PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FEN NO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR. THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK
[No. 18, if Vol. 11. j
THE TABLET. No. CXXII.
" One might suppose that the Chrifiian religion
-would have been worn out, by faffing through so
many contending parties, unlcfs it had forte inherent
solidity to give it duration."
(Continuation of the arguments in fuppOTt of the position, that the
univeyfal diffufion ot literature will precede and prepare the
way for the nniverial prevalence of religion.)
THE fadts already mentioned may per
haps be deemed fufßcienc to elVablifh
the point in queflion, as far as farts can do it.—
Thereare however other historical traces, equal-
Jy pertinent with those that have been cited,
to illustrate the main purpose of our argu
ment. It deserves to be noticed that about lixty
years before the glorious era of the reformation
in Europe, Constantinople, which had been the
relidence of learning and religion, was taken by
the Saracens, and the religion of JefusChrift was
swallowed up in that of Mahomet. By this con
quefl, great numbers of eminent doctors were
driven from Constantinople and other parts of the
East. These Doctors fettling in Germany and
Italy introduced the Grecian literature ; the study
of which soon occasioned a revival of knowledge
in almost every part of Europe. This happened
but a few years after the invention of the art of
printing;—a fortunate circumttance which great
ly accelerated a general difFufion of literature.
These preparatory events, concurring with other
causes of less extenlive and iefs visible influence,
rendered the publication of a rational theology
both practicable and natural. And for want of
thefecaufes only,itis obvious the efforts of Wick
cliff in the 14th, and of Hnfs and Jerome in the
1 jth century were less fuccefsful in refitting the
torrent of pontifical encroachments, than thole of
Luther and Zuinglius in the 16 th. But when
the human mind was once enlightened and ren
dered capable of dittinguifhing between the
precepts of religion and the impositions of fraud,
a *><*« r<»l«i.rlu mto rrform piankirxl
thaiPthe great, the amiable Alfred, or the pow
erful Charlemagne ; and a single voice from the
deflv was littened to with more attention than the
trumpet of Charles the Vth. Alfitled by these
favorable circumltances, Luther, before his death,
had the felicity of beholding millions of wretch
ed mortals emancipated from delation and flayery
- he saw one halt the huge fabric of ami chiilttan
dominion tumbled to the ground, and the otliei
half tottering to its foundation.
A candid furveyot these facts will convince lis
how fruitltfs an attempt mull: prove, to introduce
a rational fyltein of religion among lavages and
slaves, without paving the way by a cultivation of
the mental faculties. In addition to these let us
observe, that the inhabitants of the Highlands
in Scotland and the neighboringitlands, notwitli
ftandin" their vicinity tothe molt polished nations
on earth, and all attempts to detach them from
the idolatrous cuttoms of antiquity, ltill lemain
firmly wedded tothe druidical fuperltiiioti. Let
\is alio advert to the various efforts that have been
made, without success, to christianize the savages
upon our own frontiers. A reflection of a mo
ment will point us to the reafoii. Unlelsthe fava
gescan be crowded into so small a compalsol ter
ritory, as will compcl them to have recourle to
agriculture and commerce for a subsistence, they
never can be civilized; and all attempts to inltruc't
them in religion, while theyremain in the lavage
state, ever have, and probably ev:r prove as
idle and chimet ical, as an attempt to introduce
civil institutions among the lowls of Heaven.-
This leads lis to the real cause ot the otliei wife
aftonithing success of thejefuits in converting la
vages ; and of that de'cifive influence they have
acquired, wherever they have etlabliflied them
felvcs, particularly over the nations of Paraguay
in South America. The profound policy ot that
foclery ofingenious and learned men, has been
to prepare the way for a reception ot their reli
gion by a cultivation of the mind ; and by this
policy, and their indefatigable indu(try,the v have
* It is pnlfchle some of oar readers may fuppof« that the
writer otthefe remarks, on the comparative iwfiucuoe oi learning
and religion, means them as an attack upon foine particular de no ni
dation of chriftians. The Editor however is confident that the
writer had no feft fpeci.lly in view, in his refteftions upon the
ftatc of religion, during those periods, when learning a ma c
little progress. It is evident his object was to ihew, that, in an
unenlightened age, a rational system of religion could not prevai
The superstition of those times, when the people were generally
ignorant, was not confined to any (ingle religious iect, >ut pe«va
<dtd the worftiip of all denominations. ' .
