Thcpower'orcontraaingiindproyldinsfor debts incurred by ms t0 c3n > nc >dcnt to it—it would not be fafe to concedc Ort WCr °f' ev y' n S war belsngs to Conerefs, and yet to as- I I n ? P°^ cr of Providing tor it ivneccifary for their security veiled in the States. If this, however is not a(r.rted, the objection will be untenable—For if it is now necelftry to the n ■?'" alw »ys he neceflary. AH future war debts will be contratied by Congrcfs— Ui« obiefMon therefore supposes, either at t eState debts will be extinguiftud, in which cafe there is ■II u "i mporl 'y security against a perpetual danger, or that they ■win be kept perpetually in being to secure the States against it. ihe objection plainly leads to this conclusion— If it is impro per and unfafe for Congress to exercise this power, then the con ltitution is wrong, and it ought to have been veiled in the States. he power of providing forwarn«ce(Tjrily draws after it the right of declaring it, and the whole power of the fwurd, The people "1 this country will know that this power vested in more than one borty might soon be turned against themselves. There would be neither conihtution nor union in that cafe. But we are to admin, liter the government according to the frame of it. The real check against the abuse and the security for the beingof both national and State governments is the knowledge of the people. The assump tion will not render the conftituuon obfeure, nor strengthen the "gnt ot this government to raise armies which is already given, nor will it make the State governments obnoxious, but rather the reverse, as it will throw upon the United States the odium of le vying taxes Besides, as soon as the accounts (hall be fettled, this danger will occur. The objection applies equally against the li quiaation of the accounts. Let us however take the argument (imply as it is Hated, it proves too much. For if so much power follows the allumpuon as the objeiiior. implies, it is time to aIV is it fafe to forbear a Burning ? lithe power is so dangerous, it will be so when exefcifed by the otates. I F the afluming tends to consolidation, is the reverse, tend ing to disunion, a lcCs weighty objection ? If lam answered mat the noo-aUumption will not necelTarily tend to disunion, I reply, neither does the alTumption neceffaiily tend to consolida tion. An unrcafonable clalh ng of jurifdiftions cannot be friend ly to the present irame of our republics. nr Wethe acc °unts are in a train of being fettled. We are advised to wait that event. But in the mean time what ■ s to become of the state creditors ; most of the dates claim balan ces, will they provide for their creditors, while they expea to receive those balances ? Will their citizens submit to taxes cheer fully, while this expeaationlaftt? The value of the debt? would be f,actuating. It this fettl.inent (hould belong delayed, their value would fink to a mere trifle, suppose that by assuming we bring the states, or some of them, into debt to the union, by not attuming the union is certainly ia debt to the states. Is it more wire or lull to be debtors than creditors ? But if the states are to have credit for what they have done and paid, and to be charged ! with what they have received from the United States, most of the I ltates will be creditors, and as the war was a common charge,and ought to have been entirely supported by the union, the debts of the states are debts which they ought never to have incurred, *na therefore, the alfumption restores things to their just tounda- •l* 'i- 1 c the ft ? te ' to P*y ,heir ? wn debts; are they to do it by direst taxes ? It is well known that in ellimating the produfl of taxation, as much depends on the mode of imposing and col lecting as on the wealth of the persons taKed. Perhaps direst as. fcflments are, of all taxes the moll unproductive and uncertain They are besides arbitrary and burdensome : Will any Tingle fund especially such at I havejuil mentioned be fufficient ? Or if it lhould, Wquld it not banish the hufbandm.n from feme of the ' .s ' '"dependence is a common acquisition, and ought to be enjoyed upon equal terms. But to some it will prove ruinous, while others living in another state, and divided by an imaginary line will ebjoy their lands almost tax frte. Or (hall the ftatcs fund the debt on excifea ? Have the states a right to excise imported articles ? Without deciding that qucftion, It is not supposed that they have the power of regulating the im portation of goods. The checks upon the dealers in dutied goods of coofequfnee will be imperfe£t. Nether have they a right to prevent the transit of goods through a (late. The extent of frontier is another impediment to state txciks. Massachusetts has a fron tier line (o watch of many hundred miles, and it wjll not be pos sible to prevent the introduction of goods charged with left duties, or not dutied at ast, from the neighboring States.