[No. C.]
THE TABLE T. No. C.
<' Fortune maintains a kind of rival/hip with wi/Jom."
TO discover precisely the causes of the
different degrees of success which at
tend the affairs of men, is beyond the reach of
human sagacity. There is such a blend of good
fortune and good management requisite to main
tain a prosperous course in life,that it is iinpoffi
ble to determine to which of them, a man is princi
pally to ascribe his prosperity. A great part of
what is trfually called good luck, among men, is
nothing more than the effe<!t of measures di<flated
by a found judgment; and a great part ofwhat is
denominated bad luck is merely the result of fol
ly or negled:. The few extraordinary instances,
where men are suddenly elevated ordeprcfledby
a contingency which their agency did not con
t-roul, fliould neither cherifli the hopes of the fool
ilh *nd indolent, nor damp those of the prudent
and indultrious.
A prize iu a lottery, or the death of a rich friend
nay throw a worthless fellow into affluence ; but
uch a circumstance furnifhes no argument that
'rovidence usually bellows its bleflings, where
hey are not deserved. Nor, on the other hand,
where the fubftanceof a diligent man isaccident
dly destroyed by fire or tempest, can it be infer
ed that diligence is not ordained in the conlti
otion of nature, as the common road to wealth
tnd diftintflion. Extraordinary events do not
uithorife general hopes or fears. There are in
:he natural world appearances which sometimes
work against the usual course of things, but they
never defeat the general tendency of the ellablifh
td laws of nature. In the moral world likewise
we often behold occurrences that seem to contra
dict the idea that Providence regulates the affairs
of men by a well-ordered economy, that depends
for its fucoefs, principally on human agency.
That kind of rivallhip which fortune maintains
with wifdoin,fhould operate upon men foas to sti
mulate their efforts, and improve their circum
fpecftion. The lucky contingencies which ren
der the progress of f'ome persons so smooth and
prosperous areowingmore than is commonly sup
posed to just calculations, and persevering appli
cation. It is true, that many circumstances oc
cur where the effe<fi of personal agency is not vi
sible j but still there maybefome remote connec
tion between causes that appear hidden, and those
that are obvious. The chain of events is con
nected in such amanner, that we can never know
exadtly the power that binds or separates the
links. We can however distinguish enough to fa
tisfy a reasonable mind, that in the ordinary run
of affairs, happiness is united with virtue ; and
interest is promoted by an attention to duty.
from the Virginia Independent Chronicle.
Te New-Ekgland, New-York, Pennsylvania
and Carolina
Dear Sisters,
I HAVE feeu your familiar epistle, and really
thought it mud be the production of some ene
my to the whole family. Under these impressions,
I expe&ed to fee you all in an uproar,calling on
the printer for the author. I conceived that your
own credit, as well as the reputation of the fa
Uiily, required it i but by your filende you have
fconvinced me that it is your own. Ah fillers !
however treacherous your memories are, the
world recollect wheityour cries of murder, rape,
starve, reverberated from pole to pole, and it is
with a bleeding heart I recolle<ft what numbers of
my sons fell in your defence. What can my dear
lifters mean i Why am I twited in the teeth with
many of my farms being untenanted, that I boall
of the largeness of my purse, and such envious,
malicious raving, as fheweth what termgants my
fillers are. I can tell them that so many of my
farms would not have been untenanted" if great
numbers of my lons had not fallen in their de
fence. And as for my being in debt, it is a proof
that I havebad credit; little thanks are due to those
who never had credit that they owe nothing.
But I suppose iny fillers think they have cured all
by their great condescension in allowing some
merit to my son George. To be sure they shall
have credit for that, but I can tell them that my
sons Dickey, Bill and James, too, are not to be
brow-beaten or frightened by any of their bluf
teringboys. I once thought that some of you my
dear fillers, were very religious; but methinks
you seem disposed to convince the world that it
is othei wife. Your levity, your wit and freedom
with omnipotence is big with impiety. It is blas
phemous, and would have exposed ftritfi civilized
heathens to capital pu liftnnent. What do myfif
&Mit?
