[No. XCVII.]
THE TABLET
No. XCVII
" D sceit difcovtrs a little mind, -which flops at tem
porary expedients without rising to tomprehenflve views
oj conduß."
WE often meet with persons who wilh to pals
themselves off upon the world, forfome
thing different from what they really are. Per
haps there are few people who, in all situations,
are contented to be viewed in their true colors.
Deception, however, will sooner or later betray
itfelf ; and 110 mask can be specious enough to
prevent the characters of men from being ulti
mately tried by a genuine standard. Low cun
ping may tempt men into artifices that produce
iome temporary advantages ; but such people
soon finifh their career of fame and influence. A
of mere cunning takes but a narrow view of
the causes that lead to real prosperity. He ima
gines he has an acute discernment, and commen
ces his plans of intrigue with alluring hopes of
success. But fortunately for mankind, it gener
ally happens, that before he has done hitnfelf
much good, or others much hurt, he is entangled
jn a web of his own weaving.
There is a strange propensity in men to occu
py a respectable ftatiou in lite, in some easier way,
than by deserving it. l"o rife gradually into dif
tinftion by regular steps of merit, does not com
port with the ardor and impatience of an enter
prising spirit. It is presumed by ambitious men
that ri more expeditious mode may be adopted,
qrid that they may accelerate their object by
putting on fallacious appearances. His head mult
be weak, who does not forefee the effect of such
disguise ; ajid his heart must be perverse, who
does no! detest the practice of it. When a per
son, on his firft setting out in life, aflumes a falfe
character, it is a proof, either, that he has not
confidence iji his real one, or that he has a native
predilection for duplicity. Candor and sincer
ity arc the only fafe ground, on which any one can
tread, who means topreferve the refpetft and good
will ot his fellowmen. He may, to be sure cap
tivate attention, and even gain some confidence
and esteem by an artificial glare of conduct. But
I appeal to the experience of every pcrfon who
ever tried to promote his views, by tricks of cun
ning, and language of insincerity, whether he did
not find that the end of all his efforts was disqui
etude and disgrace. No prudent man would ven
ture, 3nd no honorable man would wifli a repu
tation so degrading and precarious.
Itisimpolnblein thenatureof things,that there
should not be a want of cqnfiftency in the acftions
of a man, whej commences his course in fallhood.
There are perplexities unavoidably attending
every departure from truth, which will expose
men, in ipite of the moll artful coloring, with
which traulacftions of deceit can be glofleci. The
moment a man relinquiflies truth and fair-dealing
as a guide, he has nothing certain to direct his
steps. Fof, when he is reduced to a Ibift, that re
quires a disavowal of his real motives, he must
soon fall into contradictions. There is not dex
terity enough in the faculties of the most saga
cious man, to pursue a long course of duplicity,
undifcoveted. It is true some dark, mysterious
men retain through life a considerable degree of
influence* But it should be remembered these
are generally a paflive kind of characters, who
rather may be said, not to acft, at all, than to act
infiiicerejv. They learn, by concealing their ac
tual defects, a prudent line of demeanor that is a
substitute for valuable qualifications. This ne
gative reputation can be no desirable object for
a of vigor and enterprize.
Thole who are ambitious to make a respectable
figure ii| society, and take an active part in the
momentous affairs of the world, lhould have too
much spirit to be fatisfied with a negative cha
racter, and too much honesty to wear a disguised
one. They must riot Ihrink from that fcru'.iny
which exhjbitstheir qualities intjieir most natur
al fjiades. If they will bear the examination of
'trufhand reason, there is no danger but they will
ultimately rife into diftinguilhed notice. A man
destitute of intrinsic worth, can not know himfelf
too soon ; for if he is destined to move in the in
ferior walks of life, it can be no consolation to
him that he had artfully or accidentally reached
a confpicuoys station, which was beyond the
lphere of his merit. I cannot close this number
better than by presenting the reader with an ex
trad: front an elegant author, whose remarks on
this fubjecft are fpriglnly a,nd pertinent.
