CONGRESS.
PHILADELPHIA
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
MONDAY, February 20.
In committee oj the whole, on the t ijhery Hill.
[continued.J
MR. WILLIAMSON.—It has been urged with
_ great propriety, in favor of the bill now
fobmitted to our confidei ation, that the opera
tion of our laws should in all cases tend to encou
rage ofeful industry ; that while we are giving
back the duties on all other foreign goods which
are exported, it would be unjufl: and cruel to re
fufe a full drawback of the duties 011 fait which
may be exported, especially when the cfrcuin
fiances of its exportation, are attended with an
mcreafe of riches and strength to the nation.
Imprefled as I am with the force of these argu
ments, and desirous as I ani to protect and en
courage the native seamen of America by all pru
dent, practicable, and constitutional means, I
lhall-neverihelefs find it 3iy duty to vote for link
ing out the firft fe<!tion of the bill, because it pro
poles to give a bounty for the encouragement of
the veliels employed in the filheries.
We have been told that the name is improper ;
that it is simply a drawback oftheduty upon fait,
and gentlemen have produced a very ingenious
calculation, bv which they attempt to prove,that
in some years it may happen,that the whole duty
onthe fait will not be repaid; but they admit that
in some years the drawback or bounty will ex
ceed the doty. It is certainly their opinion, and
in this we are perfectly agreed, that the money
to be paid will be more than that received, elf'e
there had been no use for so large an appropri
ation. We fhali not trouble th:(i committee with
calculations on this fubjeifK It is conceded that
the encouragement to be given probably; will
exceed the full drawback .of the duty on fait.
In other words a douceur or a proper bounty is
to be given—.let ijs call it one thousand dollars
per annum. Is it within the powers of this Con
gress to grant bounties ? 1 think not, and on 1 his
Angle position, 1 wquld reft the argument.
In the conftitntion of this government there
are two or three remarkable provisions which
seem to be in point. " It is provided that di
redt taxes shall be apportioned among, the seve
ral states according to their refpeclivenumbers."
It is alfoprovided that "all duties, impolls, and
cxcifcs shall be u*nifoxm thioughou-t the United •
States : and it is provided that no preference
shall be given by any regulation of commerce or
revenue to the ports of one {late over ihofe ofano
ther. The clear and.obvioos intention of the
articles mentioned was, that Congress might itwr
have the power of imposing unequal burdens,
that it might not be in their powei to gratify one
part of the Union by oppi effing another. It ap
peared possible and not very improbable, that
the time might come, when by greater cohelion,
by more unanimity, by more address, the repre
sentatives of one part of the union might attempt
to iinpofe unequal taxes or to relieve their con
flituents at the expense of other people. To pre
vent the possibility of such a combination, the
articles that I have mentioned were inserted in
the constitution. Suppose a poll tax ihould be
attempted, suppose it should be enacted that eve
ry poll in the eartern Urates, shall pay a tax of
half a dollar, and every poll in the southern
frares should pay a tax of one dollar. Do you
think we should pay the tax .' No, certainly
We should plead the constitution, and tell you
that the law was impotent and voi.d.
But we have been cold tint Congrefsmay give
bounties for ufeful purposes that is to lay
they may give bounties for all imaginable pur
poses, because the fame majority that votes the
bounty win not fail to call' the purpose a good
«ne. Establish the doiTtriue of bounties and let
us fee what may follow. Uniform .axes are laid
to raile money—and that money is diftribtitecf—
not uniformly ; the whole of it may be given to
the people in one end of the Union. Could we fav
in fuel, a cafe that the fax had been uniform—
I think not -There is certainly a majority i n this
w 10 think that the nation would belftronger
and more independent, if all our labor was per
formed by free men. This object might be pro
moted by a bounty. Let a poll tax be laid ac
cording to the constitution ofone dollar per poll •
in this cafe sixty cents must be paid for each Save'
and the number of slaves beinp- Mo , hei ;
tax would amount to r dollars. To en
courage ,he labor of citizens, let Congress then
give an annual bounty of one dollar to eve-y f, C r
man who ,s a mechanic, who labors i„ the
field. We might be told that the bo-.ty was
fniall, and the objerfl was good, but the measure
would be molt oppressive, for it woold he a clear
tax of rather more than three hundred thousand
dollars on the southern Hates. -
Perhaps the cafe I have pur istooftrong. Con
gress can never do a thiiig that is so palpably nn
jnlt, but this -fir, is the very mark at which the
theory ef bounties seems to point. The certain
operation of that areata re is theoppreflion of the
southern Itaies, by foperior numbers in the nor
thern ioterell. This was to be feared at the for
mation of this government, and you find many
articles in the conftiturioni, besides those I have
quoted, which were certainly intended to guard
us agninll the dangerous bias of ituerfcft and the
power of numbers.—Wherefore was it provided
that no duty lhould be laid on exports ? Was pt
not to defend the great staples of the foutheryi
Hates, tobacco, rice, and indigo from the opera
tion' of unequal regulations of commerce or un
equal indirect faxes : as another article had de
fended us from unequal direct taxes.
