WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK [No. 44, cf Vol. 11. j w TRANSLATED FOR_ THE THE UNITED STATES. ADDRESS of to the PEOPLE of FRANCiI Fibrulry 11th, 1790. (CONTINUED.) J have deflrojed the Executive power Mo : W Say tlie Muiijicnat pc ver : Itwas this which destroyed, and frequently degraded the xec>>- tivepower,—»We have more pi- ti; r! ly -»V ' it i»y coii»lu-i illit to l': in . fo.ncc of ii*. pow er, THE POWER OF THE PEOPLE. It it at frefent defiitute of f.r:ngl /•—again ft the ConlLtir 4 - tion and the Law : This is true ; but ii. their fa vor, it will be more powerful than ever. The p-.ople have armed thevtfclves Yes, in thtfir own defence : They had need so to do. Bur, mijchiejs happen in con/I it, i'lfiver alpi,' 1. Can the National Afleuibly be reproached for thetn ? Can the disasters complained of, be impu ted to it, which it has wished to prevent and check ie whole strength of its decrees, and which vviii undoubtedly cease under the future indis soluble union of the two powers, and th-e irrefut able strength of the whole national force. IVe have txueiied our po-jji's : The uufwer is finiple. We were indii'putably sent to form a Constitution ; this was the w'lfr 11s was the want of all France. Was it po i.' hen to cre ate this Conliitution—)o form one altho iuVper fetft, from the conltirutional decree*, without tlie plenitude of the powers which we have exerciled ■ Say rather,without the National AfierrtWy, Ft ance was loft—without the principle, which L.bmits every thing to the plurality of fiee fuffmges, it is impoflible toconceive of a National Afi'en.! !y ; it isimpollible to concei\e, we do irot fay a ton flitution, but even the hope of irrrvocably «.!< f troying theleaft abuse—this principle, is eternal ly true—it has been acknowledged throughout -T France. It has appeared in a thousand ways ihrfo numerous addrefles of" adhesion, whi ii . in-every dire&iun—the crowd of libels, which n-rc.nx. Wvl U tion as they con sume dutied articles. The consumption in the several States is nearly accoidihg to t'he numbers ot the people. It wilt be as fair in this, as in the former calculation, to takes.i number of rcpre fentatives as our rule to compute the prop >rtit nvwhicb the lever«J States contribute by the consumption of artu:i< . charged with du ties. The impofl of and Mi. Vachufetts colle&ed : wiihin the period from August to December, id added together, was nearly 120,000 dollar* Allow the form.: three parts in ele ven, according to her reprefentatiou, and it vi'.l apptar that her citizens paid thirty-two thoufond seven hundred dollars of the whole sum. I.efi than 8,000 dollars were o.lleckd within the State. In cafe the debts Ihould not be afiumed, but fhouid be provided for by State duties and txcifea, according to fhefc prin ciples, the citizens of New-Hampfhy leraoving every example of bad faith, and to prevent all in teiference between the national and State governments, and the dangerous usurpation of the one upon the other, which would bi the confequcnce. How can it he f id that policy is against the measure if its ten dency be furh ? Much has been said about consolidation. Cer tainly it c nnotbe ulurpation for Congrtffs to pay the debts which werccontra&ed either by itfelf, or, at its owffrequeft, by the States Tie State governments are laid to be in danger of a consolidation : that however, is not the only, probably not the greatest. dangei rhey havetorifk; disunion is ltill more formidable ; nothing can lhelter th • small States from thegreat ones but union ; nor woulc any single State be fafe against the combination of several States. All would be exposed to foreign foes.—lf you make the State go vernments strong by taking strength from the union, they becomc exposed exactly in the decree that you do it. For the principle 509 of union ought to be strong in proportion to the drench of th? members. In a compound ratio, therefore, you make the n:>fiuu* al govefnment too weak to combine tic whole to.; thei, and you governments and citizens to tbti caoncc o( acci<'ei»ts an nient mode of paying part of 80 millions which is intended by the argument. Befidesthe (hock to public credit, it would be a loss of so much property. The disaster would probably be more felt than some of the greatest physical evils, such as inundation or blading the* earth for a time with barrenntfs. If then the debts are to be paid, by what means ? The gentleman from Virginia, has strongly reprobated excises. The States cannot touch the impost, what remains ? Dirett taxes only. This source will be soon exhausted. The land tax of England is not more than a sixth part of its income. They have carried it as far as they think prudent. Why should not labor and flock contribute as well as land ? For these give their chief value to its produ&s It cannot be expected that the detit will be fafe to reft upon a land tax—lt is not even mortgaged at all in En gland. If our entire funds are barely fufficient, nearly a single fund, and that not the best will be inadequate. It is a better one in England than in America—For the wild land makes it lmpof fible to impose very heavy taxes upon the old settlements, the op prefTed people will fly beyond the reach of collectors. It is be sides much more easy to procure the money in England than iii America. Land taxes arc not only inefficient but liable toother objections—Land is to be taxed according to quantity or value. If the former, it will not produce much. If according to value, then you inuft rcfort to arbitrary afTefTments, more obnoxious than excises. Every farmer almost can attest the force of this ob jection. The expence too in England is little—but in this coun try it is otherwise. Taxes on land have cost as much to collect as excif s. In one of the States, lam told that the colleflion has been eftimatcd at 30 per cent. Experience too has proved that the States, cannot pay their debts by direst taxes. It has bcca pushed to the utmost extent and found inefficient. The argument which has been urged by the gentleman from Virginia against excises, seems to exclude revenue; without it the State debts cannot be provided for. The United States will be compelled to resort to it. It is absolutely necefta ry for drawing forth the resources of the country. As every man con fumes, every man will contribute, foreigners and tianTient people. ImpofU cannot be carried far without defeat ing the colle&ion. Duties on imported spirits would increase the use of home made spirits, which cannot be reached without an xcife. All taxes are in some degree unequal but excises pro bably as little so as any. The rates are fixed, and very little is left to imposition and caprice. Besides every consumer taxes him f If. If then Congress ftiould not lay excises, the best rcfource of re venue will be loft. I am persuaded public credit cannot be sup ported without them. It seems to be a measure of equal nc eeffity that the States /hould impose them. But the States cannot do it with convenience, or much effect, for they cannot m<}kc them general. They will vary in the States, and hold out tempta tions to an infinity of frauds. The States are restrained from re gulating foreign tiade, or that from State to State—with such vast fiontier lines to watch, and their powers on the importation and .>alfage of goods by land so much restrained, and their laws ob 'h uftcd and controverted by the laws of the union, much of the colle&ion will be defeated. The excifc in Maflfachufetts and Conn dficut, it is fuppoled, has not produced 10f. in the pound of what it might be made to yield. Ido not pretend that there is :cfs wisdom in the States, but they labour under almost infur nountable difficulties—lt is doubtful whether they will be able to Col!'tt much, and if they should, the burden of these rival lawa has been found nearly equal to another ta*» nfe? o [Whole No. 12?.]