" That darkness of charaifter, where we can
f4 fee no li^art—thofe foldings of art through
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYSIV^ —
UAYS BY 3° m fENNO, No. 9l MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK,
WEDNESDAY, MARCH, 17, , 790 .
which no native affedlion is allowed to pene
u ' rate ».,P r^f en t an objedt unamiablc in every fea
<t if" ° 'ut Particularly odious in youth.—
it at an age when the heart is warm, when the
<< en '? tl ° ns are strong, and where nature is ex
u P e , e „t° fliew itfelf free and open, we canal
it rj y. e deceive, what is to be expe<ft
i( e > w hen we shall be longer hackneyed in the
n a y s me J l , when interest shall have com-
pieted the obduracy of our hearts, and exper
lence fliall have improved us in all the arts of
guile I"
ADDRESSof the SOCIETY of the CINCINNATI in the State of
SOUTH-CAROLINA.
VOTEP NOVEMBER 17, 1780.
To GEORGE WASHINGTON, Prudent oj United States.
u 1 A,
POSSESSED of every feeling that can ast on grateful hearts,
A the Society of the Cincinnati eftablifiied in the State of South-
Carolma, beg leave to congratulate you on the happy occasion
which has once again placed you in a situation of rendering gene
ral good to their country.
Retired from the buly scenes of life, to reap the rewards of your
virtuous atts, and to enjoy the glory you had already obtained,
your lellow-citizens received you with exulting happiness ; they
law in you thcpatriot-hcro,the friend and saviour of their country •
and with hearts filled with gratitude and affeflion, they invoked
the Allwife-Dilpofer of human events to render that retirement
happy.
The period, however, arrived when the abilities of the virtuous
patriot were again to be called forth to assume a public charattcr.
A general political government was formed, by which the hap
piness of the country for whose liberty you had fought, was now
to be eftabli thed. To preside at the head of this new government,
to eltablifh it with permanency, the people fought, in the Great
Wajhingtm, the virtues on which they could rely with fafety, and
from which they might expefl to receive every benefit without al
loy. They had experienced his abilities, they had experienced
his integrity and his inviolable love for his country. Nor did
they seek in vain. The fame noble spirit which actuated you at
the beginning of our late contest with Great-Britain,now operated.
—You received and obeyed the summons; and although you
should make a facrifice, yet you nobly determined—lt was the
voice of your country, in whofefervice every inferior consideration
of cafe and retirement must give place.
As citizcns, we congratulate you, Sir, on this additional proof
of your country's confidence. As soldiers who partook with you
in mapy of the dangers and hardships which attended the general
army under your command, we beg leave to i:xprefs our warmest
attachment to your person, and fincereft wi(h for your happiness
and honor ; and that we may, under your rule, supported by your
amiable virtues, happily experience and long enjoy the fruits of
of a government which nas for its bafts, the GOOD of the PEO
PLE of AMERICA. By order of the Society,
(Signed) WILLIAM MOULTRIE, Prejidcnt.
The PRESIDENT'S ANSWER.
To the STATE SOCIETY of the CINCINNATI in South-Carolina,
GENTLEMEN,
FROM a convittion that the dispositions of the society of the Cincinnati
eflablifhed in the State of South-Carolina are peculiarly friendly to
me, I cannot receive their congratulations on the occasion which gave
birth to their address, without emotions of peculiar fatisJaQion.
The interejl that my fellow-citizens so kindly took in the happinef
which they Jaw me enjoy in my retirement after the war, is rather to be
attributed ta their great partiality in my favor, than to any singular title
I had to their gratitude and ajfcaion.
Notwithflanding I was conscious that my abilities had been too highly
appreciated : yet I felt, that, whatever they were, my country had a
jujl claim upon me, whenever the exercise of them should be deemed con
ducive to its welfare. With such feelings, I could not refujeto obey that
voice which 1 had always been accuflomed to rejpefl, nor hesitate to forego
a rofohition which I had formed of passing the remainder of my days in
retirement. Andfo far am I from having reason to repent of the decided
measure 1 took, in thecrijis of organizing a new general government, that
I ought rather, perhaps, to felicitate ihyfjtf upon having met the wishes,
and experienced the afjijlance of a patriotic and enlightened people, in
my arduous undertaking.
Always fatisfcd that I jhould be supported in the adminiflration of
my office, by the friends of good government in general, 1 counted upon
the favorable sentiment and condufl of the officers of the late army in par
ticular. Nor has my expettation been deceived. As they were formerly
diflingufhed by their eminent fortitude and patriotism in their military
I'fervice, during the mojl trying occajions, so are thefame men now, min
gled in the mass of citizens, conspicuous for a difinterejied love of order,
and a jealous attention to the preservation of the rights of mankind. Nor
I is it conceivable that any members of the community should be more wor
' of the enjoyment of liberty, or more zealous to perpetuate its duration,
; than those who have so nobly and so fuccefsfully defended its flandara in
| the new world.
