.NEWBERN, (N. Carolina) Dec 9. We hear from the territory of the United States that his Excellency Governor BLOUNT arrived there about the middle of October lad, and has since vilited the counties of Walhing ton, Sullivan and Greene. The people there are very much pleased with the change of go vernment, and have received their Chief Ma- with every mark of refpe • * ' Signed by order and on behalf of the committee. JOHN SEVIER. We learn from Fayetteville, that the general nflembly go on in a manner unusually flow—they have palled an acft altering the time sos holding their future sessions, from the firft Monday in ■November to the firft Monday in Decemder—and an a, y which all persons exempted by the laws of the re pee ive a 5, lhould also be exempted by thu law. This was objec 1- o y several members. . Mr. L.vermore said it was so general, that it opened toe door to an aimoft un.verfal exemption—it likew.fe involved an uncertain ty with refpeft to the present and in.ure laws of the leveral states, whichought not, in h.s opinion) to be admitted. Mi. Bloodworth said he moved the amendment, bccaufc he was fully persuaded that the United' States had nothing to do with the exemptions heretofore usually made by the particular states It is proper for Congress only to exempt their own particular olhceis; but he conf.dexcd the bill of a very important nature, one that will undergo the ltrifteft scrutiny, and may either be made very agreeable to the fta.es, or vtry much the rcvcrfe. He adverted i\. jhe constitution, and said that the powers of Congress only ex tend to the mere arrangement of the militia ; but, in its present form, it is a government bill, and goes to the minutae of the regu lations in the militia. . Mr. Giles objected to the motion: he considered the feflios, as it flood without the amendment, useless, and therefore the amendment is unnecessary; for if the states poflefs thepower of making the exemptions in themselves, they cannot be deprived of it. He was consequently agaiuft the present motion, and lhould move to obliterate the whole, so far as it interferes w ltli the po mct of the particular states. Mr. Sherman was opposed to the particular interference of the general government, any further than they are expressly warranted by the Constitution. The powers of Congress he contended were very much limited in refpeit to the militia. He moved a more general modification of the fe£lion ; by which the officers of the general government, such as the Member, of Congress, the Execu tive Officers, Poft-Officers, and Mail Carriers, should be designa ted, and all other perlon, that arc, or shall be exempted by the laws of the several States. Mr. Bloodworth acceded to this modification Mr. Giles objected to the proportion as amended, as blending and confuting the powers of the general government with thofc of the particular States. He obje&ed to it as it went to extend the privileges of the Members of Congress, whose privileges are de fined in the Constitution. He obje&ed to it also as it violates the principle which had before been laid down, that the law-makers ought to sympathise with those on whom the laws are designed to operate, and pursuing the idea said, Congress may go on to exemp: themfelvcs from every public duty. Mr. Williamfon adverting to the Constitution said, that it was plain Congress arc to provide for arming and disciplining the mi litia ; but who are the militia ? Such men he presumed, as are de clared to be so by the laws of the particular States, and on this principle he was led to suppose thatthe militia ought to consist of the whole body of citizens without exception. It this conduc tion be just, the propriety of the motion is apparent. He did not anticipate an abuse of the power of exemption on the part of the States : He thought the period far distant when the United States would trust their defence to mercenaries. He objected to the nu merous exemptions proposed to be made by the general govern ment, and observed that he feared great impofitipns and evasions would be pra&ifed in consequence of them—the power will be exercised by- the States, and ought not to be by Congress. Mr. Burke said no man was in favor of an efficient and compe tent m'litia more than he -was ; Jrnt the various exemptions con tended for are so many, tfiat he conceived the cOnfequeuces would be subversive of the whole plan : Observations had been thrown out which he was sorry to hear, that except these exemptions took place, the bill would b- loft. He then mentioned the several classes proposed to be exempted, by which he fa.d the whole country would inefieft be divided into twotribes—and the rich, the governors, and rulers of the land, would be relieved fiom the burden, while the mechanics, the farmers, the laborers, the hard working part of the community, would be made to ,sustain the whole weight of the service in defending the country : He was opposed to exempting Members of Congress ; in the recess they may attend militia duty ; it was agreeable to the practice of S.Carolina; he had himfclf performed militia duty during the recess. He thought that all should equally be made to turn out in the ranks, high and low, rich and poor, old and young, and thus make the militia honorable. I know said he it is the policy of the day to make the militia odious ; butlhopefuch policy will not be adopted by this house. He was not however opposed to all exemptions ; he would exempt the people called Quakers, and all persons religiously scrupulous of bearing arms, Stage-Drivers, and Inftruftors of youth ; but their pupils, the students in colleges and seminaries of learning, should not be «xempted : Youth is the proper time to acquire military knowledge. He hoped that the house would not make too diftinft tribes or clafles of people.