%m ready to revive them.-»-Surely those who urgilhat t'neaccounts will not be fettled, do not propose to fulfil their own prophecy. It is ccrtain therefore, that if there is a disposition in this houfc to prevent proper measures being adopted to procure a settlement, it will be diiappointcd—l wish to remove this ground of objec tion, by urging the bufin fs of liquidation forward. Ifthen'pro- Vision is to be made for liquidating tbc accounts, the arguYnefit •which I deduced from it remains in full force. All pretence of inequality is removed by it. It is a full anfv/er to frveral other objc&ions— it becomes unnecellary to ask whether State notcj re main debts against this government after they Have been received into the State treasuries,; whether the United States are obliged to afTume before the balances arc found on a settlement : and whe ther the debts were wifely or on wifely contra&ed ? It becomes immaterial to calculate how many parts in an hundred New- Haniplhire, and Ijow many Connecticut will pay ; and how much Virginia has paid, and will now have to pay. What was wrong in the distribution of the burdens of the war will be rectified ; and as to future payments, all the citizens will be upon a footing. As the gentleman from Virginia reafohs with great candor, I am lure he will be sorry that in his observations he has wholly ne glected, ccrtainly through inadvertency, to notice an argument which seems on both (ides, to be as absolutely conclu sive. When I fay that both fides allow this argument to be ccn clufive, I pre fume my meaning, is underllood as I formerly ex prefTea it. For the answer to it is, that the accounts will not be fettled ; which admits the force oi the reason, and rcfts the deci sion upon a point of fact. Perhaps for the fake of simplicity and perjpicuity, I ought not to pjrfue the enquiry as to the jufticc of the afTumption any fur ther. Tho' I mean to rely upon the argument I have llattd, it will furmfh an answer to some objections to urge another. It is said these arc State debts, Congress has nothing to do with them. When the war commenced, Congress had neither money, nor troops. They were so far from having a right to tax the States that they had neither the powers of a government, nor a rule by which to require contributions. They appealed to the good wil and patriotism of the States, and entreated them to furnifh Sup plies to the extent of their power. The calls upon the States were not taxes or debts—but advances or loans to the public. This is explicitly and formally declared by the refojves of Congress. I have made some attempt to examine thejoumals in order to (h;w from them how totally unfounded the altcrtioo is that these confti- tuted debts agairifl the States. But I found that the titles only 61 the Tefolves would fill a Qieet of paper. Nothing can be nore fully C wed than the contrary, not only by the letter of the. resolves, by the condu& of Congreb. In some cases, no regard was to the conjectural ratio by which the States ought to furnilh and Supplies. In other instances some of the States were 'Vholly omitted, and not unfrequently a single Slate was called •f>on forfupplies. Oneofthemoft signal proofs, however, is • only in degree—there it none in the principle. It will be atil-wercd, perhaps, that it is true we owe the States. They are not finally to hear the burthen—let them pay what they owe and we,will pay them—This is a dangerous concrffion to those who make it, if the accounts aie never ty be fettled, at it is urged by,thofe who contend against the aflumption. for it a moOnts to this—the debt is binding and yet it will never be paid. It presents them a choice of difficulties, it forces them to confefi cither that the jlTumption will not wrong you. or that the non afliimption vyill end in cheating such of the Slates at are your cre ditors. It. will be said it is true hoWtver, that, the United States (land indebted to the States, but tht Creditors of the States have no iuft claim upon the United Statei/ Thenni a great difference MUleen the justice t'lat will be done by rhfttwmption to the Statewtod to their creditors. TheStMa were called upon afltirig the war to nuke advances. Accordinglytliey procured foirttthing by taxes, and still more ■was procured by paper rooncv, iMltth died in the hands ot the pofleffor. They havealfo paid fom* part since the peace. So far the States as fuch,»ftua)ly made advances— But the principal part •was obtained ciltier by boriowing, or f.mnt; priva'.e property, or by drafting men. So far the advances wr? made by indivi. duals—and-at periods-fo critical, and under Inch circumstances of violence and fiardllaip, as to give a peculiar fanftion to their claim upon the justice and honor of their countrv. Juflice plainly requiris that tbefe per tons fliould be repaid, their interest at lead, in all events, anil without dJay. Tneir claims, in every view, are perfca-moft of them are original holder*. But neither the