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A NATIONAL PAPtR, PUBLISHED WhDNfcSDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADEI PHIA
[No. 38, of Vol. IV.] Wednesday, October 10. 1792.
f „ & GAZETTE of the UNITED STATIS
THE H-fcJPUBUCAN.— No. 11.
SOME reronlfi were made in a preceding paper
to rtiew that tire bai.k and finding fyfUms
hive no greater tendency than any other property
10 (life up great men to the prejudice of the equal
„2huol the citizens 11 is adinutea that by tac,.
„ade and ioduArv in almost all their ope
rations, those la ws will haficu the perird when
w? fhali become a wealthy nation. Induflry, if
h had been left under the disadvantages which it
fuff-rrd before the adoption of the prefer.! happy
confiitutioo, woslf mike progress towards the
(ame po.ni, and at US it >> »«y probable, fupponng
the country not to fall into, contusion for w»m of
inefficient government, it would rezcb it. No
person howtytr «••• cer.fure Ibofc aftj for their
known uidz-xperienccd tendency to increase the
wraith of the coi ; "y. The acculation, if it has
any good teofe in it, znj(l be undfrftood to mean
Il'jt the wealth gained will he possessed too uni
ci'lly. Tne former publication was iotended to
prove ibat the laws could not have been intended
to produce that effefl—and that even if it (hauld
so happen,the increase of other property, the in
crease of know 1 dge, and the equal mode of diltfi
but ng eflates, would afforjl a Ipeedy and eficSual
jenjedy.
On an impartial view of the United States, no
man will deny that the landed interefl maintains
its ancient preponderance; nor will he pretend
that the value to which the public (locks have
Tifen, wi'.l diminidi it. The debt is not increaftng,
but is dimniifbing daily, and the time of its ex
tins;ui(hrftent need not be far removed. The a
mount of the bank itock is also fixed, and is to the
landed property as a drop in the ocean. The
landed interell, on the contrary, has thousands of
hands yearly imported to increase us impoitance.
Some hundred thousand acres are added every year
10 the cultivation of our country. Look at the
late enumeration, and fee how tew live in cities
compared wiih those in the country ; and while
(he cities increase ten, the country »ains a thou-
sand. On this general view ot the fubjeft, a man
may be convinced that there is no overruling mo
oied icfluence railed up to govern the landed, as
those writers have inlinuated, whose purpose it is
to set one part of the people against another.
It is obvious these are merely hints to lead the
mind to the facts and arguments by which one 1
might exped to refute the artful and mifefcievous
publications which have been made against the
bank and funding atts.
Another complaint is, that the fame mm, who
are laid to plot against equal liberty, and who rely
on these systems as a principal part ot their strength,
iontri\cd to benefit the middle and eaAern ftatcb
to the prejudice of the southern. This charge is
not coß&tent with itfelf, Surely the plotters
would be fool* indeed to make the powerful
southern states, in the very outset of their scheme,
their oppofers. If the public paper is pofleffed in
a less degree at the southward than in other parts,
every Teal friend of the Union will Tegret that it is
not more diffufed among the inhabitants of the
whole country. It is a misfortune to the govern
ment, that in pursuing the g neral laws ot jufbee,
they lhaU leem to have local intercfts in view, as
if furiufhes calumnv a oretext for its inventive*.
But v»iihout exercising a worse tyranny, and prac
ticing more local partiality than pvfcq the acculers
complain of, the government could no- have pre
vented the fou'thei n tran fers of their Hock. It
was ou: of the power of Congress to hinder men
from uiing their own according to their pleasure.
It ibe Uws in question (land vindicated against
the charge of producing a dangerous inequality of
property and influence, is there any thing in them
to impair the republican equality o? rights.
It is the boast and the prote&ion of a f r ec peo
ple, that the laws are g.cncr(Li rules ot action pre
ferred by the iuprcme authority of the nation,
ft u ihe reproach anid the curse of fLves, (hat; what
are called laws are arbitrary edi£is or dpcrccs
made io fuu the special cafe. Th< y aie no: gene
ral rules which will not bcqd to tavor particular
men—out each edj£l is an cxccption trom thofe
lules, and the a& of applying the remedy seems
to deitroy irs nature, ror general and equal laws
place rich and poor on the fame ground, and in
ihe very moment of their paflage they pass trom
the legislators to tfte'judges, and, effectually strip
the fbimer of the means ot dut pguithing friend>
from foes. They secure a rigiu impartiality to J
government, as they take away the capacity of be
ing ufeful to theirfavorites, andvindi&ive towards
their adversaries.
