[No. XCIX.]
the tablet.
No. XCIX.
" Great events give scope for great virtues ; but
the main tenor of human life is composed of small 0c-
citrrences
THE greater part of mankind can be conver
sant only in small occupations and incidents.
There are few eminent stations to be filled, and
few remarkable events to be noticed by men.
We should therefore conclude, that the materi
als of our happiness, and the objects of our duty,
principally consist in the due regulation ot the
common transactions of In whatever sphere
a man may move, his virtue is frequently put to a
trial, respecting matters which appeared too trivi
al to have exerciled his thoughts. He departs
from the line of his duty, and mars his felicity
in many instances, merely because he does not
view the occasion important enough, to make it
material in what manner he conducts. 1 here is
no remedy against the evils which result from
errors in thefmall concerns oflife, but to acquire
such virtuous dispositions and habits as lead us
to prefer right to wrong, in the most immateri
al circumstance that may occur.
In distinguished situations, a man may be
prompted to great exertions, and feftrained fiom
vicious aitions, from a regard to his character.
But in the humble walks of his life he m3y sup
pose his character out of the reach of notice, and
will not be on his guard againil those little (lips
and inadvertencies, which are more prejudicial
to his happiness, and indicate a want of virtuous
habits, in a greater degree than errors or oniil
lions of duty, in more confpicuos situations. Ihe
reason is obvious We are (eldom called to the
performance ofillnftrious actions; but everyday
and every hour oflife introduces us to common
occurrences. An habit of doing wrong in these
will occur so frequently that the aggregate of in
convenience will exceed what would result from
a wrong procedure, in the few instances of emi
nent conduct, with which we may beconverfant.
The danger likewise of error on great occasions
is diminilhed by the energy of motive that im
pels us to act with propriety.
Habits of virtue form the only security against;
the numerous temptations by which we arc con
stantly surrounded. " Theymnft be formed and
fupported,potby unfrequent a<ts,but by daily and
frequent exertion, in order to their becoming vi
gorous andufeful. Great events give lcope for great
virtues ; but the tenor of human life is composed
of ftnall occurrences. Within the round of these
lie the materials of happin.efs of most men ; the
subjects of their duty, and the trials of their vir
tue. Whatever is to be our profeflion, no edu
cation is more necefl'ary to success, than the ac
quirement of virtuous dispositions and habits.
Whether science, or business, or public life be our
aim, virtue still enters for a principal share into
all those great departments of society. By what
ver arts we may at firft attract the attention, we
can hold the esteem and secure the hearts of o
thers, only by amiable dispositions, discreet ha
bits and virtuous actions."
BRUSSELS, Jan. i, 1790,
The following is the Copy of a Letter from the Emper
or to General D' Alton, Commander in Chief in tbe
Lout Countries, dated Nov. 22. Intercepted by the
Patriots.
"T Received, my Gen. this day, by dispatch, your
A report of the 14th, and I leave you to judge
if I have not reason to be furpiized, that since the
31ft of October, which was the date of your last
letter, I have not received from you further re
ports ofthe important circumstanceS and state of
the country that is confided to your care. I can
fay nothing of the events, becaule I am ignorant
of the dispositions that are made; but they ap
pear inefficacious, by the evil growing worse.
The permitting the rebels to establish tliemfelves
in .Flanders, and take Ghent, may be attended by
the most troublesome consequences.
" I expecfl, in your next report, that the troops
which arrived effetfted the purpose. This is riot
the moment to complain, but to endeavor for
the general good, and establishment of order in
the provinces.
" I am itill ignorant of the effects the different
requisitions have produced, and of the evidence
againll the people of diftintftion that are arrested,
as you have not mentioned either in your reports.
(Signed)
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FEN NO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
JOSEPH."
WEDNESDAY, MARCH, 24, 1790.
Copy of a Letter /rotn General D' jilt on to the Emperor,
dated Brujfels, November 27. Intercepted by the
Patriots.
" Sincc my report of the aotli instant, made
to your Majesty, the placart of the fame date,
publiflied the day after, proves that my ideas
werejuft, upon the intentions of Government;
the insolence of the people, notwithstanding does
not .contradicft it. Not only the four companies of
the regimentof Clairfayt, and two of Vierfit, are
detained prisoners at Ghent, and that of Captain
Bropore at Bruges, but bands of Patriots are
again upon our frontiers. The day after (the
21ft) the insurgents, tb theamount ofinany thou
sands, thre\v themselves into Turnhout and Hoog
ftraeten, which they still occupy. The rebels of
Flanders are entrenched at Ghent, and many of
them joined those in the town of Dieft after an
a<ftion in which they loft two or three hundred
men, but obliged' Major Broeda, with a division
of the regiment of Bender, which he commanded,
to retire to Arfchot, with the loss of nineteen men
and a piece of cannon.
