PUBLISH II WEDNESDAYS AND - Vl"' RDAYS HY JOHtV FENNO, No. 6q. HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 16, of Vol. lII.]
FROM THE (BOSTON) COLUMBIAN CENTINEL
Mr. RUSSELL,
IN that part of Mr. Paine's pamphlet which
he has chofeii to call the milcellaneous chap
ter, he observes th t, " when a man in a long
" cause attempts 10 Iteer his course by any thing
" else than fomepolar truth or principle, he is Cure
"to be loft." I have fought for the polar prin
ciple to which his exertions were directed in
this publication, and 1 must acknowledge I have
fought in vain. His production ;s historical,
political, mifcellaneons, satirical and panegy
rical. It is an encomium upon the National
Aflembly of France. It is a commentary upon
the rights of men, inferring questionable deduc
tions from unquestionable principles. It is a se
vere satire upon Mr. Burke and his pamphlet,
upon the English government, upon Kings, up
on Nobility, and Aristocracy ; it is a narrative of
several occurrences, connected with the French
revolution, and it concludes with a kind of pro
phetical iinpulfe, in the expectation of an " Eu
ropean Congress to patronize the progress oj free go
vernment, and promote the civilization oj nations -with
each other." The objetfl which he promised to
himfelf, in this publication, is not so dubious as
the principle on which he wrote. His intention
appears evidently to be, to convince the people
of Great-Britain, that they have neither Liberty
nora Conftitntion—that their only pofiible means
to procure these blefiings to themlelves, is to
" topple down headlong" their present govern
ment, and follow implicitly the example ot the
French. As to the right, he scruples not to fay,
" that which a whole nation clioofes to do, it
" has a right to do." This proportion is a
part of what Mr. Paine calls a fyftetn of prin
ciples in opposition to those of Mr. Burke, and
it is laid down without any fort of qualification.
It is not my intention to defend the principles
of Mr. Burke•—truth is the only object of my
pursuit, and 1 fliall without helitation relule my
aflent to every principle inconsistent with that,
whether it proceeds from Mr. Burke, Mr. Paine,
or even from the illustrious National Atfembly of
Trance. This principle, that a whole nation has
a right to do whalfoever it pleases, cannot in
any l'enfe whatever be admitted as true. The
eternal and immutable laws of justice and of mo
rality, are paramount to all human legislation.
The violation of those laws is certainly within
the power, but it is not among the rights of na
tions. The power of a nation is the collected
power of all the individuals which compose it.
The rights of a nation are in like manner the
collected riphts of its individuals ; and it mull
follow si om thence, that the powers of a nation
are more extensive than its rights in the very
fame proportion with those of individuals. It
is somewhat remarkable that in speaking of the
exercise of the particular right offorining a con
stitution, Mr. Paine himfelf denies to a nation,
that omnipotence, which he had before so li
berally bellowed. For this fame nation, which
has a right to do whatever it pleases, has no
right to establish a government in hereditary fuc
cefiion.— It is of infinite consequence, that the dif
timftion between power and right fliould be fully
acknowledged, and admitted as one of the fun
damental principles of Legiflatoi s. A whole na
tion such as France, England, or America, can atft
only by representation ; and the a<ft» of the re
presentative body must be confldered as the atfts
of the nation. We must go farther, and fay
that the ads of the majority in the Representa
tive Aflembly are the a<fts of the whole body, and
confequer.tly of the whole nation. If therefore,
a majority thns constituted, are bound by no
law human or divine, and have no other t ule but
their sovereign will and pleasure, to direct them ;
what pofiible security can any citizen of the na
tion have for the protection of his unalienable
rights ? The principles of liberty must still be
the sport of arbitrary power, and the hideous
form of despotism, must lay aside the diadem
and the sceptre, only to afl'ume the party-co
loured garments of democracy.
The f'yftem of principles upon which Mr.