These are principles which every juryman has
been charged to ielpe£t, and has taken an oath to
maintain. What is ?he funding system but a ftm
ple conformity ot the public condudl wiih its so
lemn engagements ? It has pot prefutned to make
an arbitrary decree founded on the merit of those
who once held, and the demerit of the prcfent
holdcrsof the certificates. It has considered the
notes as giving rights founded on all the law? and
Tefolutions of the'old Congress, and Tight has ap
peared to the new Congress as facrcd and intingfc
~le. R'ghi has seemed to them above their own
power, and indeed abe>ve any power. Accord
ingly, without rrgarcing persons, they adhered
to principles— ihey piovidcd for the debt, and
predit has risen in coofequence. j
But those who pretend to be better friends of
liberty than others, would have had Congress give
or withhold the- payment of its debts-, according
to the refuit of an enquiry into the orcumftauces
of the persons claiming the money. An arbitrary
diforetion, which uo fixed principles could either
interpret or rcflrain, seemed to them preferable it
ihe mode which adopted. They would have I
hid the original holders receive a part, and the
prefem holders another part of the debt—but whe
ctier muchorili'tle, »«d 10 what defcriptioti of
perfoa* meiit.{V»o v be •, -ana depend
on the will er»d pleasure of the government.
Will it, be bcluved that men who advocated this
arbitrary and impraSicable feneme, are the loudeit
in their ctnfures ot Ihe funding aft—as being ar
bitrary, miiuit, founded on partiality and tavo
rit:{m, and dangeTous to equal republican rights.
Let them compare it with their own pioj £t, and
if shame can ibll raise a blush on the taces of ve
teran party-men, they will be iiient and con
founded.
If the tillo to an horse or a barrel of corn be iu
difput*, it is a noble privilege thai the whole
power of our government cannot dtilroy a man's
right. The law must have its courle, and it con
tents thole who made it. But when filiy or (ixtv
millions of property are depending before Con
gress, these republicans, as they dare to call them
selves, would make a fpoit of the acknowledged
right of the poflefTor?. The plighted faith of the
nation is nothing. They would not leave the
queilions (iho' none really exifl) between oiiginal
and present holders to the courts of law, but ihey
would havoCongfefs outdo the divan of Constan
tinople, and wipe out the contract with a fpunge.
There is no occasion to make these obfcrvatious
to ihe people of America. They have long been
w;?II fettled iti the perfOafiOn of ih'eit truth; But
when the tnemiej of government attempt to en
flame men's minds in the manner they have done,
to retori the charge upon their own propositions,
is making them their own accusers—it is con
founding them with the words of their own
mouths.
FOR THE GAZETTE VF THE UN JI ED STATES.
A Statement of some ObjcElions to the Adninijlration
oj tkt Federal Government.
Mr . Flnno,
I HAVE observed a long time that your pa
per abounds in very uncharitable and severe
ftri&ures on those of our citizens who happen
to be diffatisfied with either our federal consti
tution or the adminiftratiou under it.
As to the conjiitution, I remember that whilst
it was under deliberation, sundry amendments 1
were proposed ; but since its adoption by all the
Jiates, I have heard little complaint, except what
is found in various pieccs in your paper, and
there ascribed to an uneasy, touchy, quarrel
some party, said to be scattered over the union,
but which I believe exists no wfcere but in thole
pieces.