One religions feft will neither be more or less superstitious than
another, if all are equally favored with the means of literature.—
The Editor has now in his ooffeflioa an Ellay written by the at>
SATURDAY, JUXE 12, 179°.
made more converts of savages, than all other de
nominations of christians ; and larger acquifuions
to the Spanish dominions, than the arms of Cortez
and Pizarro. (To be continued.)
thorof this difcuflion, on the fubjeft of >raiverfal toleration, and
from this he is persuaded the author 'it partial in his attach
ments or aversions ro any fe& whatever The term dvti-ehrifiiati
does not exclusively belong to any felt ot clirilhans ; but it may
be applied to the errors of every one. J -.-cry so& there are gooc
and bad men,
' • ■» - ——
On the immortal I> "LTON.
APART, and on a sacred hill r :ir'd,
Beyond all mortal inlpiraiion ir'd,
The mighty Milton fits ;sn hod arouni
Of lift'ning angels guard theisoly ijr jund ;
Aroaz'd they Ice a hnman foiAn afptve
To grasp with daring hand a (eraph't lyre,
Inly irradiate with cclellial beams,
At'.empt those high, those foul-fubduinp; themes,
(Which humbler denizens of heuv'o decline)
And celebrate with fau&ity divine,
The (larry field from warring angels won,
And God triumphant in his viftoi son.
Nor less the wonder and the (Wcet delight,
His milder scenes and fottcr notts e-xite,
When at his bidding Edtn's blooming grove,
Hreatbes the rich sweets of innocence and love,
With luch pure jov at our forefather knew
WWen Raphael, heavenly gneft, firft inet'his view,
And our glad fire, within nis blistui bower,
Drank the pure con erf: of th* jctherLal power,
Round the blest bard his rapiur'd audience throng,
And feel their fouls tmparadis'd in song.
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA. No. IX
Continued from our > ijl.
'Tis from high lite, characters arc drawn,
A fairrt in crapc, is twicc a faint iu lawn.
TO any one who has never considered the
force ot national attention, consideration, and
congratulation, and the natuial and artifi
cial, by which they have been excited, it will be
curious toreadin Plato's Alcibiades, the manner
in which tliefe national attachments to their kings,
were created by the ancient Perlians. The poli
cy of the modern monarchies of Europe, ieemsto
be, anexadt imitation of that of the Persian court,
mr it is <xr>laivied by rhe Citccian philosopher.
In for example, thfe pregnancy of the
queen is announced with great solemnity to the
whole nation, her majesty is scarcely afflicted
with a pain, which is not formally communicat
ed to the public. To this embryo, the minds of
the whole nation are turned, and they follow linn,
day by day, in their thoughts tils he is born, the
whole people has a right to be crefent at his
birth ; and as many as the chamber will hold,
croud in, till the queen and prince are aim oft fuf
focated with the loyal curioiiry and affectionate
solicitude of their lubjects. In the cradle, the
principal peonages of the kingdom, as well as
all the foreign ambassadors, are from time to
time presented to theroyal infant ; to thousands
who press to fee him, he is daily shewn from the
nursery ; of every step in his education, and of
every gradation of his youthful growth, in body
and mind, the public is informed in the Gazettes ;
notaftrokeofwit, not a.Uprightly fully, not a
trait of generous affection, <an escape him, but
the world is told of it, and very often pi etty fic
tions are contrived, for the fame purpose, where
the truth will not fntiulh materials. Thus it be
comes the national fafhion, i; is the tone of the ci
ty and the court, to think and conveife daily
about the dauphin. When he accedes to the
throne, the fame attention is continued, till he
dies. In eletfive governments, fometliing very
like this always takes place, towards the firft cha
racter ; his person, countenance, character and
actions, are made the daily contemplation and
conversation of the whole people. Hence ariies
the danger of a division of this attention—where
there are rivals for the firft place, the national
attention and pafllons are divided and thwart
each other ; the collision enkindles fires ; the
conflicting paflions interest all ranks ; they pio
duce flanders and libels firft, mobs and fed.tions
next, and civil war, with all her hilling Inakes,
burning torches and haggard horrors, at last.