—lf* State ex cise law should militate against the law of the union, both cannot operate—perhaps neither. The right of the States to collect ex cites, if such right exists, is deduced from the silence of the con "i tut ion- The light of Congress is exprelTcd in pofttive terms.- if then the right of laying excises by the States either does not extlr, or exists several limitations and difadvatuazes then the provision which they cau make for their debt becomes pro portionally inadequate and precarious. The burden if equally borne, and under the wisest and most efficacious fvftem of reve nue, is supposed to be heavy enough. How then lhall it be en dured, if borne unequally and under iuch inconveniences ? If it is urged that the United States cannot piovide for the State debts, I answer the States are dill less able. But with debts you take funds—and even on pecuniary calcu lation the public will gain.—Not afluming is paying twice over. For the people of a State will be unequally burdeoed to pay their debt, and (Hen as citizcns of the United States will be liable to be taxed to make retribution. Jiut how is this retribution to be made ? Taxes mull be uni form—you cannot therefore make a requisition upon the debtor States—-you cannot sue for the debt in the federal court—for the money is[due to the creditor States, aud not to the United States • will you wage war to enforce payment ? The balances must be paid by the United States—if Virginia is found to be a creditor tne union mud pay it by taxing the citizens of all the States. The arguments urged against the allumption apply with equal force to the non-aflumption. The rame answer will be equally prooer to be given to those who object—that it will operate unjustly again!! the States which have advanced beyond their proportion, and now will have to bear a part of the debt of the other States, some of whom are debt ors. The States are cither creditors or debtors—lf creditors, theaf fcmption is a prompt piyment of that amount of their claims— It debtors, thechargc of inequality is absurd even interms.—The debt is to be paid or it is not— if not, the debate is imp.opcr ; it it is to be pan!, tlien^ equally or unequally. If the latter, abandon the plea of mllice—if the former, then apportion it ; if the debt was afhia.,y divided among the States according to their quotas, • JlV.k ? P T" wcu '^. be unexceptionable—because it is manif. lt that the burden could be more conveniently borne by the people under one fyftem~lf it is unequally divided, why should the peop.e be crulhed by the inequality of the burden ? Congress have already agreed to pay the balances which may be found flue to the States. This is virtually an assumption—why should we forbear to do that in the firft instance which we are ul tim3tely bound to do ? WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17, Reports from the Secretary at War, and the Secretary of the Ireafury were read, on sundry petitions. liie ratification of tlieStateof Pennsylvania of the q, 4 'r 6 i 8 Uc'conft^tutfo^was' JmCndmCnt3 Pr ° P ° fed b > <° In Committee of the whole on the report of the fe!eft commit tee, to whom was referred the memorialsof the people ca'lcd Oua kTO.on tbefubjeft of the Slave T.ade. P y The question of order was put, when it was determined that Mr. fucker'sjaft amendment was not in order. The report was then taken up by paragraphs. The firft propo ntion being read Mr. White moved that it be itruck out. He did th:s he laid, because he was entering into a confederation at this time of the powers of Congress, he thought it would be time enough tor this when the powers are called in question. He then read thc next, which he laid was entirely unnpcellary as it con tains nothing more than what is contained in express terms in the constitution. He pjfTed on to the 3d, which he said was equally unnecessary; and so the 4th, which was provided for b/ the constitution. He said that he ihould agree to the $th, and 6th, with certain modifi cations. Agreeableto this idea he offered those two in a different torn.. Hcd.fagreed to the 7th proposition, as unaeceffary and >mpr»per. He concluded by obfcrving, that his wilh was to promote the happiuefs of all mankind—and among the reft those who are the objeas of prelcnt confrderation—but this he withed to do in conformity to the principles of jutlice and with a due re gard to the peace and happiness