i
[No. CIV.]
#3" For TABLET, No. 104 y fee third page of this paper.
THE WORCESTER SPECULATOR.
I WAS engaged the other day, a few hours, in conversation with
a neighbour—He is an hone ft husbandman, and leads a peace
ful life in the cultivation of his farm, and in the care of a family.
—•' I wi(h," fays he, " I was better acquainted with the real situa
tion of my country —-whether we (hall probably be a happy, or
an unhappy people —whether we (hall be cruthed by taxes.—Al
though," continued he, " my attentidn has ever been alive to
public measures, and my wilhesengaged for the prosperity of my
country, my present tears were awakened by the complaints of
others—and what, too, increased them, was their coming, not from
my own class, men who work hard for their living, but from men
who, one would luppofe, would hardly notice the greatest publick
calamity ; those who appear to lead merry lives, and pass the grea
test part of their time with jolly companions at taverns ; If fach
men have cause to murmur, what will become of the poor farmer*
I cannot, Iconfefs, clfcarly fee grounds for their complaints ; my
ignorance perhaps, is the reason. Though a man of little observa
tion, I have a grateful heart ; and have often acknowledged the
enjoyment of many supposed public bleflings : W« live in a coun
try, from the nature of the government, justly called the land of
freedom ; learning and virtue are every where promoted, and jus
tice unerringly administered ; the climate is favorable, and the
foil good ; For my part I have found no difficulty in supplying,
from my farm, the demands of a large family, and paying my tax
es ; which, though sometimes large, have never been oppreflive :
But how long," added he, looking seriously at me, " this will be
my cafe, how long before calls for the payment of our debts, will
deprive me of such ability, I cannot tell ; fiom the suggestions of
others, I feel alarmed."
His anxiety merited attention : My feelings weie engaged for
him, and most gladly would I have pointed out the latent sources
©f public advantage, had it not been taking the part of a politician
farther than my abilities would juftify. However, his fears of an
accumulated buiden from taxation, were very easily removed.—
Our debt, said I, my worthy friend, according to a late report of
the Secretary of the Treasury, amounts to eighty millions of dol
lars : The annual interest of which is upwards of four millions—
the inhabitants of America amount nearly to that number—affefs
incnts by land and poll tax, with the aid of impost, have been
found equal to the discharge of the annual interest of the said debt,
without oppreflion. Our country is extenfivc, and the increase
of population in no country more rapid—, Let such interest be an
nually discharged—the increase of population, with the constant
accefnons to our improved lands, are the two gieat resources,
Which will prove an increasing finking fund upon the principal,
that will effeflually discharge it—they are the storehouses, out of
Which, without any additional bui den on ourselves, wc fhallmake
payment of our dents. M But," inquired my honest friend, w (hall
the greatest refourccs of oui country be realized by foreigners, and
•we excluded from any benefit of them ?" By no means, replied I.
Thofc must bccrtditors unheard of for their exa&ions, who should
demand, and that a custom unpai allelled for its rigor that should
fan&ion the payment of interest for the whole debt until all was
discharged: Such an idea, if entertained, would be an extrava
gant departure, not only from justice, but from fa£Vs. As the debt
is discharged the interest must decrcafe, and our taxes be propor
tionably lightened. The two resources then conftantlyoperating
with increasing effett to the removal of the debt, must realize to us
in a very sensible manner, our advantage from them: They will
at length, added I, redeem themselves; and all their ftrcams be
turned to the watering their own country. Be not discouraged ;
Jet not the most frightful suggestions of the discontented scare you
from youi industry. Taxes, in this country, never havebeen, and
we may confidently believe they never will be the means of im
prifoningthe industrious man. The cafe of the farmer has infome
refpefts been hard, too small a coinpaiative value has been set on
the produce of his farm, when made the confederation of money.
Too free a use of foreign commodities was the reason, the purchaie
of which made large and constant draughts on our fpecic. But
against this evil we are daily fticngthening ourselves : Progress in
preparations for supplying our demands from among ourselves, is
fuccefstully made : The interests of the mechanic, husbandman,
and artisan, are anxiously blended with the firft obje&s of our le
giflatoro. Under their watchful protettion, all the means within
reach for promoting them wil be hunted up. Thus will industry
be encouraged and our money made more plenty.
(From the Majjachujetts Spy.)
AMERICAN MANUFACTURES.
WE are happy in inferring the following farts,
corroborative of the advancement of the
manufactures of our country.