This ifthe true reason, why all civilized free
nations have found by experience, the necelhty
of separating from the body of the people, and
even from the legiftature, the distribution ot ho
nors, and conferring it on the execuuve authonty
of government. When the emulation of all the
citizens looks up to one point, like the rays of a
circle from all parts of the circumference meet
in« and uniting in the centre, you may hope for
uniformity, confiltency and subordination ; but
when they look up to different individuals or as
femblies, or councils, you may expetk ail the de
formities, excentricities ami confuhons, ot the
ptolemaic system.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTA V'VES.
Debates on Tonnace, ContinulD.
FRIDAY, MAY 14* I7?0,
MR. FrTZSIMONS obfttved, that notwithstanding all the
gentleman, (Mr. Madison) has said, he could noiTielp con
sidering thOmeafure as a very bold one. Great Britain maintains
her Well-India islands at an expence, which no other nation can
support : This iyftem flie mnft persevere m, at allrtfques and ha
zards, and (he will do it. The (hips of this country are not, and
will not for several years, be fuffic>ent to export the produce 01
the UriTfcd Su'e*, weexciud'- the Brit'ili (hipping, our pro
duce must remain ott our hands. This would be productive a
confluences which every one must contemplate with distress.
The (hips of Great Britain comprehend almost iniircly what in
called foreign {hipping ; by adopting this mcafurc we shall in et
fefl cut ott the Southern States from all opportunity of exporting
their produce—and as I think it mull be ? long period, it ever u
(hould arrive, before the Southern States will become manufactur
ers or (hip builders, it appears neceiTary that till such time as tht
American (hipping (hall be fufficient to carry off their produce,
that we (hould not exclude this navigation, cfpeciallv as the pre
sent capital of this country is not fufficient t lO furnifh a pieient
supply.-——He said, to encourage our own (hipping he thought the
enhanced duty on tonnage was prudent ; but beyond that could
not think himfelf judified in gding.
Mr. Williamfon stated some particulars refpe-aing the treaty of
peace, and said that a commercial treaty was on the point of beirijg
concluded at that time ; but the British nnnifter having received
informaiion that our ports were opened to her ihips, broke off the
negociation, as she enjoyed all that a treaty could givf» without
binding herfelf.
Mr. Lawrance thought the information of the gentleman lad up
of the highell importance, and therefore wsfhed the business now
nnder confederation to be poAponcd until such time as this inform
ation could be more completely laid before the hou4e. We have
not yet, said he,-furnifhed the Prefidcnt with the means to fond
a person to Great-Britain to negotiate any treaty ; the till has
not yet paflcd the Senate empowering hull to nominate ambaf
fadort. &c. Hfc thought the fame arguments which had he en
ufe'd againlt the duty on tonnage might have been applied againd
laying a duty on rum, coffee orfugar. To prohibit British vessels
from exporting our pioduce,lic did not believe would bethought
so very di(advantageous lo them : they might find other employ
in exporting for ithcv countries, even from Ireland to the \\ 1 fl-
Indies. II we exclude their vefTcls, we exclude their capitals ;
and it is well known that a great many of the British. merchants
have their capitals invclted in the trade with America.