I Jincere/j thank you, Gentlemen, for your expression of attachment to
m y P cr f<> n i an d vvifh for my happiness and honor. On my part, I only
dare to engage, itjhall he my incejfant fludy, that you may happily ex
perience and long enjoy the fruits of a government, which has for its
1 bafts the good jof the American people. G. WASHINGTON.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, FEB. 2j, 1790.
IN Committee of the whole House—The proposition foraffum
ing the State Debts and the amendments proposed thereto by
Mr. White, being under confederation.
(continued.)
Mr. Gerry in a speech of some length, combated the prin
ciple on which the motion was founded—it contemplated, he
fiid, the debts in question as the debts of the states, while in fafi
they were the debts of the United States; for the states had con
t rafted the debts as agents of the union—and it was well known,
that a debt ccntrattcd by an agent was as binding on, as though
it had been done by the principal; it being an eftabliflied max
im, " qui facit per alium facit per fe," there can be no diftin&ion
in equity then between a debt contracted by Congress, its quartei
maftcrs, or other purchasing officers, and by a state employed by
Congress; the creditors in each cafe being the creditors of the uni
on. Mr. Gerry said, he had before dated, that the firft armv,
although federal, was raised, supplied and paid by the. Hates, till
lit was commanded by continental officers—that the states, on the
£>HU$.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN
pav of'thr " n k Ul j' S r had made S°<?d 'he depreciation of the
at the fr '<J ut "n'ly fupplicd and recruited it, had
taking i, c g ' 3,rumcd - the debts of the union, bv
caving iL CC n £ Ca u S r° P" made by federal officers by
the federal debt, and by various other modes,
ed to the a cnn, yj van >a) if he was not mifmformed, had ailum
her ri , "i ° fivC m ' llion dolla,s ° f ,h <-' federal debt due to
then are = nd ,P lac^. th « sum on the date funds. As the Hates
paid bv th, IT '1% C ' r ? ltlze,>s ' oughtnof these in equity to be
the n ,L n , j , ta ' es ' for P ro P en y tllU ' Applied them ? When
the M . d " K ' the laltCrhad »" 'he resources oF
taxation" f 7u , th ' ,mpo ''' exciff - a »d sole right of duett
thev rnnM'though Congress had the power of taxing states,
from t° g ° n " fanh 1 er ' and that power could not be excrcifed
drr a no" C T"' °/ a , rul = of apportionment required by the confe
oronrr, ca ? 'he states could not form an estimate of their
property as required by that compact : It mult therefore be evi
on ln!il entrusted 'he states with fuppHes for the uni
lut'ion » C /" am state refourccs ' and fa y the late revo
' ,n thc °f government, these resources are by the uni.
on in part alienated from the states to the fedetal government
' IC '' ! s the cafe ot the impost ; and as Congress are now extend
thfft | ,f taxa,,on > to another part, the excise, on which resources
7 cd,tors P»ncipally depended, Congress are bound in
.rIA V" . < ? U " y to P rovide f or the payment of these debts con.
tatted, attherequeft and for the benefit of the United Stales.
1 hey are bona fide debts of the union, and only differ from the
j debt "> theform of the negociation; perhaps it
may Be laid, that the creditors having considered the states asdeb
-100, have no legal claim against the Uniied States. But should
„ ."1" a 3 " P^ n *" C ' l an un j u ft an d ungenerous principle, would
not the state creditors have reason to consider the whole as a state
trick, or juggle to defraud them of their dues? And would thev
ever after rely on the faith of Congress? There can be no good
realon then for the afTertion, that the states can only be creditors
or in other words, that their debts can be only alTumed, accord
"f ! he Proportions of the balances that may be due to them
retpeflively on a final liquidation. Mr. Gerry said, thc gentle
man White) had observed, that by adopting thc firft amend
ment we should again open the door for state claims ; that if it
mould[remain shut, perhaps some fnjuftice would take place, but
it the doors should again be opened, there A-ould be great uneafi
n among some of the states. I n answer to this Mr. Gerry con
ceived, that the states considered justice as the basis of their system
ot policy, and would never be opposed to a measure that would
prevent injustice. If however, he was mistaken in this point; if
i le foundations of the state and federal governments were not laid
in juiticr, he thought their career would be but thort; but he had
no apprehenhons of this kind.
