PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA [No. 105, of Vol. 11. Discourses on Davila—No. 31. (concluded.) NARROW and illiberal sentiments are not peculiar to the rich or the poor. If the vulgar have found a Machiavel to give counte nance to their malignity, by his contracted and illiberal exclamations againlt illustrious families, as the curse of heaven : the rich and the noble have not unfrequently produced fordid inltances of individuals amongthemfelves, who have adopt ed and propagated an opinion that God hates the poor, and that poverty and misery on earth are infli&ed by Providence in its wrath and displea sure. This noble philofopliy is surely as shallow and as execrable as the other Plebeian philolb phy of Machiavel ; but it is countenanced by at leift as many of the phenomena of the world. Let both be discarded as the reproach of human understanding, and a disgrace to human nature. Let the rich and the poor unite in the bands of mutual affection, be mutually sensible of each others ignorance, weakness and error, and unite in concerting measures for their mutual defence, against each other's views and follies,by support ing an impartial Mediator. That ingenious Genevan, to whom the English nation is indebted for a more intelligible expla nation of tlieir own constitution than any that has been ever publilhed by their own Aclierly or Bacon, Bolingbroke or Blackllone, has quoted this paflage of Machiavel, and applied it, like him, to the dishonour of republican governments. De Loltne, in his constitution of England, Book 2. c. 1. fays—" 1 cannot avoid tranferibing a part of " the speech which a citizen of Florence add relied " once to the Senate : the reader will find in it a " kindofabridgedftoryofall republics." Ilethen quotes the passage before cited from Machiavel. Why should so grave an accusation be brought againtt republics ? If it were well founded, it would be a very serious argument against such forms of government: but it is not. Thediflen tions of families are not the effect of republican government, but of human nature. They are the unavoidable consequence of that emulation, which God and nature have implanted in the hu man heart, for the wisest and be!f purposes, and which the public good, instead of cooling or ex tinguifliing, requires to be directed to honour and virtue, and then nourilhed, cheriftied, and cultivated. If such contentions appeared only in republican governments, there would befome color for charging them as a reproach to these forms: but they appear as frequent and as vio lent in despotisms and monarchies, as they do in commonwealths. In all the despotisms of Asia and Africa, in all the monarchies of Europe, there are constant fucceftions of emulation and rivalry, and consequently of conceits and di (Tendons among families. Defpocifm, which crushes and decapi tates, sometimes interrupts their progress, and prevents some of their tragical effecfts. Monar chies, with their spies, lettres de cachet, dun geons and iriquifitions, may do almost as well. But the balance of a free government is more ef fectual than either, without any of their injus tice, caprice or cruelty. The foregoing examples from the History of France, and a thousand others equally striking which might be added, (how that Bourbons and Montmorencis, Guises andColignis, were as fatal families in that kingdom as the Buondelmenti and Huberti, the Donati andCer chi, the Rici and Abbizzi, or Medici at Florence. Instead of throwing falfe imputations on re publican governments ; instead of exciting or fo menting a vulgar malignicy against the most re fpetfiable men and families—let us draw the pro per inferences from history and experience—let us lay it down for a certain faift, firlt, that emu lation between individuals, and rivalries among families, never can be prevented : second. let us adopt it as a certain principle that they ought hoc to be prevented, but directed Co vircue, and 'hen Simulated and encouraged by generous ap plauTe and honorable rewards. And from chele premises let the conclusion be, as it ought to be, that an effectual controul be provided in the con tution, 10 check their exceilcs and balancetlieir If ihis conclulion is not drawn, ano ther will follow of itfelf—the people will be the 8 ' and the leaders will worry each other and the people too, till both are weary and afbamed, and from feeling, not from reasoning, set up a roauer and a despot for a Protestor. What kind °f a Piotecftor lie will be, may be learned hereaf ter from Stephen Boetius. Saturday, April 23, 1791. FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, [con c l uded,] CONGRESS has 110 armies—and if it had, our people might mock at force if that only was used to govern them. It mud frame its laws on such principles as an enlightened public will ap prove : let the public then form its opinions calm ly—lay facfts and arguments before it. Those who do not chufe to be calm may give vent to their passions in the Gazettes; a free press is a sluice-way which lets off the torrent : But do not blind the public with authority ; do not flop the ufeful progrels of enquiry by telling it it is too late, the trial is over, the point is adjudged by the State legislature ; is there not danger that this decision of a State will make right opinions too liafty and wrong ones too obllinate, so as to render the former despicable and the latter per nicious ? Every man may judge for liimfelf whether State resolutions will croud narrow local prejudices in to Congrels, or whether they will secure us an adniiniitration upon liberal national principles. The public will judge too whether a State go vernment is the mod impartial judge of the con du