As to t!w adr.iittlftration of the. federal &
vernmer.t, I have not heard of more than to'
fpcc : i ot" material objections to it—or.e ot whici
refpeus the WeJlirn l'erritoiv-
It" the population of the frontiers had bee/
:rowded out in doje columns, and every exteriol
townlhip or tract of land had been firft filed uttU
'"habitants, before the next adjacent laud; hat
ieeu ib,d or permitted to be fettled, in thai
afe the frontier lettlements would have beei
upported by an inherent flrcngth, the xntoads o!
enemy would have been difficult and dangerous.
md of" course our a-jcnce would have been e.r.y,
, eap and effectual; whereas permitting thv
ceakfcttlemcnis to be scattered along a vajl/ron
ier, rendered them incapable oj defence, wnilft at
;he fame time it made the inroads of the enemy
a:y, and in a manner tree of danger.
l'erha. s too in our firft treaties n ith the Li
lians, we afluined Sovereign and diciatoria
lirs, « hich irritated their feciing-:, and held uy
•ights and demands totally inadmifiible on theii
tart, and which we could not fuppoit on an)
eafonable grounds of claim.
This lou.ee of discontent and refenttr.cnt
uon fermented into allion and injury, and deadly
.ninufitias begun to appear both in the Indians
.nd our frontier 'isople, and which were every
lav more and more inflamed by innumerable
nlults, depredation;, murders, and all kinds of
irovocation, mutually committed and retaii
ited, tiil the whole of our frontier was in a state
if general hostility, and tfiade the atten.':or. oi
he general government indispensably necessary.
Whether the war could have been prevents
iv any prudent pacific meal'ures, I dur.'t pretend
0 determine ; but admitting t.ie war to be
neiiiable, the mrajum adipted for carrying It on,
.ave been thought by fo:ne people to be not very
1 roper.
The experience of all North-America inva
iably proves, that fighting Indians h regular
reefs is no likely way to insure l'uccefs ; 'tis
ike uxJertdking to kill flics with a cannon
tall, the very wind of which will blow them
lwiv v. itl.out hii'ti' g or even touching them.
I ihould fuppo e that men long inured to tra
-erii ig the wood , who have by habit and usage
equired icrength and hardiness fuflicient for
ong marches, and are acquainted with every
afy method of performing them, and fupport
ng t'nemfelves with provisions and ail modes oi
.cco.-r.ir.od.v.ion, would be the proper men to
ie employed.
If men of this character could be encouraged
iv proper pay, honours and rewaids, to form
hemfelves into voluntary fecieties or compa
res, and could be furmfhed with every necet
arv accommodation of arms, cloathing and
troviiions, from the public flnres, and be per
nitted in their own way to ravage the wcads,
»r penetrate into the enemies country, -.-- ith
lefign and egal to annoy them in every pofTible
nanner—l conceive that five hundied men of
his caff, and thus accoutred and employed,
149
would take our enemies in their own way, and
would ves a»4 dispirit tbe Indians, either in
their towns, hunting parties, or military expe-
trillions, more than ten times the number formed;
into a regular aimy, at twenty tiroes the ex-
pence which would be fufficient in this way.
It may be objected that this mode of carrying
on war would be a difgractful imitation oj Indian
Jdvattncfs; but I answer, that however iucon
tinent with the generous feelings of our own
people, Ikulking parties, bush fighting, premi
ums on scalps, gee. &c. may appear, yet I think
as the Indians adopt these Javagc modes to our
great annoyance— honor and j>*jlice will permit
and tht publicJf/ety does require a retaliation on
them, and that too in full tale.
I coaie now to the second fort or species oi
complaint that I have heard against the cotidufl
of the federal government under the present
constitution, which respects. the funding system,
the complainants of this fort have been very
scandalously traduced by sundry writers in your
paper ; have been held up as inimical to the
payment of juff debt?, to the ftipport cf public
credit, to national jultice, and honor, as friends
to anarchy baseness and confuiion, &:c. and have
been called upon with iufolent challenge to step
forward and shew their faces, and avow their
objections. I here accept iluir challenge, (hew my
t'.vce, and avow my objections, and I Conceive
that if I was followed by all the citizens of the
Union, whose fentiinents are similar to mine,
I should lead the grcatcjl army that ever was on
any occasion collected in North-America.
To lave the writers in your paper the trou
ble of misunderstanding me, I will in the most
exolicit manner explain what I do, and what I
do'not object to, in the funding fyfcem; I will j
begin with the negative part of my declaration
because that will require the feweft word 1 ;.