Pai/ie advances this aflertion is intended to prove
that the Englilh nation have a light to destroy
their present form of government, and to ere<ft
another. lam not disposed to deny this right,
nor is it at present necefl'ary to examine whe
ther Mr. Burke's opinions upon this ftibjeft, are
not directed rather against the expediency than
the abftratled rights of such a mrafure. It may,
Wednesday, June 22, 1 791.
however, not be improper to trace the origin of
Mr. Paint's arguments against the principles
maintained by Mr. Burke. Doctor Frice had as
ferted, chat " by the principles of the revolu
" tion, in 1688, the people of England had ac
" quired the right, I. To chufe their own go
" vernours. 2. To cashier them for mifcondudt ;
' and 3. To frame a government for themselves."
Mr. Burke endeavors to prove that the princi
ples of the revolution in 1688, so far from war
ranting any right of this kind, fupporc a doc
trine alinoli diametrically opposite. Mr. Paine,
in reply, cuts the gordian knot at once, declares
the parliament of 1688 to have been down-right
usurpers, censures them for having unwisely
sent to Holland for a King, denies the existence
of a Britifli Constitution, and invites the people
of England, to overturn their present govern
ment, and to erect another upon the " broad
" basis of national sovereignty, and government
" by reprel'entation."—As Mr, Paine has depart
ed altogether from the principles of the revolu
tion, and has torn up by the roots, allreafoning
from the Britifti Constitution, by the denial of
its exigence, it becomes neceflary to examine his
work upon the grounds which he has chosen tc
aflume. If we judge of the production from iti
apparent tendency, we may call it, an addrels tc
the Englifli Nation, attempting to prove that
they have a right to form a new constitution ;
that it is expedient for them immediately to ex
ercise that right, and that in the formation ol
this constitution, they can do no better than tc
imitate the model fei before them by the Frenc)
National Ajfenibly. However inimethodical hi;
production is, 1 believe, the whole of its argu
meniative part, may be referred to these thre<
points. If the fubjeut were to afFetft only the
Brjtifo Nation, we might leave them to reafoi
and a<S for themselves ; but, fir, these are con
cerns equally important to all mankind ; am
the citizens of America are called upon, fron
high authority to rally round the jlandard ofthi:
champion of revolutions. I lhall therefore now
proceed to examine the reasons upon which hi
founds his opinions relative to each of tliefi
points.—
The people of England have in common with
every other nation, a natural and unalienable
right to form a constitution of government, not
because a whole nation has a right to do what
ever ic chooses to do, but because government
being instituted for the common security of the
natural rights of every individual, it mult be
li-.ible to alterations whenever it becomes incom
petent for that purpose. The right of a people
tolegiflate for i'ucceedinggenerations derives all
its authority from the consent of that posterity
who at e bound by their laws, and therefore the
expressions of perpetuity used by the Parliament
of 1688, contain no absurdity—and expressions
of a similar nature may be found, in all the con
fliiutions of the United Statej.
Bur, fir, when this right is thus admitted in
its fullelt latitude, it ni.uft also be admitted that
it ought never to be exercised, but in cases of
extreme urgency : Every nation has a right as
unquelHonable to diflolve the bands of civil so
ciety, by which they are united, and to return
to that state of individual imbecility in which
man is supposed to have existed, previous to the
formation of the social compatft. The people of
America have been compelled by an unaccounta
ble neceflity, diftrefling in its operation, but glo
rious in its consequences, to exercise this right,
and whenever a nation has no other alternative
but the degradation of slavery, or the formida
ble conflict of a revolution, the generous spirit
of freedom will not hesitate a moment ill the
choice ; whether the people of prance were at
the period of their revolution, reduced to that
unhappy situation, which rendered it absolutely
neceflary to overthrow their whole system to its
foundations, is a question, upon which the ablest
patriots among themselves have differed, and up
on which weaie inadequate to decide. Whether
the people of England are now in that calami
tous predicament, i» a question, more proper for
our difcuffioii, and upon which I shall take the
liberty to examine the reasoning of Mr. Paine.
THE RETURN.
" KIND heav'n O fend him fafely back"—wc pray'd
Nor was the interceflion urg'd in vain—
The tour perform'd, and millions happy made,
His Vernon hails in health its Lord again.
61
PUBLICOLA.
[Whole No. 224.]