jullice of the cafe, nor the engagements of Congtefs require that the Statrs Ihould b; re-pud till the extent of their demand ran be known. For 1 readily adtnil that nothing more than the balances of their aflnaf advarii.es are due from the United States to the individual States. This has been ur<»ed a gainst the alfumption, hut without foundation—lf a Siat" paid more than its proper (hare the surplus (hould be repaid. But it a payment was only ptomif d and is still to be made iuflicc is du<- to the creditors and not to the State. The idea may be illustrated by confidcritig the States as agents or contractors for the union •what they paid ihev claim for theml'clves, what they barely p:o ---mifrd (hould be paid by their employers, who had the benehi of the debt, cfp-cially if the agent cannot or will not pay—l cannot think it neceffarv to give any further answer to the question so logically proposed with regard to the jiature of the debts when redeemed, and in the State treasuries. What remains Hue ought to fall not unequally upon States, but noon the who'e fociety—lt ought if not paid foouer, to fjll'upon poftrrity. 1 f fame States should lose wealth and people, and'o thers intrea.fr, if new States should join the union, or spring ud •within it, and the western wildern. fs he thronged with [elpe the burthen will bi equalized upon all the citizens.—L'berty and' independence were procured lor the whole, and for poflenty — why then fhrtuld noCall contribute tolhe price ? As it refpefis the army debt, the very terms of the bargain bind ihe United States* Congress promised to pay the men, but called upon the States to raise them. Ast rwards, when the paper fail ed, the Stales were requrftrd to make up the depreciation—State notes were given for it. which remain due. Ph.l,ably a n t |, e States cannot pay. In this instance not only jullice, but your plghted futh require you to pay them; you have aflced their fer viccs, and had them ; you have promised to reward them and they remain (IntcVardfd. I have already fup'pofcd the cafe of' the whole debt being thrown upon one State". If i ifteid n f t^ e ■whole debt, ; ts zeal or t! « neceflity of its affairs had puffed a State forward to exceed, and in its diftrrfsto difregvd, its abilityto pay, ar.d accordingly had run in debt three times as much as it tan pay—that the war had scattered lt« citizens and wafted its property—are the officers and soldiers who expelled the enemy, and who did not care which State line they served in, to be told' OU served the United S'atrs ; but you are the creditors ofSo:ithl Carolina ? It is (rut, you shed your blood for us—by yourvalour, * r r " litre—vc hive ftxn your wrongs, and when it would do you no good, because We had no power, we told th; deeply we lamented them. But go home and ftarve-Would not this wring dropfjrom their hearts, md plant thorns in our ovv " • The like rcafoning will apply to another description of the debts to bef afTumed—to the certificates given by lhc /r com , rn ' l " Caries and other officers of the United State*, andlince aliumea >y the particular states. You cannot deny you* own by ca ling tlu m state debts—A great part of the debt of-Soutli-Carolnu ii laid tope of that kind. Is that state to be crushed with a weight which it cinnot bear, Or are the creditors to be ruined because the ltate wil be undone, if they are not ? Or how will this comport with the principle admitted on both fidts ot equalizing the expences ol the war ? The best fund of the states, and hitherto the only one of the uni on, the impost has been taken away by adopting the constitution. Let the debts follow the funds. Let the world ju'dge whether the generous confidence of the state creditors in the public justice ought to be abused, and whether they, ought to be made to repent the cordial support whichtliey gave ro the new constitution. Ihe force of this argument may be inferred from the uncommon pains which have been taken to destroy it. The fafcl is denied, and the i.Tue of the queftioo has been boldly rrfted upon this point, that t-ie states most urgent for the aflumption were not incapacitated from providing for their debts by the furrendcr of the impost. The impost, collettcd in New-Hamp(hire is called the amount of that state's contribution to the union, and the ratio by which ftie >ught to contribute is taken from her prcfent reprcfentation. I wave, at this moment, all comment upon the nnfairuefs and fallacy of this mode of computation. I proceed to observe, that an un common use is made of the result. According to her number of reprcfematives, that state ought to pay one twentieth, and yet no more than an huudreth part of the impost of the union is paid by t>iat ftdte, or rather collected in it—of course, it i* gravely said, it will save four-fifths of the sum which it would have had to pay, if the debt had been afleffed Jpon the union before the constitution was framed, and this saving to the state may apply to the dif hargeof its debt. But',fir,fuch requisitions never were paid,and ne ver could have been paid by the states. Experience had taught us, that it was not to be cxpe&ed, nor was it in their power.