Mr. Lawrance further called on gentlemen to remember tint
this country had ttiany indulgences allowed her in Great-Britain,
which (he did not allow to other countries ; and indanced the ar
ticles of iron, flaxfeed, pot and pearl ashes, itc.
Mr. 9%; txd Lawjajicc his obfervat.on thAf
this was not a proper time to adoptrhc meafnre proposed, as he
was apprchenlive that if British bottoms were prohibited, oui
produce would be left upon our hands. He agreed with Mr-
Hartley,iu his obfbivations refpe&ing the western pods. *Ie view
ed the retention of thele pofls with indignity, as much as he view
ed the carrying tiade in any but our ownveffels ; but hfffaid time
was nrcelfary to bring ahout a proper regulation. Shall we go to
war with ourftlves ? laid he.
He said he fully approved the sentiments of the gentleman from
Virginia, yet such is the present situation of the United States, that
he lould not aiTcnt to adopting the proposition, as wc are by no
means prepared for the con/equenccs.
Mr. Page remarked that the whole ftttfs of the argument#
againlt the resolutions before the committee, dill reded on a sup
position that Britain would retaliate. He reminded the commit
tee of the different arguments which he and other members had.
adduced, to (hew the improbability of that supposition : and
remarked, those gentlemen who had agreed to raise the ton
nage on her (hips to one dollar, but refufed to do this unlets we
made our allies pay the like sum, exprefled fears very unoecoming
members of this house. Sir, said he, we are supposed to dread
what ia called a commercial war with Britain : how much more
will she not suppose we must dread a war of another denominati
on ? It we are thus timid, we shall (hudder at Britain s refeni
ment : if she fees this, Che (hould not only bold the pods she now
has within our territory, but (he (hould advance and augment
them ; (he (hould infill upon our faking off the duties which we
have laid on her commodities. These fears, added he, would
scarcely become us in our «ld colonial capacities ; they are high
ly unbecoming in our present independent situation, and are ex
tremely impolitic. But if some gentlemen are so much afraid of
difobhging the tnglilh, (hould they not have some fears lead thev
difobli«re the French ? Is it wife to difgull that nation, and our
other <llics. and biing down at lead their contempt upon us, if
not a reilriflionofour commerce with them ? Can it be prudent
to make no diftinftion between the nation which views our rising
greatness with mortification, and which againd its mod obvious
interest redrains our commeice; and that nation which at this
moment is exulting in the enjoyment of liberty, for which they
gratefully acknowledge they are in a great measure indebted to
America, whom they had firft rescued from the tyranny of that
nation, to whom, contrary to the present intereds of their
own merchants, the\r open a beneficial commerce ? The French
mud he excecdingl) hurt by the observations which some gentle
men have made on our connection with France, and the prefer
ence they seem disposed to give to Britain.
But, fir, who can suppose that what are callcd indulgences of
Britain are any thing more than what her own intered evidently
diflates ? She increases her revenue nearly 700,0001. per ann. by
a duty on tobacco alone. The importance of the tobacco trade t<>
her was evident in the late war, when her merchants gave 2s 6d.
deil. per pound for it in this city, and afterwards paid isd. duty
in England. It was proved b7 Mr. Glover, when he appeared
at the bat of the House of' Commons in support of the merchants
petition anaind entering into the war wirh America, that one
third of the whole trade of Britain depended on t.ie thirteen
colonies, now the United States ; and it is certain that at
this although (he has loft much of that trade she en
joys a great proportion of it, and, a* my colleague clearly
proved, advantages result from it which (he has with no other na
tion. As to her turning her tiade into another channel, as has
been infmuated, (he must be a looser by it.
It is said that Britain gives us a generous preference to Ruflia ;
but the balance of trade with Ruflia, and every other country in
Europe, I believe, except, Portugal, is against her. _ .
But, fir, it is said that we may hurt the feelings of the Br mill,
who otherwise would conclude a treaty which they seem now du
pofed to make, now they have a power in America with whi«J*
[Whole No. 122.]