— There ought to be no such diftin&ions in a free country. Mr. Jackson said he was sorry that hishon. friend was so deter mined to have twotribes of people ; but he fat out with that reso lution and now concludes with the fame idea. He then advert ed to the exemption of Quakers, provided for in the bill. He said thattheoperation of this privilege would bfeto make the whole community turn Quakers, and in this way it would establish the religion of that denomination, more effe&ually than any positive law could any persuasion whatever. He enlarged on the obli gations which every man owes to society, to afford his personal services to aiTift and defend the community; pi ote&ion and ser vice are reciprocal. Those who are exempted ought to pay a full equivalent on every principle of just ice and equity. He then adverted to exemptions generally, and advocated thofeofthe Mem bers of Congress; but with refpe& to all others, he was absolute ly opposed to them; and said they wcrefo numerous as to destroy the militia bill altogether. The consequence would be, we must resort to a standing force for the general defence. Mr. Vining was opposed to giving the general power of making such exemptions as they please to the several States : The legisla ture-os the Union is competent to making such as are neceifary. He enlarged on the mischievous consequences of delegating this power : It will, said he, destroy every appearance of uniformity ; Nor is there any danger that the members of the house will abuse this power by undue exemptions. With refpeft to the Quakers, he replied to some observations of Mr. Jackson, who had alked, what will becomcof our boasted independence in cafe of the ex emption of the Quakers ? He asked, were there no Quakers in the late war ? Headvertedlo the conduct of the firft frttlcrs of Pennsylvania, who were Quakers ; their peaceful principlss were productive ofthe happiell consequences ; and iij tins view their conduct has been an etample, which, in proportion as mankind (hall recede from the force of turbulent paflions, will be more and more imitated. He however supposed that an equivalent might be aireffcd on thefc people, without difficulty, and which from their numbers, foppofed to be one twentieth part of the people, would amount to a sum fufficient to support a militia ; at lcaft to furniOi them with arms, drums, colors, &c. Mr. Lawrance observed that it appeared to him that the obje£t of the motion is to revive a (übjeft which has already been deci ded in the committee ; he had not however altered h;s opinion he still thought that it would be impolittc if not dangerous t-> de legate a power which they can exercise thcmfelvej. 686 He adverted to the observations of Mr. Giles, that Congress cannot extend their privileges—and observed that theclaufe in the cooftitution refers to the privileges of being exempt from arrest, that they may not be precluded from attending their duty in Con gress ; with'refpeft to us being an extension of their privileges 10 provide tor their exemption—there cannot be any foice in this, as it is conceded that Congress may designate the age of the mi litia—now if their ages are refolded from 18 to 45, iteffe&ually ex empts all the members of Congress—but this exemption from ar rest is not the only privilege that members of Congress polfefs— and he had no doubt of their right in the piefent cafe to exempt themfi.-)vet ; the expediency of the measure, is abundantly fauc tioned by the pra£lice of every State in the union. Mr. fioudinot aflced what is the obje£fc of the bill? It is to pro vide a uniform militia, competent to ihe defence of the country— it is not to take money out of the pockets of the people. He then adverted to the idea that was maintained by several gentlemen, that the militia ought to consist of every ,person in the United Statts, and said that rhis, fofar from conducing to the formation of a national defence, would prove the reverse ; for it would ne ceflariiy include persons religiously scrupulous of bearing arms, men in years not able to bear them, and a great variety of cha racters not suitable to bear them. With refpeft to exemptions he contended, that the right of Congress to make them is already conceded ; tor it is already agreed that the militia shall consist of persons of particular ages, conlequently all under 18 and above 45 areexprefsly exemoted ; the reverse of this principle will give the states the abfolut'e con troul of the general government. He then observed that the amend ment ought not to be adopted ; because it would be throw ing a burthen on others, which Congress ought to bear themfeives ; be cause it will destroy every idea of uniformity ; because it invests a power in the states to impose fines