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
SATURDAY, MARCH, 27, 1790.
ters want ? They have shared my bread with me
when they were in want. I have given up a mod
important and valuable part of my farm for the
benefit of the whole family. Has any of my sons
Pegged favors and courted exalted places and
h:gh employments ? Where is it that the aching
heart is throbbing for founding titles ? And where
does the fentintent of well-born originate ? Where
is the third for the diftin<flion of birth and blood,
which has made tyrants and opprefTors of a few,
while the multitude drag ignominious chains ?
Look at home, my dear fitters, before you upbraid
me. You may if you please, make a comparison
between the belt of your sons and mine during
the conflict,when all our farms were proscribed.
And you may, if you please, add to my disgrace,
by publishing a true slate of the expenditure from
each of ourpurfes to pay the public debt, and to
support the copartnery, this, as things are now
organized, is easily done, and this will fairly
shew whether a local, partial, and parsimonious
spirit did not govern in the clamor upon the pro
ptfed tax upon
Ah, fillers J my sons are in a great measure
proscribed from a right to take any of the lands
which I threw into the common stock. You will
retort that my sons will not come because they
mutt not bring their negroes.—Ay fitters ! this
is against the copartnery—the interett of the com
pany requires that the land should be free at
least to all the parties—but while my sons are kept
from the market, your sons may perhaps pur
chase cheaper, and you have the choice of land
more in your power. What allow the iniquitous
the abominable slave trade to be carried on under
the law of the land in some places, and proscribe
others from a right to bring their property with
them, when perhaps the intention and design
tha r many would have in going there would be
to enable them to emancipate their poor slaves
with propriety.—So it is urged that a poor igno
rant slave who has not learned to provide for
himfelf. and is totally ignorant of the arts which
a designing world will impose upon him, is in a
better condition under the care of a good matter
than he is like to be in on his own account.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, MARCH 9.
THE proposition for afluming the State debts being under con
sideration.
Mr. Shirman. As the Secretary has given us the necelTary
information refpe&ing the provision for payment of interest on
the State debts--the aflumption it is to be presumed will be agree
able to the States in general ; having them all placed on one foot
ing, and cme system of revenue pervading the union—the resources
will be brought forwaid with more justice and equality, with
more certainty and effect, than on any other plan—and the belief
that this measure will be agreeable to ihe people is Strengthened
by the idea that the States are averse to excifcJ—without which no
provision can be made (except dry taxes) to pay the State creditors
their inteieft; the fubjeft has been fully difcuued and I think that
we are now prepared for a decision, and I cannot but hope that
we shall adopt the proportion before the committee.
Mr. Bland said he had long been convinced that the proposition
before the committee involved a qucftion of the utmost impor
tance to the peace, honor and tranquility of the United States. It
is the gordian knot of indissoluble onion, every plea of justice,
policy and equity loudly call upon us to -dopt the measure—and
whether we do or not at the present time, certain it is, the time
will corn when we mull do it. The State creditors have an equal
claim with those of the union—hut if their demands are not
attended to, it.they ftiould be left without any provision for the
interest on their fccuritics—that (peculation which has been so
much reprobated by this house, will come in upon us like a flood
— the State securities will be depreciated to the lowefl ebb, and
the creditors reduced to total despair of ever obtaining justice from
their country. He thought that every pollible degree of attention
had been paid to the fubjeft—that it had been thoroughly inves
tigated, and he hoped the committee would now come to a de
cision, the affirmative of the proposition should receive his hearty
j concurrence.