The Hon. Mr. Shaw, owner of the beautiful
Ship MajfachufeUs, derigned for the Ealt-India
Trade, from an attachment to his native place,
and to exemplify his disposition to promote the
manufactures of his country, furniflied his Ship
both with cordage and fail cloth from theßofton
manufactories ; ofthelatterlietooknearly twelve
thousand yards ; which cloth, from the many ex
periments made of it, is pronounced to be fuper
iour to foreign canvas of any fabric whatever ;
one of its lingular excellences is, that it has
hitherto proved incapable of taking mildew, ow
ing to a peculiar manner in preparing the yarns
—and for finnnels of texture and durablenefs of
Wear, is allowed to be far before any other cloth.
The encouragement the promoters of it have
met with in their sales, has induced them to build
another factory, which they have now in hand,and
when completed expert soon to turn out upwards of
two thousand yards a week, which theymake of dif
ferent denominations, from No. I to 8 inclusive:
Tn addition to the above, three other Indiamen
have been wholly cloathed with it, as well as a
great number of vefl'els of every description.
A regular Woolen Manufartory is now eftab
li&ed at Watertown under the direction of Meflrs.
Faulkner and Co. and tho in its infancy, pro
linfes gi'eac success, as they have already made
upwards of tvro thousand yards of Cloth, which
turns out much cheaper than Engli(b Cloths of
the fame quality. ( Majf. Centinel.)
iftti
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9 , MAIDEN-LANK, NEW-YORK.
SATURDAY, APRIL 1 0 , 1790 ,
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17.
Mr. Smith fS. C.) Speech on the report "f the Committee on the mtmoria,
of the People callea Quakers.
(CONTINUED.)
ANOTHER plan was to liberate all those who Ihould be born
after a certain limited period : fucha scheme would produce
this very extraordinary phenomenon,that the mother would be a Have
and her child would, be free. Thel'e young emancipated negroes
by associating with their enslaved parents, would participate in all
the debasement which slavery was fa id lo occasion. But allowing
that a practicable scheme of general emancipation could be devit
ed, there can be no doubt that the two races would still remain
dillinct. It was known from experience that the whites had such
an idea of their superiority over the blacks that they never even
auociated with them; even the warmest friends to the blacks kept
them at a diitance, and rcje£led all inteicourfe with them Could
any inttance be quoted of their i*ter-marrying; the Quakers
alierted that nature had made all men equal, and that the differ
ence ot colour Ihoutd not place negroes on a worse footing in so
ciety than the whites ; but had any of them ever married a neero
or would any of them fuffcr their children to mix their blood
with that of a black ?—they would view with abhorrence such an
alliance.
Mr. Smith then read some extracts from Mr. Jefferfon'j notes
on Virginia, prov>ng that negroes were by nature an inferior race
ot beings ; and that the whites would always feel a repugnance at
mixing their blood with that of the blacks. Thus, he proceeded
that refpeftable author, who was dcfirous of countenancing eman
cipation, was on a consideration of the fubjeft induced candidly
to avow thatthe difficulties appeared insurmountable. The friends
to manumission had said that by prohibiting the further importa
tion of (laves and by liberating those born after a certain period
a gradual emancipation might take place, and that in process of
time the very color would,be extinik and there would be none but
whites. He was at a lof> to learn how that consequence would re
sult. If the blacks did not intermarry with the whites, they
would remain black to the end of time ; for it was not contended
that liberating them would whitewash them ; if they did intermar
ry with the whites, then the white race would be extinfi, and the
American people would be all of the mulatto breed. In whatever
light therefore the fubjeft was viewed, the folly of emancipation
was manifell. He truftcd these confideratioru would prevent any
further application to Congrcfs on this point, and would so far
ha\>e weight with the committee as to rejp£l the clause altogether
or at lcaft to declare in plain terms that Congress have no right
whatever to manumit the (laves ot this country.
Various objeflions, said he, had at different times been alledged
against the abominable praQicc, as it had been called, of one man
exercising dominion over another ; but slavery was no new thing
in the world—the Romans, the Greeks, and other nations of
antiquity, held (laves at thr lime christianity fiift dawned on so
ciety, and the profeflors of its mild doflrines never preached a
gainst it. Here Mr. Smith read a quotation from the Roman and
Grecian history, and from Come accounts of the government and
manners of the people of Africa, before they had any knowledge
of the African traders, from which he said it appeared that (laverv
was not disapproved of by the apostles when they went about dif
lufing the principles of christianity ; and that it was not owing to
the African trade, as had been alledged, that the people of Africa
made war on each other.
Another objection against flavcrv was, that the number of slaves
in the southern States weakened that part of the Union, and in cafe
ot invasion would require a greater force to protett it. Negroes, it
was fa id, would not fight : hut he would alk whether it was ow
ing to their being black or to their being slaves ; if to their being
black, then unqueftionablv emancipating them would not remedy
the evil, for they would flill remain black ; if it was owing to
their being slaves, he denied the position ; for it was an undenia
ble truth, that in many coumriesflavcs made excellent soldiers.