" The misfortune at Dieft was moil unex
pected by me, and owing to General Count
Baillet, who commanded at Louvain, deferring
for twenty-four hours the dispositions I ordered to
make.
" To parry th" danger of the attack upon
Louvain, I instantly placed a battalion on the bor
ders of the sorest of Meldert, to intercept all
those inclining that way. ,
" General Hopencourt having evacuated Mons
without my orders, on the simple requisition of
Colonel Blekem, who found himfelf threatened at
Namur, I sent him, with his battalion and fqua
di 011 to the right of Neville, where he now is,
and from whence 1 may order him either to Lou
vain or to BrufTels, as occasion may require.
" The account of the taking of Dieft, deter
mined me to aflemble a force at Louvain, to drive
off the insurgents ; and I ordered a battalion of
the regiment of Ligne to march to that garrison,
and intended myfelf to take the executive com
mand of four battalions, and three hundred and
fifty horse, to force that troop of banditti; but
the edidt of the 21ft inft. required infinite circum
fpetftion on my part, and not to cross the negocia
tions of the Minister, recommended by his letter
to the people, of the 25th inflant. I enclosed hiin
a copy of the opinions of the general officers, and
Colonel de Brofe, assembled in council, at my '
house; but having received an equivocal and
verbal answer, I addressed to him a note, a copy
of which I enclose for your Majefly, and meeting
with a similar answer, I repeated my reprefenta
tioti; and the Minister coming tome in company
with the Vice Chancellor, M. Crumpipen every
reason urged could not make him alter his con
duct, notwithftandingthe importance of the ob
ject, under the pretext, that he should wait the
effect of his letter, written the 2jth, and the
Edicft of the 26th ; however, I engaged him to
make no further concession, which he promiled
me ; I then determined to defer my expedition
until the insurgents were informed of the favor
able disposition of Government, although I had
taken the preparatory and certain measures to re
duce tliem, &c. &c.
" But what was my aftoniftiment to find that the
Edicft of that day had been printed, and distributed
to the public two hours before the Miniftei* de
clared, in a note to me (the original of which I
subjoin to this,) that he would not fuffer it to
be publiflied, until we had determined upon that
point. Such is the situation in which I find my
felf, and I dare to hope your Majesty will deign
to fee the defed; of that situation. My troops,
in garrisons, inceflantly occupied in strengthening
them, those detached, harrafled, by continual
marches, and my operations always counteraded,
or at least flopped by the fliackles of administra
tion. Surrounded by these misfortunes, I re
ceived from Colonel Buckim an account a little
fatisfacftory of thefirft advantage gained over the
banditti.
" Your Majesty will find, by the original, that
I have the honor to transmit to you, that it is
fufficient to (hew ourselves to this undisciplined
mob to disperse them ; and that the infurreclion
in the country would have long lince been fnio
thered, if my advice had been attended to, and
above all, it' my orders had been obeyed. 1
expert that my next report will prove to your
Majesty, how much I had reason to think, that
it is by force alone that these people are to be
governed, now that administration are abandon
ed to the moll humiliating conceflions.
" In the mean time I have the honor to trans
mit to your Majesty a copy of a note, I this day
Jpttiift.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN
lent to the minister; it will, without doubt, prove
to him, that I never deviated from the conftann
and uniform condu<3: I imposed upon myfelf, not
to take any step without firft con falling him ; and
that I have infinite cause to complain of the in
ceflant obftaclesadminiilration throws in my way
by visible delays, and other acts, to those difpoli
tions that circumstances require.
" I shall not finifh my report, without inform
ing your Majesty, that I believe, notwithstanding
all the concessions of Government, the Insurgents
will not accede to the propositions, unless the fu
ture maintenance of their privileges are gauran
teed by other powers.
' (Signed)
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MARCH t, 1790.
IN committee of the whole Houfe»—The proposition for altum
ing the State debts, and the amendments proposed thereto, be
ing under consideration.
