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PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND .WriKDXvS BY JOHN fENSO, No. 6 9 , HIG lis TR EET, BETWEEN' 3 j-CP AT) AND THIRD MEETS, FrtLADELPHII
[No. 87, of Vol. ll.]
Difcotirfes on Davila No. 24.
(Continued from No. 63 of this Gazette.)
AFFAIRS had now taken a new face. It was
easy to forefee, that the animosities of the
two factions would never be excinguilhed but by
arms—and that the tempest which had long
grumbled in the air, would soon pour upon their
heads. Accident soon produced a favorable con
juncture for precipitating France into the greatest
misfortunes. The King of Navarre, having de
clared himfelf openly for the Catholic party,
fixed his residence at Paris. This city, situated
in the centre of France, is much more populous,
more rich, more magnificent and more powerful,
than any other in the kingdom. This Prince,
believing that the other cities would easily con
form to the example of the capita], forgot no
thing to hinder the Hugonots from holding their
allemblies, and preaching their sermons there ;
in which the Parisians in general, enemies- of
the reformation, seconded him with zeal. By this
means he hoped in time to diminilh insensibly
the credit and the forces of the Protestants, and
take away their liberty of conscience, which alone
fupponed their existence. The Prince of Conde
resided also at Paris, where he promoted and so*
| xnented the designs of the Hugonot ministers.
Under the pretext of causing to be obferved'the
edict of January, he extended from day to day
the liberiy of conscience ; and, whether by power
or by right, arrogated to himfelf a great autho
rity in what refpe&ed the State. The King of
Navarre, animated equally against his'brother
by a love of repose, and by jealousy, resolved Irov
compel him to, gp out of Paris. Several other
motives determined to put an en A to trou
bles and seditions, as as conventrcles, in a
city which was the firwfcfl: support of the Cathq
lic party ; but whether lie felt himfelf too weak
to attempt such an enterprize alone, or whether
he wiflied to consult his Confederates before he
execute'stry-rTrrrrg, TmnviT?ani §
and the Constable to come pfnd join him, with
their partisans,
The Duke of Guise, since his retirement from
Tourt, reficled at Joinvil'le. one of his country
"eats, upon the frontiers of Champaine and Pi
:ardy. L'pon the invitation of the King of Na
'arre, he departed for Paris, accompanied by the
Cardinal his brother, a numerous retinue of gen
lemen attached to his interests, and two compa
res of men in arms. The (it ft of March, in the
norning, as he palled by Valli, a little city in
Champaine, his.people heard an unusual ringing
ifbclis, and having asked the reason of it, were
old that it was the signal of a sermon at which
the Hngonots aflembled. The valets and foot
men of the Duke, who were mod forward on the
road, excited by the Angularity of the thing, and
by curiosity to fee one of these airemblies, which
were but lately begun to be holden publicly, ad
vanced in a tumult, uttering their coarse jokes,
towards the place where tlie Hugonots were af
lembled to hear their ministers. The Calviniits
understanding that the Duke of Guise, whom
they regarded as one /if their mod ardent perle
cutors, was not far off, and feeing a troop of his
people coming direcftly to them, whether they
dreaded some insult, or whether they were piqued
at the rude railleries and fcornful speeches of
this servile mob, they answered by atfts of vio
lence, pelting with stones th? firft who were ad
vancing towards their congregation.
This is the account of Davila—and at this day
it may be of as little consequence to enquire
which fide began to use force, a> to ascertain
which party fired the firft gun at out Lexington.
When a nation is prepared for a civil war,
when parties are formed and paflions enflamecl,
which can be extinguished no other way, it is,
only for the fake of popularity, neceflary to en
quire which strikes the firft blow, but in our
/American revolution, we know it was the party
who were in the habit of domineering who be
gan—and fucli is commonly the cafe. Most pro
bably De Thou is in the right for the fame rea
lon—who aflei ts that the Duke of Guile s ser
vants threw the firft stones ; and if this was done
without the Duke's orders, it is certain that his
mother, a bigotted furious Catholic, had often
entreated him to deliver her from the neighbour
hood of the Protestants of Vafli ; and very pro
bably she had enflamed his whole family against
theui. However this might be, the Catholics
abandoned all their prudence and attacked the
Saturday. 26, 1791.