I do not hazard much in faying that the pre
sent conllitution had never been adopted with
out those preliminary guardsin it. Eftablifhthe
general doctrine of bounties, and »I 1 the provisi
ons I have mentioned become useless. They va
nish into air, and like the baseless fabric of a vi
sion, leave not a trace behind. The common de
fence and general welfare, in the hands of agood
■politiciap, may supersede every part of our con
ltitution, and leave us in the hands of time and
chance. Manufactures in general, are ufeful to
the nation, they promote the public good and
general welfare ; how many of them arefpring
ing up in the-northern ttates ? Let them be pro
perly supported by bounties, and you will find
no occasion for unequal taxes. The tax may he
equal in the beginning, it will befufficiently un
equal in the end.
We are told that a nuiTery of Teamen may be
of great use to the nation, and the bounty pro.
posed is a very finall one These fir, are the
reasons why 1 have marked this as a dangerous
bill : the molt dangerons innovations are made
under these circumstances. To begin with a
great bounty would be imprudent, and to give
a fmati bounty for a doubtful purpose, might de
serve a worse epithet. HaJf a million of dollars
per annum, would have been too much for a be
ginning, and perhaps a bounty on the use of
lleighs, though they are convenient for travel
ling in winter ; or a bounty on (tone fences,
though they are durable, would not at this time
be prudent. The objetft of the bounty, and the
amount of it, are equally to be disregarded in
the present cafe : we are simply to consider whe
ther bounties may fafely be given under the pre
sent constitution ; for myfelf I would rather be
gin with a bounty of one million per aim. than
oneth'oufand : I wiflj that my conftitnenrs may
know, whether they are to put any confidence
in that paper, called the conßitution.
You will fuffer me to fav, that the southern
States have much to fear from the progress of
this government, nnlefs your strength is govern
ed by prudence ; the operation of the funding
system, has translated at least two millions of dol
lars, from the southern States, that is to fay
from Georgia, th* Carolinas, and Virginia, to
the Northern Stares. The interest of that sum
when it shall be fix per cent, will be 120,000 dol
lars ; but the quota of those States, is at lead
one third of the whole ; whence it follows that
they mult pay forty thousand dellars every year
t . he . form of interest to the northern 'States!
1 hu, it seems, is not fufficienr, and other mea
sures are to be adopted for draining the south
ern States. Bounties to promote the general
welfare, are already brought forward ; we shall
not hear of a bounty for raising rice, or prepar
ing naval stores. If that was the question, the
general welfare would not have fucli prominent
features. Unless the southern Stares are protect
ed by the constitution, their valuable staples and
their y.fionary wealth, must oc-rafion their de
ftrudtion. Three fliort years has this govern
ment existed ; it is not three years, bur we have
already given fenons alarms to manv of our fel
low-citizens ; eltablifh the doctrine of bounties •
set aside that part of the constitution, which re
quires equal taxes, and demand similar diftribu
nons ; destroy this barrier, and it is not a few
fifhertnen that will enter, claiming ten or twelve
thouland dollars, but all manner of persons—
peop e of every trade and occupation may enter
t the breach until they have eaten up the bread
of our children. 1
Perhaps 1 have viewed this project in too fe
nous a l.ght, but if I am p , rri culirly solicitous
on the fubjecft of finance, rhat we do not even
feein to depart from ,he spirit of the constitu
tion, it is because I wish that the union may be
perpetual. Th, several States are now Pretty
well relieved from their debts, and our fellow
cuizens in the southern States have very ttTe
ile wtV" T iional fu " ds : P reft a lit
wi • "'"T ll '' c^ xes > and the remedy is plain
\ ule w o i*Jd shim bounties, as leading to
cl«ngero t „ measures, Fam not inattentive toU*
• 'gument that has been advanced by the ho
350
norable member who firft rose !n defence of
bill. That gentleman tells us rhar u
bu(hel of fait is used in coring a quintal of
If thi. be eftaWifoed, a« Luti
be amended by giving a greater drawback. He
fays, the drawback as it is now paid to the mer
chant, does not operate so 3 s to encourage the
seamen who have n.oft Bee d of such affile
r ' ' S , V r y J P r -° - ab ' C '' " n ' d the Pities may be
relieved by dividing the drawback in the verv
manner that is proposed by the bill. If* it
true that the proposed bounties, .will .not exceed
the average of the drawback that should be paid
0.. fair, why do they contend about names,an.