Mr. Page was opposed to the proposition, as it involved the
riccedity of direst taxes and excises—these he was afraid would
Cerve to revive the ancient jealousies of the States ; those jraloufies
appeared to be subsiding and dying away 1 but this mealure will
have a dired tendency to revive them—bcfides it willconfiim the
predictions of the enemies of the constitution, when ttiey asserted
that the general government tended to a consolidation, and would
eventually swallow up the Slate governments—he added ruany o
thcr remarks and wi filed that the proposition might be pal Ted
Mr. Bland rose to reply to Tome observations which had fallen
from his Hon. colleague—he was surprised to find any gentleman
so fqueamith at this time of day on the fubjeft of dn eft taxes—
before the adoption of the constitution this fqueamifhners might
have been pfopcr i but since the ratification, all observations of
that kind appeared to be entirely out of season. It appeared to
him from the firft that the adoption of thr constitution would neces
sarily absorb all the efficient revenue of the United States.
This bein» the cafe, in what situation will you leave the credit
ors of the Sta°te governments ? He then adverted to the particular
merits of the State creditors, and said that the State debts were in
fafl the debts of ihe United States—he replied to sundry observa
tions of Mr Jackson who had informed the house that Georgia
had called in its securities and funk them, and said that the gen
tleman's account of the fate which attended the securities of the
State ot Georgia, was directly in favor of the afTumpiioß—for it
evidently (hewed that the creditors of the State* could not depend
on receiving justice at the hands of the Slate legiilatures ; on the
whole, he observed that he had waited to hear arguments in op
position to the riieafure which should carry cbrtvitlioii to his own
mind—hitherto hfe had not heard any such arguments, and there
fore he should consider hirtifelf fully juftified, on the principles he
before advanced, in vokihg for the affuftiptibn.
Mr. Page made some observations in reply to Mr. Bland, and
observed that the observations he had offered were not the refuk
of fqueamifhnefs, they were founded on facts and experience,
which he thought fully juftified the apprehenflons he had express-
Mr. Scdt rose and said, that he was well aware that adopt
ing the proposition would operate in favor of some States, to the
certain prejudice of others,and it would be well if a day of retribu
tion could be fixed, that might equalize the business ; but he
could not look forward to that day—-he feared it would never
arrive; yet, under the inipreffton that it was a great national
effoTt,and that the State debti were incurred in the common cause
of the union, he would vote for the proposition;
Mr. Lee wasoppofed to the propofition,and forthfc following rea
sons. He said he did not fee the neceflky of irififtinguport theaffum
ption «f these debts at the present moment. He had 110 doubt of the
justice and policy of the measure, if it could be effe£led on e
quil principles, but if the alfumption was not made on
such principle*, it would operate iri such a mariner as to countc-«
nance oppreftion, and disturb the public harmony. It is well
known, Mr. Speaker, said he, that the exertions of the several
states have b*en very unequal, and it Is as well known that out
present resources are also unequal to the public demand: Sir, we
must extend bur refoiirces to make provifioil for the present debt
of the union ;we mufl extend them still further} f we assume the
slate debts ; and whatever system tif taxation may be proposed, it
will require two or three years to bring it into any thing like an
effectual operation. He thought the most eligible mode of pro
ceeding, would be, to adjust the accounts firft, and after such ad
justment to pledge the faith of the union that they would assume
the state debts after the general account was liquidated and fettled.
He wished to know, he said, whether any inconvenience could
arise from purfuinz a line of conduit so rational in itfelf ? Gen
tlemen had after tea, and he saw no reafort to doubt their assertion,
that these accounts might be fettled in the course of two years, in
which opinion the rerpe&able officcr coincided, who was the au
thor of the proposition; do gentlemen expect, continued he, that
the resources can be provided in a less time than two
years, there could be no one of information that could entertain
the idea. If then, the accounts could be fettled within the time
that should be allowed for the provision of the resources upon
which these debts were to be funded, he asked, whether it would
not be more prudent, as well as more likely to give general fatis
fa&ion, to make a provisional adoption, or pledging the faith of
the government to assume the debts at the expiration of two years.