of others ; he would contribute all in tns power to their comfort and well being while in a (late of llavery ; but he was fully of opinion that Congress has no right to interfere in the bufmefs, any further than he proposed by the two proportions as modified. He did not however anticipate the dif ficulties from a total prohibition which some gentlemen seem to apprehend — and if Congress had it in their power tointerdift this bulinds at the prcfent moment, he did not think the essential in terests of the Southern States would fuffer. Twenty years ago, he luppofcd the idea he now fuggefled, would have caused universal alarm. Virginia however about twelve years since, prohibited the importation of negroes from Africa, and the confcquences appre hended never were realized ; on the contrary the agriculture ot that State was never in a more flourifhing situation. Mr. Hartley.—l have the honor to be one of the committee on the memorials, and w.ll with the leave of this committee men. tion some particulars which took place in the courfeof the investi gation of the business ; he premised that he was sorry that the question of right had been brought forward yesterday—and was not a little surprised to hcarthecaufe of slavery advocated in that Houfc, and language held towards the petitioners, which his ex perience he said, had never (hown to be parliamentary he read tome memorandums taken in committee, and had particular refe rence to a law pa(Ted in Grenada which he applauded for its hu manity, and truly benevolent spirit. He reprobated the illiberal treatment which the memorialists had received, and asserted that they were friends to the constitu tion, and that on the prelent occasion they came forward from the roost laudable motives, from a wilh to promote the happiness of mankind, that their conduit so lar from meriting cenfur., de »» D would reteive the applause of the civilized world Mr Wh rT ,n l COn S dmblc fpccch advo "tedthe motion of Mr. W hue, he enlarged 011 the pernicious confequenccs that may be exited to flow from the interference of Congress ; he pointed out the cffc&s which had resulted from the intcrpofition of the Quakers, by which the profpefts of the Southern States in slaves had been rendered very precarious—and if Congress should adopt , ,^ U "11 the confcquences will be pernicious in the highest decree. Ihe negro property will be annihilated The emancipation of slaves will be effefled ... T.me, it ought to be a gradual bufincfj—but he hoped that Congress would not, to grati fy people who never bad been fr.endly so the independent of ern'su", PrCC,p " ate thc buflncfs t0 the S r «t injury of the South- r„W* v, d,nto 3 V ,"y " ,CnfnT confidcration of the fabjeft he gave an account of the humane treatment which the nave, of the Southern States received, their habitations, fam.l.cs children, prmlcge S ,&c. He then (hewed that their emancipation wqol4 tend to make them wretched in the highest degree—he an W 'L f , r " dom on the P ast and P r ®fent conduct of L L C ""7 ed that lhe y wcre the friends of freedom he fa,d that during the late war, they were for bringing this coun l y .l!"r r 3 "jT y° ke > th£ y descended to the charafttrs of spies r7 eV A PP L. enem V Wlth provif.ons, 'hey were guides and conduaots to their armies—and whenever the American armv came into toeir neighborhood they formed themselves in an en/ my s country. Mr. Burke was proceeding in this drain when he WM interrupted by its boing said he was not in order ; a Zrm a' terc«tion ensued, and fn the midftof it, a motion was made that f"" 1 fife ; , thls mol ! on was negatived, and Mr Burke added a few more observations oa the injustice of the mea interference, as UrefpeOed the property of the Southern ■ Mr. Smith (S. C.) followed Mr. Burke in a speech or essay, in ittut" dect o „ Of tW ° h ° U " length -' he CO ~ THURSDAY, MARCH xB. Sundry memorials and petitions were read and referred—The report cf the committee on the memorials rcfpc&injr the slave trade b.ing the order of the day, 6 fubfeftfnl 0 , n r ftCrpr<:min " g - hat a ">' fur,her difcuflion of the futyeft in the line it was now in, would be a useless expence of time—moved that the committee of the whole (hnuld be difcharz . . ?m any further attention to the report—and that the memo rials be again referred to a feleft committee—he offered a variety bv M °mJ whlcl ' he landed this nfotion. This was seconded r who at the fame time entered into a lengthy dis cussion of the fubjeft Mr. Baldwin was followed by many other g M monies during the adminittration of Robert Moths Efrf 1 fuperintendant of finance— and to report to the House a the accounts refpcft.ng the fame.