--This indeed was one of the principal reafonsfor adopting the constitu tion. Are we seriously addrefled, when we are told, that the fav •ngs of a revenue, which did not extft, that four-fifths of nothing may be applied to pay the state creditors ? Without further re garding the ridicule of the argument, let us trace the fact. The aebt of New-Hampshire U fa id to be about 230,000 dollars—The yearly interest at 4 per cent, is upwards of 9000 dollars. The im post and tonnage collc&ed in that state from August to December, ii near B,oco dollars. So that the impost of that state, fho' far short of her a&ual contribution to the commontreafury, will, in the whole year, greatly exceed their interest which afluming her debt wil) throw upon the United States. Here then the fund sur rendered by that state is more than adequate to the debt which ought to follow it. The whole caufehas been hazarded on the fad; and here the fact is against him who appealed to it. Ma/ I be permitted toaflc, whether it is not to be lamented, that, thro' iuadvertencyor mistake, the whole fact was not mentioned ? May I demand why the non-importing states were preferred to the im porting states for calculating the impost ? Maflachufetts collected under a state law near 150,000 dollars impost yearly. This falls ftiort of her present cohesion under the law of the union, which is nearly rqual to the interest of her debt. Theexcife would have supplied the deficiency,and 4hat fund you are about to invade. It would be wrong to take away funds, tho* inferior to the discharge of interest, and yet to leave the whole debtupon the state. If the funds surrendered were equal to the debts, it hat been admitted that the union ought to take the debts also. The injustice of ri jecting the debts, and taking the impost to a less amount, differs only in degree.—But why was New York paflrd over in silence ! The interest of the debt of that state would not equal the import callotted within it. What will you fay to that state ? The candour and impartiality of the committee will he exer cised in deciding whether the arguments so often urged ;n favour of the aflumption, t hat you ought to take the debts with the impost, has loss any thing of its force b> this inveftigauon of fa&s : What is aflcrted on one fide, and denied on the other, after a find en quiry, ends in the fame point. (Tc be continued.) THURSDAJT, JUNE 24. Sketch tf the Deiatt In Committee ofthe whole on the report of the felrft Commit- Mtee, on the Memorial of the OHiccri ol the N»»y. R. SHERMAN observed, that by tlie memo 'V 3 , 1 ' a '>d the reporr, it a PP ea| s, that the Memorialiits do not pretend to have any claim on the public by virtue of any existing resolu tions of Congrcfs. The fubjeci is very fully be fore the Committee—it lays with Congress there fore to determine, what is proper to be done in fuch circumstances. The application itands en 11 ' ely on thebafis of its own merits, and he could conceive of no difficulty in deciding on it. Mr Stone observed, that it is true there is no claim by virtue of any antecedent contractor pronnfe-nor was Commutation,he believed, pro nufed to the officers of the army. I n this view the officers of the navy st and exactly upon the fame footing with those of the army. lf e then entered into a confutation of the merits, servi ces and fuffenngs of the Officers of the Naw and from these and other couf,derations, urged the juft.ee of their claim, as he could fee no rea ™ « c } lffe, ence that had been made Mr. Huntington said, there is but a little con s.deration necellary to recoiled the reason of the diffe.ence between the officers of the naw ami hi' I he . officers of the army were firft in the public service—the navy was not formed till sometime after hostilities commenced—the offi cerso. the navy were put on the fame footing in refpedi to pay as the army-the former has some advantages in point of rank—and thevwem entitled to a of their captures He then gave an account ofthe origin of r„,n mutation which was granted on account oS peculiar exigences of affairs at that time-D mg the time this bulinefs was in agitation rho were very few navy officers in tlielubcL• C and no application was made by them for half pay or commutation—They were »a alf ' many of them had retired to civil son therefore why they were not included; Commutation was, there did appear h • C any necelfityfor themeafure, as the United Sr?" did not then want a navy—whereas fht. ?, cs exigence, with relpe* so the .SywerEftS 506 as rendered the resolution for the Commiuatf to them absolutely neceflary_lie howevertho" u h' the claim of the Navy Officers founded on iuftV —and justice said he is the strongest plea that '■ ' be urged in fnpport of any demand whatever**" Mr. Hartley