Protestants, sword inland, and the lkirmilh Toon
became furious. [lie Dhke, informed of the
tumult, and wishing to appease it, ran in all halte
and ruihed into the iriidlt of the combatants—
while he reprimanded his own people,' and ex
horred the Hugoriots to retire, he was slightly
wounded by the itroke of a stone upon his left
jaw. The blood which he lolt obliged him to
retire from the uproar, when his followers,
growing outrageous, had recourse to fire-arms,
forced the house where the Calvinifls had bari
cadoed themselves, killed more than sixty of
them ; and their minifies - , dangerously wounded,
escaped with great difficulty over the roofs of the
nighbouring houies. When the commotion was
alluaged, the Duke of Guise fenc for the Judge
of the place, reprimanded him for tolerating
such conventicles. The Judge excused himfelf'
because these allembiies were permitted by the
eclicft of January. The Duke, as much enraged
at this answer as at the disorder which occasion
ed it, laid his hand on the hilt of his sword, and
replied, with great fury, " The edge of this
iron fhal] soon deliver us from that edict which
they think so solidly These words,
uttered in the ardour of his indignation, did not
escape the attention of those who heard them —
and in the feqnel he was accused of being the
Boutefeu, and the author of the civil wars.
The Hugonots, irritated by the, massacre at
Vaffi, could no longer contain themselves within
the bounds of moderation—not content with the
excefles committed by them in several cities of
the kingdom, and especially in Paris, where they
had maliacred fevergl Catholics, and set fire to
trc?sbhurch of St. Medard ; they listened only to
; th|fr-«wn rage, and excited everywhere troubles
arid bloody seditions ; monasteries were pillaged,
images broken, {altars overturned, and churches
profaned. Thelb on both fides, embit
tered, mens' minds, and they rushed every where
to arms. The chiefs of the two parties, agitated
prepared openly for war. But the leaders of
both fattions were not iguorant that, in the ac
tual Hate of things, they could not take arms
without rendering themselves guilty of rebellion,
and that there was neither pretext nor colour
which could authorize any measures which tended
to war, The Catholics could not interrupt the
execution of the edict of January, without con
troverting openly the decisions of the council,
and wounding the royal authority from which'
this edict had ifl'ued. The Hugon-ois had no rea
sonable motive to revolt, while they were pro
tected and allowed to enjoy the liberty of con-,
science granted them by that edict. The leaders
of each party desired to draw-the King to tkairftd?.
and to become mailers of his perfun, either to abolilh
the edi<t, or to derive new advantages from it,
in order to prove that their cause was the molt
just—and that it was t;ie opposite party which
erected the standard of rev.olt, by opposing the,
apparent will of the Sovereign, and by attacking
even his person.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
' THURSDAY, Feb. 3.
The B ANK BILL under conjideration,
IS/TR. AMES : Little doubt remains with vef
-L' a-yieft to the utility of Banks. It seems to
be conccklect within doors and without, that a
public Bank would be ufeful to tiadc, that it is
almost eH'ei'tfal to revenue, and that it is little
Ihort of indiipenfible necessity in times of pub
lic emergency. In countries whose forms of go
vernment left them free to chufe, this inftitu
tioll has been acUptcd of choice, and in times of
national danger vnd calamity it has afforded such
aid to government to make it appear, in the
eye,s of the people, a veceflary means of felf pre
servation. Ihe fubjewyhowever intricate in its
nature, is atlaftefeared fiW obfem ity. It would
not be difficult to eflablifh principles, and to
deduce from its theory, fucli conferences as
761
[Whole No. j,,,.].