He observed, that Mr. White had said, in cafe of an adempti
on, lome fta[e creditors may accede to it, and others not; that of
the latter number would probably be the citizens of Virginia, in
which cafc (he must pay herown creditors, and contribute to the
payment of the debts assumed by the union. But where is the
difficulty, fay, Mr Gerry, in this cafe? Congrcfs, considering
the Itate creditors of Virginia ascreditors of the union, will pro-
Vide for them as for other federal creditors. And it will make
no difference to the creditors, to the (late, or to Congress, whether
the latter pays the inttreft to the state, and the state to the credi
tors, or whether Congress pays it direflly to the creditors. This
seems too clear to be denied.
The gentleman has said, if the debts are assumed, Congress will
fund, but not discharge them ; whereas the dates will'do both.
How, fays Mr. Gerry, does it appear that Congress will be less
dupofed than the states, to pay off the public debt ? The secretary
in his report has an eye to a finking fund ; and there is no doubt
of every exertion on the part of the uaion, to difchargc the debt.
True it is, the states, with the impost and excise, have made fomc
progress in this buftnefs ; but deprived of those resources, there
will be less profpeft of the debts being paid by the states, than by
the United States* The debts of the states will now accumulate,
as the federal debt did Whilst the states had those refourccs.
The gentleman fays, that if all the revenue from impost and eX
cise 1] thrown into our hands, it will not be adequate, and we
must resort to direa taxes, which would meet the disapprobation
of all the States. But in answer to this, Mr. Gerry observed. that
we have but little experience of the avails of the impost, and none
of the excise, and can therefore form no judgment how far they
are capable of improvement. One thing we know, that the im
post is greatly injured by the State administration of cxcife, and we
also know that the latter is eluded in a great meafureineach State; f<*
that under the federal administration of impost and excise, both
would probably be much increased*
Mr. Gerry then mentioned the defalcations of eJccife • that the
colleflion of it was generally supposed in Mafiachufetts, not to
exceed 25 per cent, of what ought to be the amount,and liated the
manner in which the payment of it was eluded. It is impoflible,
therefore, fays he, at this time to determine whether those resour
ces are or are not equal to the funds required. But suppose they
are not, how does it appearthat the States will be uneasy at direst
taxation, if it is necelTary to support public credit ? I consider
public credit as. tile main pillar of the government. If it is well
established it will be more valuable than the mines of Peru ; for it
will command what resources you may want—and those can do
no more : it will also command the confidence and attachment of:
your bed citizens, which will be infinitely more valuable—will
strengthen ) our government, and make it: mmoveable. A govern
ment founded in juflice is so great a bleflirtg as that enlightened
citizens, like those of the United States, will not only contribute
then property, but will risk every thing in support of such a go
vernment. Mines may enable a government to procure an army
of mercenaries but the power of these is not to he compared with
that of good citizens, a£ling from principled It cannot therefore
be doubted, that if dire& taxes are necelTary to pay the just debtj
of the Union, and to support its credit, the citizens will submit
to it.
Ifwe refer to the propositions of the States for amending th<*
constitution, there is nothing in them that juftifies the contrary
fuppofnion ; but I shall be always opposed to dire£l taxes till it
(hall appear that they are indifpenfibly neceflary.
The gentleman supposes that the assumption will leHen the in
fluence of the States and elevate the general government, and has
quoted my observation, that the States out of debt, would be out
of danger : and not as gentlefnen in theoppofition conceived, in
debt out of danger. To confute this doflrine, the gentleman has
stated a cafe, and fays, if owning an estate he owed money on" it,
he Ihould think it more fafe to take the estate into his hands and
pay his debts with its incomes, than to mortgage his estate to ano
ther on his engaging to pay the debts—But Mr. Gerry obfetved,
that the resources for paying the State debts are taken from them,
ana the question in the cafe stated is, whether the owner of an es
tate who owed debts on it, would not expe£l that the person who
occupied it (hould with the incomes pay the debts of the estate
rather than leave the owner to pay them. In the cafe of a minor,