and penalties which may ope rate grievously on many descriptions of persons; because it invests a power in the States to impose fines and penalties which may operate oppreflivclv on many defcriptionsof persons, because it in vests the States with a power to make partial exemptions, create invidious diftinftions, and excite unwarrantable competitions a mong diffeientclafTesand profeffions. He then adverted to the Quakers,and asked, what would become of our independence, if one thousand troops were to attack us, and we had an army of 10000 Quakers to oppofethem : What dependence can be had 011 men, who are forced into the field ? He had trusted that the rights of men were so well defined ar this enlightened period, that the principles which had. been advanced, would not have been ap plied on this oeccafion. He entered into a defence of the exemp tions generally provided for, and juftified them on principles of justice and policy. He was (orry 1 hat the diftinftions mentioned by the gentleman from S. Carolina, had been brought forward. He had no idea of different tribes or clafTes : The members of this house at the end of every two years, revert to the mass of the people, and then become liable to bear their proportion of milium duty as well as their fellow-citizens. Mr. Madison moved to insert, among the exemptions, pet Tons conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. It is the glory of our country, said he, that a more sacred regard to the rights ot man kind is preserved, than has heretofore been known. The Qua kers merit fame attention on this delicate point, liberty of con science : When they had it in their own power to establish their religion by law, they did not : He was disposed to make the ex emption gratuitous, but luppofed it impra&icable. He replied to Mr. Jackfoo's observation, that exempting such persons would induce the people generally to turn Quakers. He did not believe that the citizens of the United States would hypocritically re nounce their principles, their conscience, and their God, for the fake of enjoying the exemption. Mr. Sherman seconded this motion. He said that persons con lcientioufly scrupulous of bearing arms, could not becompelled to doit; for such persons will rather fuffer death than commit moral evil ; they may be puniftied it is true, by fines and penalties ; but whether this would be eligible or not remains to be determined. U e however have the sense of these people on the fubjeft. He suggested whether some expedient cannot be devised to operate as an indemnity, by excusing part of the mil tia from a poll tax, f» as to equalize the exemption, if made gratuitous.. Mr. Livermore said he disliked the whole amendment. He al io disliked the bill, on several accounts, more particularly as ic mterfcrred too much with the regulat ons of the several States.— The present proportion he thought would comein more properly in the second fedion: Mr. Jackson said he was glad that the motion of the gentleman from Virginia had been brought forward ; it would serve to afcer- Sentiment of the house, on this important fubjefh He oblerved, that in his opinion the gentleman had not argued with his usual ingenuity and knowledge of the human heart, in refpeft to the exemptions proposed in favor of the Quakers. It is too evident that mankind Hand in greater dreaa of present cvil r than of future punishment : The influence of conscience is a weak defence against the powerful temptations of pecuniary advan tages ; and as he had been informed fuice became to this city that one Ouaker will convert ten men to quakenfm, where ten of a inerent persuasion will not convert one Quaker ; with the afliil a>ice of this law, the converts said he, will be ten times as numer-» ous he conceived that the natural operation of it would be to de y the whole militia bill. He insisted on their being liable to a penalty in lieu of pcrfonal service, and enlarged on the rcafona lenefsof paying their proportion to the general defencc. He replied to Mr. Boudinot's query refpe&ing 10,000 Quakers; they would all run away said he, and 1000 men in that cale would sub jugate the country. Mr. Gjlesobfcrved that he was opposed to the exemption of t. e Quakers, and gave his reasons ; prote&ion and personal servi ces rclult from foc:ety : they are due from every individual, and it is a violation of moral duty to withhold this personal service. e was infavoi of exempting every man from doing that, which »is general conduct evinced was contrary to his conscience: but -annot belaid that it is against the conscience of a Quaker to od and polfcfs property; therelore every man who ie:eive«- the protection of the laws,ought to contribute his proportion to tl e upport of the laws. He then entered more fully into a confeder ation of the lubjeit, and obje&ed to the exemption as creating an unwarrantable dilkin£tion between the citizens ; throwing a bur then on the majority, to lelieve the minority ; giving the minority privileges for shrinking from their duty : What criterion is there laid he to determine whether a man isunder the impreflion of cor ence ' concluded by faying a fine can only determine the cxiftence of thi? principle. Mr. Vining was in favor of the exemption,, but did not think it would be fatisfa