In Ruflia, Hungary, Poland, the peasants were slaves, and yet
were brave troops. In Scotland, not man) years ago, the High
land peasants wercabfolute slaves to their lairds,and they were re
nowned foj; their bravery. The Turks were as much enslaved as
the negroes—their property and lives were at the absolute disposal
of the Sultan, yet they fought with undaunted courage. Many
other instances might be quoted, but those would fuffice to refute
the fact. Had experience proved that the negroes would not make
good soldiers ? He did not aflert that they would, but they had
never been tried ; discipline was every thing ; white militia made
but indifferent soldiers before they were disciplined. It was well
known that according to the present art of war, a soldier was a
mere machine, and he did not fee why a black machine was not
its good as a white one ; in one refpeft the black tioops would have
the advantage by appearing more hoirible in the eyes of the ene
my. But admitting that they would not fight, to what would the
argument lead ? Undoubtedly to (hew that the Quakers, Moravi
ans, and all the non-rcfifting and non-fighting fefcts, constituted the
weakness of a country. Did they not contribute to strengthen
the country against invasion by flaying at home and joining the in
vader as soon as he was fuccefsful ? But they furnifhed money, he
ftiould be told, and paid fubftixutes—and did not the slaves by en
creafing the agriculture of the country add to its wealth, and there
by encreafe its ftrefigth ? did thev not moreover perform many
laborious services in the camp and in the field, aflift in transporting
b a £g a £ e » conveying artillery, throwing up fortifications, and thus
enrreale the numbers in the ranks by supplying their places in thefc
services ? Nor was it neceflary that every part of the empire fliould
furnifh fighting men ; one part supplied men, another money—one
part was strong in population, another in valuable exports, which
added to the opulence of the whole. Great-Britain obtained no
soldiers from her East and Weft-India settlements, were they
therefore useless ? She was obliged to fend troops to protest them,
but their valuable trade furniflicd her with means of paying those
troops.
Another objection was, that the public opinion was again!) sla
very: How did that appear ? Were there any petitions on the fub
jefl excepting that from the Pcnnfylvania society and a few Qua
kers ? And were they tojudge for the whole continent? Were the
citizens of the Northern or Eastern States to diflateto Congrefson
a measure in which the Southern Rates were so deeply interested ?
There were no petitions against slavery from the Southern states,
and they were the only proper judges of what was for their inte
rest. The toleration of slavery in the several states was a matter of
internal regulation and policy, in which each state had a right to
do as (he pleated, and no other state had any right to intermeddle,
with her pblicy or laws. If the citiaens ot the Northern states
were displeased with the toleration of slavery in theSoAthern states,
the latter were equally disgusted with some things tolerated in the
former, He bad mentioned on a former occasion the dangerous
Jpfdh'S.
PRICh THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN
tenets and pernicious practices ot the left of Shaking Quakers
who preached against matrimony, and whofc doflrine and rxim
p e, it they prevailed, wouid cither depopulate the United States,
or people it with a fpunous race. However the people of South
Carolina reprobated the gross and immoral condutl of thtfe Sha
tters, they had not petitioned Congress to expel them from the
continent, though they thought fueh a measure would, be fervicea
' C {°J J V n " cd Statcs - The legislature of South Carolina had
prohibited theatrical representations, deeming them improDer
ut they did not trouble Congress with an application to abo'lilh
them m New-York and Philadelphia—The Southern citizen,
might alio consider the toleration of Quakers as an injury to the
community, because in time of war they would not defend their
country from the enemy, and in time of peace they wete liucriei
ing in the concerns of others, and doing every thing in their pow.
'' le laves1 av es in the Southern Hates to infurreftion ; not.
with (landing which the people of those states had not requiredthe
amltance of Congress to exterminate the Quakers.