MR. JACKSON observed, that he had from the intro
duction of the resolutions before the committee,particularly agai\il
the one now in contemplation : That he was opposed to it, not
only in its original form, but ia every poflible modification it
might aflume. That his ind'ifpofition had prevented his rising be
fore : That altho many arguments must have been used, which it
was importable for him to know : His duty compelled him to
come forward ; not with an expe£tation that his small abilities
could change the sentiments of a fjrjgle member, or that he should
gain a single proselyte ; but to (hew t*he reaions for which he op
posed the meafurc, and to produce some fa&s arising in the State
he represented. He confeffed, that if he was in favor of any mo
dification, it was the one which an honorable gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. White) had brought forward a few days finct: As
he had not been present at the former part of the debatt. he hoped
the house would indulge him in entering on the original ground,
and pointing out the light in which the buiinefs appeared to him.
The question might be viewed on three grounds : lft. the ex
pediency; 2d, the policy ; and 3d!)*, the justice of the refoiution.
It might be expedient, either from the prefling call of the States
who might complain of the grievance of their debts ; or, it might
be expedient from the clamors of the citizens of the refpe£H\»e
States, complaining of the State taxation. On the firft point, he
believed the States had made no fbch requeil, and that therefore
the expediency on that head was obviated. That he had hearjd
indeea, that South-Carolina had made some kind of application,
but that one or two States could not declarethe fenfeof the Union;
it could be known only by a majority, which did not appear t-o
demand this aflumption. That on the contrary he believed a ma
jority of the States were against the proposition, and that North-
Carolina had made it an article of amendment, u that Congress
should not interfere with the state debts," and that the voice of
North-Carolina, as well as South-Carolina, should be attended to.
With rcfpeft to individual citizens, no complaints had been
made to the house ; no petitions or Lnftru&ions had been forwar
ded to their representatives. Here he would remark, that it was
on this latter principle he wiflied, at a former day* the postpone
ment of the question, that the sense of his constituents might be
known. The wifli of individuals was therefore not ascertain
ed by cither method, and he believed that a great majority were
for the State debts remaining as they were; That they were fatis
fied with the State taxation by known and accuftomcd methods,
handed down to them by their ancestors. Many of the States had
imposed taxes in those certificates, and had cxtinguifhed a great
part of the State debts ; which taxes the citizens had cheaiiully
Submitted to : This had been done in the State he represented.
To those, he observed, he might add a third reason, why it was
not expedient, the creditors themfelve* had not requested it; there
was no petition, no evidence to warrant a conftru&ion that they
wished it.
He would now consider its policy : Here the field expanded.
He had as high an opinion of the Secretary's abilities as any man :
They were conspicuous : The force of his genius was flriking, and
his talents in the report were admired ; but he was one of thole who
did not think the Secretary infallible; aslongas he poflefied human
nature, so long would he possess the imperfe&ions and failings of
human nature. Ambition, laudable perhaps, to do theutmoft for
thfc Union, might lead him too far, and the plan, evidently to him,
in its policy, had reference to one of two points : firft, that it
is extended as an additional ligature to the continent, by detaching
the creditors from their dependance on the state governments, and
transferring that dependance to the nation, and thereby making it
the intereftof the remote parts of the Union,to support its mea
furcs ; or, secondly, by this specious method of relieving the States,
to remove every pretext for taxation from them, and thereby throw
that power entirely into the hands of Congress.
If we examine however the firftof those pofitioris, we shall find
it will not hold its ground ; for, the securities of the refpe&ive
States, likethofe of the continent, will change their holders ; nay,
they are already to the fouthwardgone from the original creditors
and are in the hands of speculators : they will like the continental
fecuritie6, be drawn to a point in a few commercial cities, or travel
into the hands of foreigners. The ligature, if this position is true*
will therefore not hold ; the tie will soon be broken.
The second will better stand its ground ; Snd I grant that the
whole powers of taxation may be absorbed by the Union. But
Sir, is it policy to take all the powers of taxation from the indi
vidual States and leave them' with the (hadow of a governmenr.
Is it policy to reduce their power to the infignificance of a. small
city corporation, or will the citizens be pleased with it ? A ma
jority, I believe, will be found attached to the modes and the lawg
of the State governments. Some of the most zealous partizans of
the present government, in the State conventions, in order to point
out its excellencies, compared it to a pyramid ; the foundationo(
which was the broad bans of the people, the middle or second
story the State governments, and the top or head the government
of the Union. Sir, let us beware, left in weakening this centrc
work, the head itfelf is riot in danger. The system before the
committee would require a multitude of tax gatherers, who would
be oppreflive to the people ; and at the best view what would the
people gain, but a change of masters and customs which they had
been used to, for masters and customs they had been unacquainted
with.
The Union, he observed, had been frequently compared to a
rope of sand ; it was well to beware, left the argument be carried
too far the other way ; left this ligature—this cord, by its too great
D'ALTON."