I ft. I do not object to the payment of the just
public debts, and in a manner fully adequate
to the contrast, merit or matter out of which
the debts originally grew,
2d. I do not objeif to the mode of railing t' e
public revenue by an import on imported goods,
I only wish that the import might be confined to
imported luxuries, or l'uch articles as are ir.oft
ly used by the rich, and that the consumptions
of the poor may be free of burden as far as may
well be, confident with thp ends and uses of tbe
tax. Indeed I don't know but I claim that
mode of revenue as my original thought or in
vention, which I publilhed and explained in my
flVwv on free trade and finance in
long before any particular mode of general re
venue was discussed, or even propofcd in Con
gress, which ever came to my knowledge.
3d. I do not object to the institution of banks,
but think the bank of the United States an in
fringement of the public faith plighted to the
bank ofNorth America, and an ungrateful re
tribution for the great merit and exertions of
that bank for the salvation of our country in
the time of its greatest danger and distress.
2d. I now come to the positive part of nij
objections to the funding system. I obje& t(
the mode of raifmg a revenue by an excise 01
either the produce or manufactures of t ie coun
try' —the excifeon home difbilleres i. eludes both
the labor is that of our own people, and the lav
materials are all, except foreign n;o!afles, tlu
produce of the country ; I object to this duty
I ft, because the nature of its collection require
an authority in the excise officer to enter th<
domains of every individual, infpeft his private
bufmefs and concerns, and even search his mof:
retired apartment', bed rooms and cloiet.—
r.nd 2d, because the collection is not only thu
irritating, but is alio very expensive ; I am tolc
that the collection of the present exciie colt
about 12 per cent, be fides all the wrangles aboul
it, which are in themfeives ever expensive a:
well as pernicious; 3d, because the duty is al
p;:id by the poor, especially by the
fro . :ier ; e.'p'e v ho are a ufeful Jet of men
help to people, cultivate and defend the coun
try, but from their situation neccifarily have £
harder lot than tie more inteiior inhabitant 0
and I think it crue- to begrudge them a little
whisky of their oh n diHilling to comfort then
hearts under all their trials and hard (hips, or tc
diminilh their enjoyment by adding expence arc
other odious circumstances thereto. But m)
greatest objection is more to the difpojal of the
money, when it is collected, than to the exill
ing mode of aflefling or collecting it—the mo
ney when collected from the labors of the peo
pie, is given by the funding system, not to the
fljfn who originally earned it, not to the men tc
whom the public faith was plighted ever ar.d ovei
again, net to men who contributing their JubJlana
ar.dfeivicrjy saved our country saved us all in th<
(Ene of deepest distress—but by this fatal fyfteii
a title is given $nd payments actually made o:
an immense treaf tire —the cUcr earnings of tbe
forementioned Patriots, rot to them, I fay, bul
to a parcel of Jpeculators who never earned a (hil
ling of it, or paia any adequate compenlation foi
it, or even set up any kind of t tie to it, ground-j
ed either on their merit, earnings, Jervices, or
any purcbafe for valuable considerations paid,
but they claim and receive it under a most ex
travagant fouftruction of an oid rule of h.w,
jlra>r,cd) a>id stretched far beyond every reafonon
which the lav." ever was and is now grounded.
The following isa plain ftafccr.ientof thefa<s\s
which I offer in the face of all the v or!d, and
challenge aU your writers, and every body eife,
o deny or controvert thcCi if tr»ey
[Whole No. 360.]
I ft, The pn')lic faith was plighted in most
fbtemn x a'/ner to the erijrrntt! public creditor*
for the payment of such iupplies acd fervicesas
rendered to tt»
2d, In the settlement of" ttt»f the
ballance-; due to the© weie adjuftec!, ascertain-
Ed and recorded Sfi the public books, where they
(land open to infpe&ion f t this Hay.
3d, When their refpernve baflarces became
due, they were no oti.erwife paid than by depre-
ciated certificates, -vorth at their current ex-
change about 2/6 in the pound, which ought to
be debited to their accounts, and the reraainixsg
ballance, paid in good xnone}: tdr public bills oV
paper credit are ever to be valued at their ex-
change, and no mare, and all nations »egociate
them in that way alone.