He mould therefore vote against the original proposition, which,
i f negatived, he would theli move A resolution in fubftanee to what
he had exprefTed.
Mr. Vining. Afterthe very full and able difcufTionjwhich this im
portant queflion has received, it is with diffidence and relu&ance
that I venture, especially after my long but unavoidable absence
from the house, to obtrude my felt at this time on the committee.
When I reflect, however, that this absence has been employed in
pursuit of the best information which could tend to guide and
aftift myjudgment, I feel some relief from my embarrafment. In
viewing this fubjeft as an abftraft question of finance, and merely
relative to the individual states, I confefs I behold it as in some
degree operating injustice, and, in its effetts, unequal; but when
I consider it in a more national point of view, as diffufive of ge
neral advantages, and favorable to,perhaps the permanency as well
as the interest of the union; lam compelled to yield small local
regards to a more enlarged and e&tenfive policy. Bat, continued
he, in estimating those local facrifices I would endeavor to com
pare the value of theobjeft together with the certainty of attaining
it, with the consideration which is as an equivalent offered. In the
present cafe some facrifices are to be made at the altar of accomodate
on and general convenience. By the state which I have the ho
nor to rcprefent, those facrifices will m proportion, be very
great. She hasnot only provided for the interest of her particular
debt, but has made connderable progress towards the payment
of its principal This places her in a peculiar situation ; and;
unless some modification should be ultimately made, it might be
considered as somewhat oppressive and unjust. But as for this
modification, as far as it regards this peculiar cafe, I (hall wait
with a firm reliance on the justice and accomodating spirit of the
house, until the bill shall be introduced, when; I trust, such pro
vision will be made as will comport with the true interests ps the
United States. I confefs, Sir* in the contemplation of this fub
jeft so many difficulties appear oh efery hand, that I yet feel myi
felf at a loss how to determine, or to what fourcci to apply for
fafe information. I find the public mind influenced by so **iany
and in such opposite dire&ions, that 1 find it difficult, if not tm
prafticable, to furnifh myfelf with any guide from thence which
can either solve my doubts or lead me to a fatisfattory conclusion.
The opinions of intelligent individuals are equally various and
fluftuatitig: ThuSfituated 1 feel as if I were on a precipice sur
rounded with imminent dangers, and where a single falfe step
might prove forever fatal.
In this dilemma, continued Mr. Vining, all that is left me, is
fairly to balance, as far as my mind is able to embrace them, the
inconvenierlcies with the advantages on both fides, and from the
result to form the best determination in my power. I believe,
that on principles of drift and rigid justice the assumption of the
. state debti would be inadmiflible; but there are cases in politics,
as well as in jurisprudence, where theJurtlmun jtls would befum
rna injuria ; and there are in fiances also in politics where partial
evil mav be considered as univcrfal good, and, if there ever wast
a cafe of this kind, perhaps it is exhibited in the one now before
the committee. I am also convinced, that a very considerable parfc
of the debt which we ar« about to assume, has been in lttyny in*
stances improVidentlv, in some, unjustly iricurred. The union
has been chaiged with expenccs, the benefit of which has been
solely appropriated to individual states ; and I sensibly feel, Sir,
that connderable disadvantages must necessarily arise to the meri
torious and complying parts of the union to the benefit of those
which have not been so forward. It is also a painful anticipation
to me, that by this measure a direct taxation may be ultimately
superinduced, in order to enable us to fulfil the erigagement we
now undertake; but I look upon this as a speculative point, and
place it at all events, at a very distant period, and even should
our appreheflfions upon this fubje& btf realized, I find great con
folat ion from the facility of payment which such an increased
circulation will immediately produce, and from a policy which I
sincerely believe will contribute to the harmony of the union.
Upon the whole, Sir, as far as an unfinifhed consideration of thia
important fubjett will allow me to go—from the general and ex
tensive influence and affe&ion which wUI immediately arise from
VIRGINIA.
&
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR.ANN