by means of domestic war; En gland has n&ttre than once bee,n a pregnant inflance of this. To the courage of worthy patriot, exerted in the field agair.ft the sway of tyranny, is that freedom owing, which we now enjoy and is the envy of nine tenths of Europe. It is to the convulsions which shook England in the middle of the laiV century, that fucceedmg owe their liberty. Tho'e wars, it is true, were vety terrible (though not half fomtoch so, as <# e modern campaign) but had they been fifty times more so, would a brave nation hesitate to hazard all, to over., turn the effc&s of arbitrary power ? No, paint the terrors of domeilic war in the mod ftrikiMg cftlours ; the terrors of despotism will be more terrible itii! ; infinitely are all imaginable Jiorrors of that kind Co be prefer red to the deadly, tranquility which biood* over a nation of (laves—before that stats of stupid fereiiity, Corruption and negligence which ftfeinate's a nation's courage, and with all the lilence of certainty forges the chains of defpotifiMtfelf." And reft of the German Republican Society of Philadelphia, to M GENET, Minister Plenipotentiary from theßepiiblic of France to the United States. Citizen Genet, Mini/ler Plenipotentiary jrom the Republic oj Frante to the United States oj Ame rica. SIR, THE German Republican Society of Phi ladelphia, congratulate you as the Re presentative ofthe people of Fiance, on your fafe .arrival in this city: We welcome yon, with heart-felt jov, to this Land of Liberty, which your generous and gallant nation con tributed to make happy. We feel the liveli est fympafhy for tjie diltrelfes of our repub Heart brethren, whoNare combating the fell hosts of tyrants, in defence of their own na tural.rights, and the rights of mankind ; and deplo;e, that a nation, from whom we are descended, fliould be among the firft in the conspiracy against Liberty. We <ee, with pain and horror, the Confederation of all Eu ropean despots against Freedom—their united efforts to fupercede thc general will ,of France : but though foes encompass her b'ave Amis, we trtift, the arm, nerved by Li berry, will be invincible, artd that the millenium ofjtolitlcal happiness, is opening its profpefts upon them. The combinations of the sovereignty of the people, are the only security tor geneial liber ty and happiness; and we flatter our r e'ves, these will be at length so well underflood, as to fix.the Rights of Man upon an immovea ble basis, and that the French nation will give an example to the European world, of rulers and ruled having bur one object one will—the good of theia country. With our belt wiflies for the perpetual union and f-eed.»mof our refpeftive republics, and for your full enjoyment of every blefling which can serve the glorious cause in which you are embarked, We are, "With sentiments of republican affection, Jl\ or/U t ej the Sccitts, HENRY KAM MERER. P>rJ. MICHAEL LKIB, ?. s . - ANPREWGEYER, 5 rC " Phitad(lphio % May 17, 1793* TO WHICH HE RETURNFD THB FOtIOWIKC The Geritian Republican Society of Phila. delpkia. Cittzems, I HAVE had the futirfaflinn of spending several years of "iv life amot;the people of Geimanv, and dnritii niy (lay with them, knew how to esteem and refpeft those indi viduals, whom the absurd P"ejwlices of birth, and'tlie difgraceful habit> nf ibvery, had nt entirely tftranged fii>m huiii-n'ity. Jt ever u>y opiuiun, that this great nation "would CJVtS. Yonf friends, AN$ W E R [Whole No. 4*26. enthufiaftfcally rouse itfelf to vindicate and maintain with invincible firmnef«, the i'acred flame of liberty, as soon as it c«>6ld free itfelf from the incumbrances of its niouftrous con stitution :—That defirabJe event has not yet, however, taken The hu#s of del l pots that have poiiHf. d thfcmfeHtfs of the fovtfreijn>ty of the German people, (till con tin lie to rivet their chains upon them : I aw convinced, however, my opinion is vvelj founded notwithitandin^*'and that Germany will be free. The republican sentiments that animate Jth2 hearts of al l those 1 have toad the oppor tunity of feeing beyond the limits of their own unfortunate country, are a convincing proof to me, tint this will be the cafe ; and under fucha view of" things, so important to the fiiTcere friends of humanity, 1 cannotex prefs how much your address has excited my fe'nfibility. I (hall make your fpntiments known to illv fe'low-citizens, and i'O lioubt they will receive, with, the nviir live y marks of fatfsfietion, the good v/iilics .yon have ex prefled For the of their arms anfl the extension of their principles. EXTRACTS, Written rn 1790. —Truvjhtedjrvm the French- IN the human body it is the com bination of the organs which form the Cotiftirtition—the head dictates laws and the other niembeis execute. It is eliential that the head which represents the legiftativfe and judicial powe> s, Ihould be calm and deliberate in its decrees, and that the arm, repreffcnting the execu tive power, Ihould have proi.ipti tutle and force. Montesq_uieu, having'fir ft esta blished the diltiritftioii of the three powers, proved that they existed in every form of government, whether Democracy or Monarchy, Despotism or Aristocracy, in like manner ».s the primitive colours exilt and are found in every ray of the bun. Such is the leading idea of this great man. But he has not said with a fufficient clearness, in treat ing on the difFerefit kinds of govern ment, that a pure democracy as well as art absolute defpotifisi did nor and cannot exist on eatrth—that they are two ci eat ure9 of our i magi nai ion, two conceptions of the mind, two models of which all the governments in the world hear (lime resemblance — for there is in fadt no state where the people at once govern always by themselves without representa tion ; nor is there any empire on the globe where the will of an in dividual governs without cnntronl. Whence it follows, that a~. all polfi hle governments float between pure democracy and abfcl-ute despotism, as between two extremes to which they more or less approach, there is not and never will be in the world but Arijiu;raciei, that is to fay, mixed governments. This name is properly given to the govern ment of those States where 11 perm;- nent senate governs all without ever consulting the people. Such is Ve nice whicti is also called a Repub lic ; it is a pure ariflocracy in this fettle, that the three powers are in the hands of the noble*. Thatllaie in which the will of an individual is molt frequently a law, and de cides on the life or death of the fnbjeft, is called a despotic Hate. Such is (he Turkifli empire. But it is not true that the Sultan is abso lute master ; his power finds limits at every step he advances, and he is obliged to refpedt them. This em pire then is between arirtocracy and despotism, but inclines towards 'he latter. In fine, the (late where the people choose their inagifhates for a fixed period, and often aflemble to exercise the sovereignty, is a demo cracy, a«d is called a republic ; such were Athens and Rome, and such are the United States of Ame rica. The government of tlie-fe states is between an aristocracy and GSNET
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