-This motion after was agreed to_and Mr. Sherman, Mr. Madison Mr T, Mr Sedgwick, and Mr. Smith (S. C.) appointed' Lawran «. In committee of the whole, the rennrtnf >»,. slave trade under consideration. The fourth Ol \ a , dut y of on slaves imported'fcC w^ ed that übe struck out, which motion «fter ™ch dSI, ™° V " adopted. Several modifications of the sis.l, * uc i\ del " vl7 . Congress have authority to restrain ,h • • the United States who are concerned in th- Afr ? T" f Applying Foreigners with slaves; and to providefoMhei h ' treatmc nt , wh,:e on their passages to the United Stlte, •JncxT"""" lh " rofe ' and lhe H ° uf = turned till Mon- 390 The ADDRESS of tiie INTENDANT and Wat? Carolina" ** * CHARLEST °N, S To GEORGE WASHINGTON, Pr ; f,d e „t 0 f th . United States. T HOUGH among the latest, yet not among the X eat zealous of the citizens of America, we take the liberty to intrude for a moment 011 your tune, which is so precious to the people over whom you preside, to offer our congratulations on your unanimous appointment to the molt Honora ble station amongit men, the firft magii'uacy of the freell people on the earth. United with our Eastern and Northern brethern in our ardent attachment to the principles of a free government, equally remote from tyranny and anarchy, we rejoice with them, that you have been prevailed upon by the voice of your country to relinquilh your private walks of do mellic life, for the toils of an untried government where your wisdom, moderation, and firmnefs would be requisite to the discharge ofits various and intricate duties. With grateful hearts, vv e add this to the catalogue of eminent facrifices and i ervices, by which you have so compleatly endear eu yourfelf to the people of America. As magistrates of a commercial city deeply i n . terefted in the measures of the fuederal govern ment, we /eel peculiar pleasure in finding it in troduced into action under theaufpices ofan ad ministration every way qualified to corred those errors,or supply those defetfts, which are alledeed by its enemies,or apprehended by its friends: And as in its firft operations, it will receive from you a tone correspondent to the spirit in which it was framed, we felicitate ourselves in the happy 0 - mens of a firm government adting by wholfome laws through tliemedium ofamild and equal ad miniil ration. Poifelling the fulleft confidence that our distance from the feat of government will not deprive us of any of its eflential benefits, we beg leave to tender you ouraflurancesofachearful fubmiflionto and adhve support of the constitution, and the laws which may be framed ill conformity thereto by the wisdom of Congress. We cherish the confidence from whence spring these afl'urances, because we remember that we were not neglected or deserted during the late glorious struggle for independency, but werefub itantially aided by the policy of your counsels, the wisdom of your appointments, and the vigor of the exertions of our northern friends who fhar eel and leflened our feverefl coils. It is our earnest prayer to the Almighty ruler ot the umverfe, that he will take you into his ho ly keeping, and fufFer no incident to arise which may disturb the felicity of your private life ; and that he will make your public administration ho norable to yourfelf, and happy to the people who have so unanimously confided themselves to your c r are V „ THOMAS JONES, Intindaut of the city oj Charleflon, by desire of, and r. r- 'i * n f or the whole. City-Council, Charttpn. (.S.C.) 18M Feb. 1790. To the Intendant and W ardent oftbTCity of Charles, ton, South-Carolina. Gentlemen, T RECEIVE your congratulations, on my unan imous appointment to the firft magistracy of a free people, with that grateful sensibility which is due to the occasion, and which your flattering expressions of regard could not fail to awaken ertuaded that the candor of my countrymen will <.0 juflice to the rectitude of my intentions, lam iappy under the afllirance, that their adlivefup poii of the constitution, and disposition to main tain the dignity of our free and equal govern ment will ensure facility and fuccels to the ad ministration of its laws, and, if the result of my anxious endeavors, in some measure, to juftify the two partial fentinients of my fellow-citizens, mould, 111 any degree, approach to the wiih which ent^ rtail V f or l^e ' r ' la ppinefs, I /hall not regret the domestic enjoyment and personal repose, which may have been yielded to this superior consideration. As magiftratesof a commercial city, deeply in terelted in the measures of the federal govern ment, yon mull have beheld,with fatisfa