PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENXO, No. 4 t, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK, [No. 17, if Vol. ll.j THE TABLET. No. CXXI. " Nature and truth are the fame every where, a>;-f reason Jhtvis them every •where alike." (Continuation of the arguments in support of the position, that the universal dtffufion of literature will preccde and prepare the way for the universal prevalence of religion.) BUT when £n objeA of I'iicli novelty and im portance as the Christian religion was pre sented to minds enlarged by It tidy, and habitua ted to an inveitigacion of knowledge, the power even of a Roman Emperor, in repressing the en quiries of enriofity, in checking subsequent con viction, and restraining the progress of truth, proved as trifling and impotent, as the ridiculous attemps of Xerxes to chain the surges of the Hel lespont.—Accordingly we find ttocearly after the publication of chriltiauity, it by all the civilized nations domi nions, which were principally inhabitants of Ita ly, Turkey in Europe, and some cities of anti ent Greece in Alia. The nations inthe Northern and Eastern parts of Enrope, for ages after this lay buried in ignorance and idolatry. But in those civilized countries, religion wil diffufed with great rapidity and continued to flourish, as little corrupted as was polfible in this imperfenftantim>plc, like a ■vcterail oak, had weathered the rude inotks ul the Northern barbarians and of the Saracens, for several ajies after the Western empire had been overwhelmed with their desolations. During this period, that city continned the feat of litera ture and religion ; while in the Weft,both were loft in chaotic d.irknefs, or blended with errors and ab surdities. Thus corrupted and degenerated, re ligion was converted into an engine of state, and was propagated wherever it became the interest or inclination of Emperors and Bishops to extend their jurifditftion. To pursue this motleof reasoning, and to cor roborate it by tadts, it may not be amiss to men tion, that in the fifth century christianity was re ceived in Germany and Ireland, in the iixth cen tury it was introduced into France, and into the kingdom of the Heptarchy in England ; Rullia and Poland were con verted about the end of the eighth century ; and Hungary in the firft year of the eleventh. Sweden was converted in the ninth century ; relapsed again into idolatry, and its converlion was not completed till thecloi'e of the tenth. But what was this religion which was de nominated christian ? A fvllein fraught with eve ry species of absurdity, calculated to astonish the gazing croud, rather than to elighten their un derstandings; to fetter the conscience and drain the purse, rather than to check tiic vices and re form the lives of its Itupid votaries. A religion, in almolt every inftance,propagated by thefword, by marriage or consanguinity; confined at firft to the courts of the great, who embraced it from motives of policy, and whole example was imi tated by their devoted vaflals, cither through a veneration for their pevfons, or a dread of their vengeance. And mankind mull forever have continued in this situation, groaning beneath the enormous load of ecclesiastical oppreflions, had not learning andcivilizntion firft paved the way tor their deliverance. When the mind begins to investigate the principles of a religion, those ceremonies that have no foundation in reason, and thole doctrines that are not consonant to truth, will gradually lose their adherents. In this gene ral ferment of examination, men may run into extremes, and disown the rational and obligatory parts of religion, because they find them blended with creeds that are capricious and useless. But as truth and nature are immutable, it may be pre sumed that the intrinsic excellence of the chiilli an religion, will eventually be recognized and celebrated, by hicti who call themselves philoso phers. "o be continued.) It. .\o. Tablet, ift. par.2d. line, so* '• j/a/j' ; rf this State (hajl judgt best ; and that Congrcfs will not lay any capitation or poll tax. D 0 iV E in Convention, at Newport, in the State of Rhodc-JJland and Providence Plantations, the twenty-ninth day ojMay, in the ytzrof our Lord one thoufund/even hundred and ninety. By oider ol the Convention. DANIEL OWEN, Prcjident. Attejl. Daniel Updike, Secretary. A N D the Convention do, in the name and on behalf of the people c 1 the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantation*, enjoin upon the Senators and Representative or Representatives, which may be clc&cd to represent this State in Congrcfs, to exert all their influence and ufeall reasonable means to obtain a ratifica tion of the following amendments to the said Constitution, in the manner prescribed therein ; and that Congress, in all laws to be in the mean time, will conform to the spirit of the said amendments as far as the Constitution will admit. [ Here are inserted the amendments recommended at the f<{fion y bublijh ed in the Providence GazetteoJ March 13 —also the following additional amendments, wz.J 1. That the several State-Legi(latum (hall have power to recall their federal Senators, and to appoint others in their {lead. 2. That Congress (hall not tre£l any Company of Merchants with exclusive advantages of commerce. 3. That Congress (hall have the power of establishing an uni form rule of inhabitancy, or fettlemcnt ot the poor, throughout the United States. 4. That whenever two members of either House (hall on any question call for the yeas and nays, the fame (hall be entered on the journals of the refpettive Houses. The Convention likewise pafled the following Resolves, ne mine contradicente. 1. That the amendments to the Constitution of the United States, agreed to bv Congress in March, 1789, except the second of said amendments, be recomnunded to the Legislature of this State for their ratification,purfuant to the fifth article ot said Con ilitution. 2. That the thanks ofthe Cnnvention be ptcfented to the Pre (ident, (or the candor and impartiality with which he hath dis charged the office of President. 3. That the thanks of the Convention he presented to the Re verend Clergy who have officiated at this Convention. D 0 N E in Convention, at Newport, in the State of Rhode-JJland and Providence Plantations, the twenty-ninth day of May, tn the year of our Lord tine thousand feien hundred and ninety. By order of Convention, DANIEL OWEN, Prefidert. Attefl. Daniel Updike, Secretary. Yeflerday Evening the Delegates for this Town arrived from Newport, and on their landing were welcomed by a D'.fcharge of Thirteen Canuon.