But, 4th, The funding fyftejn phghts tic
public faith for the payment of the whole origi
nal debt, to the holdsrs of the certificates, molt
I of which have been fold for a trifle by the origi
nal holders, and are notv.found in the bands of
purchasers, who never earned the money or
paid any adequate conf-dsratioa for it, bat are
entitled by this system to receive it all.
This, besides injufiice, ingratitude, and vio
lation of public faith plighted to the real credi-
tors, involves nrfchiets and brings on confe
j quinces very hurtful to the prosperity of the
nation.
I. Payment t# t!te reft! ori(u»»t creditors
wooid have been an of jufixe, aod fonie «4«-
ritict to ntany worthy citirtns, who have long
fußered by the poMic deficiency—wofciid haw
animated their ir.dvjiry, and in very many in-
fiances delivered thein from aiflual dependence
for a support either on abjed fcrvitude, or the
charity of their neighbors;—whereas payment
of the fame monies to the speculators, raises a
few men to sudden wealth, which they never
earned, and which, as they are not qualified by
habit or education to erjoy properly, does them
more harm than good.
This, as far as it goes, acevnu/ates the money
of the country in" a few ulelefs hands, and at the
lame time Jeiiens that diffufive circulation
which would animate the ir.duftrv and increase
the wealth and happiness. of the people jji gene*
nfl through the nation.
2. As Congress fat at New-York when the
funding fydem was under difcufTion, the specu
lators the c and in the catched the
secret of that magical logic—which v. as to turn
2/6 into 20/. and diligently improved the preci
ous moment, and sent off large orders to the
southern dates for buying iimnenfe quantities
:>f certificates, for the trifle which was then
:heir current value; and when trey brought
:hem to the northward, the funding fydem made
them all payable to the holders there—so that
he northern people will receive all the cash for
hem, whild the burden of railing the money
vill press equally hard on the southern as on the
lorthern dates.
This, in effect, will make the southern dates
n a manner tributary to the people cf the r.or
hern dates in a large sum of annual intered ;
Ind as this mud continue as long as the fydem
ad?, it becomes a serious matter, big with con
equences hurtful enough both to the union ard
o the southern people, and obvious enough to
ender a prophetical detail unnecelTary here.
3. As our 6 per cents and other funds are let
it an higher intered than can be obtained tor
aoney loaned in Europe. Very great purchafcs
iave been made by Europeans in our fund?,
ind they have remitted vad sums of money for
hat purpole, which has made money, and con
cqr.ently luxury, extremely plenty with us a-t
►resent—and this biejjed pUnty of money is by
ome people with great pout aligned as one of
he bluffed effe&s of the funding fydem ; that it
s a natural cjfcfl of that fydem, I readily admit;
nit as to the blejfedneji of it, we (hall be better
ible to judge a little while hence, when our
rountry comes to be drained of its cash in vast
ums, which mud be sent out of it (never to leturt)
o pay the yearly intered of the iinmenfe re
mittances which we row receive, together v, ith
hat of our public foreign loans.
This country has never yet experienced a
Irain of its cash by exportation of it abroad,
vithout receiving remittances cf value either
irevions or subsequent to the fending it away,
mpertations of goods from abroad, have foine
imes exceeded the resources cf the country,and
nacie calh somewhat But the final loss
lid not all red on the country—much of it fell
»n the foreign merchants, by the bankruptcy of
heir correspondents here. We caDnot yet well
udge how great the blcjjedntji ct these effects
nay be, but I have had one taste of them, which
las quite cloyed my appetite, flnce which I have
iot had a wish for a repetition cf the blefling.
}ne thinn. we kno>v by experience,, that when
terling b\l! r . ri'e above 75 per cent. it will be
he intered, a> d of course the practice of people
vho have remittances to make to Europe, to
end away cash rather than bills, in which cafe
he real money will go out of the country per
laps fafter than it now comes in. In fine, if
hefe fatts and observations are tru# and weil
ounded, they deserve the prions attention of
very man.—lf other wife, any man who will
lilprove them, will give me fir.cere pleasure,
ind relieve me from many painful anxious feel
ngs. If any one desires my true name, he fyatl
iave it ; I am not afnamed of it—but I believe
am fufficiantly known by my old denature.
A Citizen of Philadelphia-