FROM THE QUEBEC HERALD.
DIRECTIONS FOR MAKING CHEESE
TO farmers who live in the country and keep
many cows, it would doubtless be an ad
vantage to know how to make their milk into
good cheese ; for through the want of that
knowledge the dairy women are often at as
much pains to spoil their milk by making it in
to very bad cheese, as they would then be to
make it into that which is very good.
Much depends upon having a portion of fait
petre used with common fait in ialting the
cheese :—lf the latter is only used, and a quan
tity fufficient to keep the cheese sweet is put in,
the cheese is apt to be very hard, and to have a
biting disagreeable taste ; but if not so much
is taken, then, wheri the cheese is drying a pu
trid fermentation conies on, and the cheese swells
up much in the middle, often till it is twice as
thick as it was before. If the cheese fhotild now
be cut it would be found to fend forth a disa
greeable stench, and conld not be eaten ; but if
fuffeied to stand, the fermentation gradually a
bates, and the cheese falls even lower than it
was at firft, so as to be concave on both fides :
By age such cheeses grow much sweeter than
they were when fermenting, yet always retain
something of the faine disagreeable strong taste.
Cheeses that are not salted enough, will be more
or less, according to the above defcriptioii,, in
proportion as they lack more or less of being
salted enough ; fa that whenever the dairy wo
man perceives the above appearance in her
cheeses, flie may know that it is time for her to
alter her hand in salting. The people of En
gland have perhaps as many different ways of
making cheese as there are different counties in
England ; which is fufficient to (hew that cheese
may be good, and yet differ in some refpedts as
to the way of its being made ; for the bett of
cheeses are made in divers parts of England ;
yet whatever particulars they differ in, they
doubtleft agree in adopting the usd of falt-petre,
though perhaps not in the fame proportion j for
it is well known that cheeses from different parts
vary in quality, and yet are all very good.
Cheeses made accordiug to the following re
cipe have by long experience been found to be
of a very excellent quality, and perhaps inferior
to none that are made in England :
* Let the runnet be prepared by soaking the calye's big in cold
water, and faking it enough to keep it sweet; to the milk, firft
made blood warm, add enough of this to turn the milk into a
curd in half an hour, which quanti y will soon be found by ex
perience ; then heat it as hot as you can well bear your hand in
it, and having ftraincd the whey well from it, break or chop the
curd to pieces, and to every five pounds of cheese put a tea-fpoon
full of falt-petre, and a large table fpoonfull of common fait; (it
will soon be learned by experience how much milk or curd will
produce five pounds of cheese) it must now be put in the press and
turned within an hour ; kept in the press two days—turn it twicc
the firftday, and once the last.
They ftiouid while drying, keep it in a dark room, or other
ways keep it from flics.
If any cracks come in them when drying, let them be filled
with a paste made of butter and flour to keep the flies from com
ing at them, if any should get into the room.
Extraflj from the Direflions of the Philadelphia
Humane Society.
TO prevent the fatal effects of drinking cold
Water, or cold Liquors of any kind in warm
weather.
ift. Avoid drinking while you are warm, or,
2clly. Drink only a small quantity at once,and
let it remain a short time in your mouth before
you swallow it ; or
3dly. Grasp the vessel out of which you are
about to drink (provided it is made of glass,
earthen ware, or metal) for a few minutes, with
both your hands, for each of these substances
convey off a portion of the heat of the body into
the cold liquor, and thereby leflen the danger
which arises from the excelfive heat of the body,
on the one hand, and the coldness of the liquor,
on the other ; or,
4thly. Wash your hands and face, and rinse
your mouth with cold water before you drink.
If these precautions have been negletted, and
the disorder incident to drinking cold water
hath been produced, the firft, and in molt in
itances, the only remedy to be administered is,
sixty drops of liquid laudanum, in spirit and wa
ter, or warm drink of any kind.
If this ftould fail of giving relief, the fame
quantity may be given 20 minutes afterwards.
When laudanum cannot be obtained, rum and
water, or warm waterfhould be given. Vomits
and bleeding (hould not be used without con
sulting a physician.