lels they are fohcitous about the precedent. If
our obje(ft is to encourage indultry, and to m
create our commerce, by fending fifh to a fareiw
market,we must adhere to the drawback ; fori?
cording to the terms of the bill, th* bounty
be paid, thpngh every fifh that is caught, ihontl
be confnmerf in the country ; in which cafe we
fliould be paying a vifionat y drawback, when no
thing was exported ; according to the terms rff
the bill, there is no proportion between the fai.
bour and the reward, so far as the bank sister*
is concerned ; the bounty in all cases beino d,*
fame. " 6
having exercised your patience in objeftjiw
to tins new system of bounties, and having hiijt
ed on some objections to the genera! operatioi
of the bill, so far as industry and enterprise I
may be desired ; I stall in a few words, fubnuV
the out line of a plan that feei.is to comprehend
all the ufeful parts of the bill, without any
culation upon bounties.
If the drawback on dried fifh exported, is not' •
equal to the duty on the fait used in curing'foch
fifh, let rhe drawback be increased to eleven .
cents or twelve cents as rhe cafe may be. Let
us suppose that rhe drawback for the next year
will be equal to the drawback en the last year;
and let that sum of money, being the expected,
drawback, be divided between the f'eamen and
owners according to the terms of rhe bill ; the
accounts mult be made up annually. If the
drawback exceeds the allowance that bad been
made, the difference will be conlidered as advanc
ed to the fifhery, and the allowance for the next
year, mod be fomewhar reduced, according to '
the actual amount ®f the drawback, if the filh
ermen are more fortunate or ninre active* and
the exports are increased, the allowance for rhe
next year must be railed. The rule being fixed
by law, all that remains being pure calculation,
may be done from year to year by the executive.
Every important objedt of this bill that lias been
presented to our view, may be obtained bv fafe
and constitutional steps. Why should a man
rake a dangerous and a doubtful path, when a
fafe one presents itfelf ? If nothing more is de
sired than to regulate and protect the fi/hery,
th»j>ill may be altered ajld accommodated to,
that purpose, if the theory of bounties is to be
established, by which the southern States mnlt
fuffer while others gain ; the bill informs us
what we are to expert.
(TO EE CONTINUED.)
THURSDAY, February 21
Mr. Macon's motion, as amended, reads thus J
" Resolved,, That the Secretary of' the Treafiiry
cauj~n to be laid before the House a statement of
the balances, if any, remaining unpaid, which
'nay have been due by individuals to the United
States, previous to the 4th day of March, 1789;
and whether any and what Iteps have been taken
to recover the fame ; and also a ftatenient of the
sundry funis of public monies, which may have
been entrusted to individuals, pievious to the
said 4th of March, and have not been accounted
for."
The yeas and nays having been called on the
motion for committing the fame, were as follow :
AYES.
MelTrs. Aines, Baldwin, Barnwell, Benfon,
Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clark, Dayton,
Findley, Huger, Jacobs, Kitrera, Leai*aed, Li
vennore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Sedgwick, W.
Smith, Sterrett, Fitzlimons, Goodhue, Gregg,
Hartley, Heifler, Hillhoul'e, Stnrges, Sylvester,
Wadfworth, Wayne, Wvllis— 31.
MefTrs. Afire, Brown, Gerry, Gilman, Grove,
Key, Kirchell, Lee, Macon, Madison, Moore,
Niles, Page, Parker, Schoonntaker, Seney, ]■
Snrith, !. Smith, Steele, Sumpter, Thatcher,
T read well, Tucker, V r enable, Vining, White,
Williamfon — 27.
AgainlV the resolution as originally propose!
by Mr. Macon, it was objeified, that it was infoi
nial—that the law instituting the treasury cir
parttnent had made every comperent pro v ifi° ll
in the cafe—rhat the duty of the Comptroller
was particulaily designated'—and that ;f he lias
been deficient, the proper mode would he ro rail
him to an account, and if found remiss, liefhonM
be impeached. The resolution contained an im
putation on that officer, and vet no gentleman
had come forward with atry dii etflchargesagaiint
him. It was fnrt her fnid that information .had
been received from the Comptroller on this fuJ
NAYS,