supported the memorial, h e the officers great credit for their bravery, for ces and attatchment to the cause of their count v —he dilated on the hardships and fufferiiigj endured—he adverted to the advantages they dp rived from captures —which he Hated to be v e r inconsiderable—their claims said he, app ear me to be founded on the ftridiift and molt partial juftice—hehopedthereforethat the report be accepted, and a committee appointed to brins. .in a bill accordingly. Mr. Baldwin, who was one of the felert coir mittee which made the report, stated some o fthe reafous which influenced the committee alio the confederations which were supposed to have led to the difliniflion between the navy and army in refpecl to commutation—one of which wa& the officers ofthe navy were in the line of their particular calling, and which they were enabled to pursue with perhaps greater advantages than they ever did before. Other circumfonces were mentioned by him tending to invalidate their claim. Mr. Sherman observed, that if this report is a dopted, it will open a very wide door indeed to applications for lialf-p3y or commutation. He then gave a history of the origin of commutation or half-pay—which he said was considered at the time, as a tneafure of necessity—and not of jus tice—and has been very much complained of by several of the States. The above neces sity did not exist with refpedl to the officers of the navy—as at the time there were but 2 ors ffiips in service. From this llate of faifts he in. fered that no precedent could be drawn in favor of extending the Commutation to the officers of the navy. He thought that their cafe was enti tled to the confederation of the Legislature onthe principles of equity—he lhould therefore be for the Committee's making full enquiry into the circumstances of the whole business—and making such provision as justice ffiould point out— but he was against the report in its prelent latitude. Mr. Burke replied to the observations of Mr, Baldwin, refperting the officers of the navy being in the way of their profeffion—and from the na ture of the service he (hewed, that there was lit tle weight in the observation—their circumstan ces were very much altered for the worse—and that they were now left in a very deftitnte fixa tion—whereas the officers of the army are enjoy ing ports and places of honor and profit. Their silence on the fubjetfl had been mentioned.—He observed that their dispersed si iuat ion had been the pi incipul reason of tlieir not coming forward with their petition before. Mr. Burke observed, that the officers of the navy were not treated like oilier prilnneis, when they were taken, theyfuf lered peculiarly, not as prifoilers of war, but were treated like rebels, whose crimes were of the blackest nature. Mr. Seney said he was, and always had been,an advocate forthe claims of the officers of the navy —he thought their memorial founded on theftnet eft justice—he introduced the representation to Congi e!'s ofthe " illuftrions" commander in chief of the late army 011 the fubjecft of half-pay and pen nons, which he read. fie then entered into a comparative view ofthe relative merits ofthe army and navy—and said it was well known that many of them made as great iacrificesasthe other description of officers. With 1 e'pell to prize money, he doubted whetherthey liatl ever been benefited by ir. ]n some inftanccs where they had the moll; they had, thiough the failureof agents, received only a cer tificate worth about five (hillings in the pound; and that received only for apart ofwhat wasdue. lie replied to the several objedii ons which had >een offered, and concluded by (aying, it would be nnjuft and impolitic not to grant tlieirriaims. Mr. Sedgwick observed that no gentleman in the committee had deeper impressions made up on him, by the grateful recollection of the me rits and services of those brave men, to whom America owed its freedom, than hinifelf. Yet under the present circumstances of the country, he thought it a duty he owed the people who had confided their interest to hi 9 management, to examine, on principle, the demands which were made upon the government for pecuniary grants. he applicants in the present instance did not place their demand on the ground of contrast. >r the contrail under which the services had been rendered, bad been complied with accord "ig to the fpecifyed terms, and performed to the extent of the powers of the government, in die v. a *j C nia,lner as other claims of a fiinilar nature d been fatisfied. It was further, he said, to be noticed, that during the time those services were perf-orming, no diflatisfatflion had been niani fefted by the present memorialists. From these observations then, it clearly followed, that in point of contrail, the claims of the officers of the navy were in all refpe<3s fiinilar to those of every other individual in the community, who had re ceived fatisfallion by the fame means. It'W'ou!