—Soine further Demonstrations of Joy are expeSed to take pla«\ CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. FRIDAY, MAY 14, 1790. DEBATE ON TONNAGE CONTINUED. Mr. Madison's motion for a diicrimination, in the following words under consideration. viz. " r I "'HAT from and after the day of next the tonnage JL of all such vessels be raised to , and from and after the day of next, no such veflels be permitted to export from the United States any manufactured article Che growth or pro duce thereof." Mr. Fitzfimons said he very much doubted the policy of adopt ing this proposition ; he thought it an experiment of two bola a complexion, con(jdering the recent eftabliihment of the govern 481 tffij&o ment and the fituaiion of the commerce of this country ; he thought we were not prepared to hazard the confcquenccs whi :h* may result trom the operation of a system which would g»ow out ol so great a change in our commercial atfarrs.—lts prefciu opera tion would only be to raise the price of imports. Mr. Lawrance (aid that he was apprchenfive that the articles of producc would lay upon our hands, if this measure fhou'd be a dopted, which would be an injury to us. The calculations upon theeffc£l of its being a beneficial proceeding may be mi (taken cak culations. The manufacture* of Great-Britain, and their manners are in forae degree congenial to our own, and although we have not all the privileges that could be yet we find our con nexions increasing with that country. He was of opinion, there fore, that the motion might prove disadvantageous ; neither could he fee any immediate neceflity for its adoption. Mr. Hartley observed that if the quellion was now put, he should vote for the discrimination. It may be doubtful whe ther the fir ft rate of tonnage, as reported by the fcle& committee, is not too high ; but this may be corre&ed in the house. In pri vate life, said he, the man who fliews himfelf my friend, I ftiould affe&ionately legaid. The man who treats me with esteem, I would wish to make a proper return to ; but the man who is vin dictive, and drives to ruin iny intercftand my property, I would endeavor to counteract or oppose by measures which might defeat his purpose. The fame principles or condu£l may, perhaps, be fairly applied to nations. I can fay for tnyfelf, I feel no enmity toward Great Britain, so long as Ihe treats this country with the justice and refpeft due to a nation : but ftre fecms indire&iy, nay, I might alinoft fay direttly by htr policy and regulations, to at tack our ship-building, navigation and commerce, and wnhes to injure our intcrells and our property. We have a right to oppose her by counter regulations, or by a system arhich inay induce her to examine the lubjed, to corre&her errors and do us juftiee. Pad injuries may be forgiven ; I will agree that those of the war (hall be in dust. But when 1 agree that the injuries of one na tion (hall be in dust, I must also observe, that our Iriendfliip for another nation, who feived and relieved us in distress, (hauld be in marble. At the last ftflion it was said that Britain was disposed to do us juftiee, and relax from fomeof the policy (he had pra&ifcd. We were dc fired to wait, and all (hould be well : We waited, but at this feflion we cannot 1 arn from any authentic documents that (he has ftirrtd in the smallest degree. Since the adoption of the New Constitution and formation of this government, Great-Britain has experienced many advantages ; (he has gained much by the fweeis of commerce. This govern ment has (hewn the fulleft disposition to comply with the spirit of the treaty. We have eftabhfhed tribunals of juftiee, in which Britilh fubjtfts may recover fatisfa&ion for any demands they may have against the individuals of these States ; without the smallest danger of partiality or iijjuflice. What has (he done in return ? She has been civil in some instances, for which we give her credit: lor her friendthip or juftiee, we cannot fay (o much. The attack ujkk. oui tommcrct has hern fpok.cn of before. Why has (he not given up those posts ? She still retain# the ports which by solemn treaty (he was bound to deliver up ; and to the want of those posts may we ui a great measure impute the depre dations and murders of the savages upon the inhabitants of the western frontiers. Ido not fay that the Britilh countenance or support those invaders ; but, were the posts in our hands, a great check, might be given to such enormities. It has been observed that we risque much by adopting the re faction ; a commercial warfare might turn out ruinous to Am?- rica. If our risque is great, that of Great-Britain will be greater j (he has immense capitals in this trade ; we import many of her luxuries ; we are chiefly cloathed in her manufaaures, and I think it will be difficult, if not almost impoflible, for her merchants to changs those capitals into other channels, which would be equal ly produ&ive. I fay, as at present informed, 1 (hail vote for the relolution. Mr. Sedgwick said he was induced to believe this a measure of very great impropriety, and one that would prove injurious to the interest of the United States. He could not tell for what pur pose, or what was the object of this discrimination. Who are concerned in the carrying trade ? We are declaring aganift onr country, in favor of another : for what purpose ? Do gentlemen expect that France will aid our carrying trade ? He believed not. It is a useless declaration, an impotent measure of paflion, said Mr. Sedgwick, not dictated by the understanding; and fuppofini; the elf eft intended Ihould not be produced, the confequenre would probably be advantageous to Maffachufctts, but very in. jurious to Georgia. 1 Mr. Smith (S. C.) thought it highly impolitic to enter into a commercial warfare with Grcaußritain. We ought not to con demn her for following her usual policy in her navigation laws; they arc not particularly aimed at us ; her navigation was oril ginally aimed at the Dutch. We have not heard of anv alteration particularly against this country, and therefore we have no room for being displeased. Whenever (he finds her advantage, (he will propose a commercial treaty, perhaps now, at the present time, tt may be contemplating. The parliament rose in August Jaft ; a new parliament may ast differently, and it will be more be.' coming in us to wait for some little time, than precipitate this measure This country has been so disjointed since the peace, that we could not form any treaty with advantage ; And even now this government is but little more than a year old. With refpedt to the advantage Great-Britain reaps from her trade with this country, which advantages (he will lose by the adoption of this meafuie, we (hall also be injured. The effett may be more alarming than is now apprehended, and may bric