But he could not help obfervingthat this fqueamilhnefs wasvepy
extroardmary at this time. The Northern states knew tint the
outtiern states had (laves before they confederated with them. If
they had such an abhorrence for slavery, why said Mr. Smith, did
they not cast us off and reject our alliance P The truth was, that
tne molt informed part of the citiiens of the Northern states knew
that slavery was so ingrafted into the policy of the Southern states,
that it could' not be eradicated without tearing up by the roots their
apptnefs, tranquility and prosperity—that if ii were an evil, it
was one for which there was no remedy, aod therefore, like wife
men they acquiesced in it: We, on the other hand, knew that the
Quaker doftrmes had taken such deep root in some of the states
that all refinance to them mull be useless : We therefore made a
compromise on both fides, we took each other with our mutual
bad habits and refpeflive evils, for better tor worse; the North
ern states adopted us with our (laves, we adopted them with their
Quakers. There was then an implied compact between the North
ern and southern people that no ftcp should be taken to iniure the
property of the latter, or to disturb their tranquility. It was
therefore with great pain he had viewed the anxiety of some of the
members to pay such uncommon refpefl to the memorialists as
even to let aside the common rules of proceeding, and attempt to
commit the memorials the very day they were presented, though
the Southern members had folic.ted one day's delay. Such pro
ceedings had jullly railed an alarm in the minds of his Souther,,
colleagues; and feeling that alarm, they would have acted a dis
honorable part to their constituents had they not expreded them-
d warmth anci fo'icitude which some gentlemen had
A proper confutation of this business, must convince every
candid mind, that emancipation would be attended with one or
other ot these consequences ; cither that a mixture of the races
would-degenerate the whites, without improving the blacks or
that it would create two separate clalTesof people in the communi
ty involved in inveterate hoftil.ty, which would terminate in the
" d "'l'P 2 " 0 ' 1 of one or the other, as the Moors were
pelled from Spain and the Danes from England. The negroes
would not he benefited by it ; free negroes nevei improve in tal
ents, never grow rich, and continue to associate with the people
0 their own color. This is owing either to the natural averfio.i
tne whites entertain towards them, and an opinion of the fupe
nonty of their race, or to the natural attachment the blacks have
ot ole of their own color; in either cafe it proves that they will
alter manumission continue a diftinft people, and have separate in
terells. The author already quoted, has proved that they are an
interior racc even to the Indians.
Alter the last war a number of negroes which had been stolen
trom the southern States, and carricd to England, either quitted
ry C P, ons w "° carried them there, or were abandoned by them.
Unable to provide for themselves, and rejefkd from the society of
the common people of England, they were begging about the
ltreets ot London in great numbers ; they supplicated captains of
vellels to carry them back to their owners in America, preferring
ilavery there, to freedom in England. Many of them were (hip
ped to Africa by the humanity of the Englilh, and were either
butchered or made (laves by their savage countrymen, or refhip
ped lor sale to the plantations.
But some persons have been of opinion that if the further impor
tation of (laves could be prohibited, there would be a gradual
extinction of the species. Having (hewn the absurdity of libera
t'ngth cpojlnati without extendingit to all the (laves old and voun»,
n in. B [w absurdity and even impra&ibility of extending it to
all, I'ha 11 fay a few words with regard tothe extinaion ; that
would be impoflible, because they increase—to occaflon an extinc
tion, Congress mult prohibit all intercourse between the sexes s
this would be an ast of humanity they would not thank us for,
nor would they be pervaded that it was lor their own good, or
Congress mud, like' Herod, order all the children tobe put to death
asloonas born. If then nothingbutevil wonld refultfrom eman
cipation, under the existing circumstances of the country, why
ihould Congress stir at all in the business, or give any countenance
to luch dangerous applications. We have been told that the go
vernment ought to manifeft a disposition inimical to this praftile
which the people reprobate. If some citizens, from mSfinforma
lion and ignorance have imbibed prejudices against the southern
States, if ill-intentioned authors have related falfe fafls, and.gross
misrepresentations tending to traduce the character of a whole State,
and to millead the citiiens in other States, is that a fufficient real
lon why a large territory is to be depopulated, merely to gratify
the with of some mifinformed individuals ? But what have the ci
tizens of the other States to do with our (laves ? Have they any
right to interfere with our internal policy?
This is not an object of general concern, for I have already prov
ed that it does not weaken the Union ; but admit that it did, will
the abolition of slavery strengthen South-Carolina ? It can only
be cultivated by (laves ; the climate, the nature of the foil, anci
ent habits, forbid it by the whites ; experience convinces us of the
truth ot this. Great-Britain made every attempt to fettle Georgia
bv whites alone and failed, and was compelled at length to intro
duce Haves ; after which, that State increased very rapidly in o
pulence and importance. If the slaves gre emancipated, they will
not remain in that country—remove the cultivators of the foil,
and the whole of the low country, all the fertile rice and indigo
Iwamps will be deserted, and become a wilderness' What then
becomes of its strength ? Will such a fchemc increase it ? Instead
ol mcrcafing the population of the whites, there will be no whites
at all; if the low country is deserted, where will be the commerce,
the valuable exports of that countiy, the large revenue raised from
itsimports and from the consumption of the rich planters ? In a
(hort time the northern and eastern States will supply us with their
manufactures; if you depopulate the rich low country of South-
Carolina and Georgia, you will give us a blow which will imme
diately recoil on yourselves. Suppose that 140,000 slaves in those
States, which require annually five yards of cloth each, making
700,000 yards at hills a dollar a yard, this makes 350,000 dollars,
bcfidcs the articles of linen, flannel, oznaburgh, blankets, molasses,