I would vindicate the policy of the meafui e.
> why should we lose time to examine'the Theory**
when it is in our power to resort to experience ?
After being tried by that test, the world has
agreed: in pronouncing the inrtitution excellent.
This new capital will invigorate trade and ma
nufactures with new energy, It will furni/h ? »
medium for the collection of the revenues ; and
if government fliould be preited by a sadden ne,
ceility, it will afford aid.
With all these and many other pfetenfions, if
it was now a question whether Congress Would
be vested with the power of eftablifting a Banfcf
I trust that this house and all America w<rald ak
sent to the affirmative.
This however is not a question of expediency,
but of duty. We are not at liberty to examine
which of several modes of acting is entitled to
the preference. But we are Solemnly warned
again ft acting at all. We are told that the con
iUtution will not authorise Congress to incorpo
rate the fubferibers to the Bank. Let us ex-na
ine the conltitution, and if that forbids our pro
ceeding, we must reject the bill ; though we
fliall do it with deep regret that filch an oppor
tunity to ferye our country must be Suffered to
escape, for the want of a constitutional power to
improve it.
The gentleman from Virginin considers the
oppofcrs of the bill as fuffering disadvantage, be
cause it was not debated as bills uCuaily are in the
committee of the whole lioufe. He has prepared
us to pronounce an eulogium upon his conlift
ency, hy informing us that he voted in the old
Congress against the Bank of North America, on
the ground ofhisprefent objection to the con
stitutionality. He has told us that the meaning
of the constitution is to be interpreted by cotem
potaneous testimony. He was a member of the
convention which formed it, and of course his
opinion is entitled to peculiar weight. While
we refpe«ft his former conduct, and admire the
felicity U1& fituarion, we cannot think he lof
tains disadvantage in the debate. Be/ides, he
must have been prepared with objections to the
constitutionality, because he tells us they are of
long {landing, and had grown into a fettled ha
bit of thinking. Why then dill he fuffer the bill to
pass the committee in silence ? The friends of the
bill have more cause to complain of disadvan
tage ; for while he has had time to prepare his
objections, they are obliged to reply to them
without premeditation.
In making this reply, I am to perform a talk
for which my own mind had not admonished me
to prepare. I never fufpecfted that the objec
tions 1 have heard Hated had exigence : I consi
der them as discoveries ; and had not the acute
penetration of that gentleman brought them to
light, 1 am lure that my own understanding would
never have suggested them.
It seems ilrange too that in our enlightened
country, the public ihould have been involved
in eqiv*l blindtiels. While the exercise of even
the lawful powers of government is disputed—
and a jealous eye is fixed on its proceedings ; uoc
a whisper has been heard againit its authoriry ta
eitablijh a bank : Still, however unseasonably,
the old alarm of public discontent is founded in
our ears,
Two questions occur : May Congress exercise
any powers which are not exprefsjy given in
the constitution ; but may be deduced by a reason
able conftrnrtion of that instrument ? And se
condly, will fucli a conftrucftion warrant the ef
tablifhinent of the Bank
The docflrine that powers may be implied
which are not exprefaly veiled in Congress has
long been a bugbear to a great many worthy
periods. They apprehend that Congress by put
ting conftruftions upon the constitution, will go
vern by its own arbitrary discretion ; and there
fore, that it ought to be bound to exercise the
powers exprefily given, and those only.
If Congress may not make laws conformably
to the powers plainly implied, tho not exprefled
in the frame of government, it is rather late in
the day to adopt it as a principle of conduct : A
great part ofour two year's labor is loft,and worse
than loft to the public, for we have scarcely made
a law in which we have not exercised our discre
tion with regard to the true intent of the consti
tution. Any words but those used in that inftrn
ment will be liable to a diiferent interpretation.
We may regulate trade—therefore we have taxed
(hips, creifted light-houses, made laws to govern
#I^o
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