Can a general system (land with any punctuality
upon such uncertainties ? Will it not be in the
power of a fingleftate, by altering its own laws,
at any time to disconcert the general treasury ar
rangement ? Will the treasury officers ever be a-,
ble togive an exadl account of the national re
venue, in whose hands monies are, or whether in
afafe situation ! I will propose a question which
to the people is still a more serious one—Those
public officers intruded with the revenue, and
with the disposition of monies, ought to be placed
in the most accountable situation ; from the inte
grity of those now in office, we cannot infer the
honor or honesty of their lucceflors; and will
not so complex a plan as we are now considering,
give the greatest room for evasion and fraud,
that can never be detected ? Whoever considers
these queltions, in fomeof thein, will find unan
swerable objections, against Apportioning to the
Stares, and adopting in each one, its own method
of taxing and collecting.
If neither of the above methods are feafible,
the general goverment must adopt a system of its
own, on plain principles, which may operate
thro' the whole with equal expedition and justice.
The greateftevil is to be expected from a plan
which either gives difcretiojiary power to subor
dinate officers of government, in dividing the
taxes on the people ; or is so complex in its
principles and operation that they cannot under -
stand it. No good man will murmur when he
fees himfelf treated on principles of equality ;
hut lawgivers ought to remember, that for the
common citizens to fee this, the mode of taxation
mud be very plain. It is butafew, who have a
thorough knowledge of the principles and influ
ence ot the tax laws in their own States, and this
they have acquired by living long under them.
Should the general government adopt a complex
system, by detaching the most eligible pans, from
all the local customs within the union, it would
still appear to the people a proper objeCt of jea
lousy, and not feeing an equal operation on o
thers, they would suppose theinfelves injured.
If there be any kind of property which is the
bafisof wealth throughout the union, and bears a
near proportion to the ability of the people who
must pay ; if this kind of property cannot be fe
cretecl, and may be charged on principles of
greater equality than any other,- if the nature of
the propef-ty be such that every man may previ
ously calculate his taxes, and detect an over
charge; if it admits a more easy and cheap col
lection than any other ; if its produce must forever
be in demand, which will enable the pcrfon
charged to pay his taxes; this property on some
plain principles ought to be the subjeCt of direCl
taxaation.
PARIS, Nov. 5
r "T , HE final decision of the grand qneftion on
X the property of the Clergy, wasagitated in
no less than nine different Afiemblies, and has
produced moll violent debates. The importance
of the decision, brought back all ranks of people
to Paris, and it was finally determined in the ful
left meeting that has aflembled fincc the firlto
pening of the States General, there being no
fewer than 964 Members present.
The Count de Mirabeau, clofecl the debate
with the following pertinent remarks, temling
to {hew the revenuesof the Clergy were the pro
perty of the people.
" These revenues fays he, have been given to
the Clergy,either by Monarchs or private per
sons, or purchased by them. If Monarchs gave
them, in that cafe, they originally belonged to
the people; if private peifons—they bellowed
them on the Clergy for the use of the public
worlhip, which belongs to the people ; if the
revenues have been purchased, it was done with
the saving of money, the amount of which be
longed to the people.
Thequeltiou was then carried in the following
words :
First, " That all the Ecclesiastical property is
at the disposal of the nation, at the Charge of pro
viding in a proper manner for the propagation
of religion, co maintain its Ministers, and eale
the poor, under the infpedtion, and conformable
to the inftrutftious of provinces.
Art. 11. " That in the dispositions to be made
for maintaining the Ministers of Religion, no
Curate Ihall have leTs than 1200 livers per annum,
excluiive of his lodging and garden "
In favor ofthe Decree
Againlt it
Majority
The Caifl'e cl'Efcompte ft ill docs honour to
its notes ; about 30,000 of them are daily paid ;
they arc chiefly of 1000 livers each (about 40
guineas.) Foreign billsot exchange, and drafts,
are generally paid at the Caill'e d'Efcompte ; bank
ers have fentahnoft all their cafli to that bank.
L O N D O N, November 9.
The Imperial forces in Brabant under General
d'Alton, have hung up every person they have
found in arms. At Lonvaine, several ofthe In-
fuvgents hnve been executed on a temporary gal
lows.
MR. fLKXO,
IX looking over the letters I received a few weeks ago from Europe,
I find one of my correfpor,dents has made fomcjlriflures on the debate.) oj
Congref. As his remarks are diElated with candor, and perhaps may
not bedecnea unintereflivg, 1 fend you an extradfrom this letter, which
if you please \ou may ufert in your paper. %•
New-\erk, Feb. 2, 1790,
" DEAR SIR,
" T THANK you for the news-papers you font me, containing the
JL debates of Congress. Your Legiftature, in their firft session.
made good progress. The most intcrefting fubjefts however aie
yet to be brought forward. The present complexion of your pub
lic affairs appears favorable, and it Congiefs in their fee on d feflion
pursue their determinations expressed in the jirjl, your system wil
be complete ; your friends in this country haveftrong expeftation
that the American government will loon affumethc moil refpeft
able eharaftcr of anv on earth. There are now no difficulties in
the way. If your Legislature make the molt of their situation,
your country will rife into honor and prosperity.
" I have peiufcd the debates of Congiefs, with most critical at
tention. They do honor to your Repiefentativcs, who genera Ih
have given indications of abilities and integrity ; but I mull con
fefs lam in some refpe&s a littlt disappointed. The debates dil
covcr less independence of spirit than I expected from men so fa
vorably situated for giviug scope to their talents : I will explain to
you my ideas on this fubjeft.
41 In the firft place it may be remark'.d,that the speakers in Con
gress have not yet acquired confidence in themselves ; They lp< k
as if they thought themselves unequal to the talk they had to a -
complifh. In many instances, we hnd good arguments loTe tht r
weight from not being more confidently urged ; and the mem
bers appear to want resolution more than feufe or honefly. They
vi w their situation in a light, so new and untried, as to create a
distrust of their own abilities to ast in it with propriety. This
diffidence mav be commendable from the motive that gives rif<
to it, but it will retard public meafurcs and beget unreasonable
precautions. Your Legislators have good ground of confidence in
themselves. The world think favorably of them, and believe
them ccmpetent to the part they have a (Turned.
" Another <r.ircumftance obf rvable in the debates is, that your
representatives appear not to have confidence intheir constituents.
The speakers often express fears how a measure will afFe€l the fee -
ings of the people. There is more evil to be apprehended from
this kind of diffidence than from any other fouree ; and yet thert
is little foundation for cherishing such a diffidence. The people
of your country will submit to any thi that promotes the pub
lic good. There is no formidable oppoiition againlf the govern
ment ; and your Legislators have no reason to doubt that fuc
measures, as are intrinficaHy the best, will be the most univerfallv
approved. Whatever is juil and ufeful will not among so enlight
ened a people, for any length of time, be unpopular. The dfpo
fition of your citizens is as favorable as can be wished, and they
will £hearfully acquielce in all the honest measures of the govern
ment. The resources of your country are nnmenfe, and r.o part
of the globe has such inherent advantages for revenue. Where is
the mighty difficulty in eftabliffiing publiccredit, and in that way.
acquiring an honorablecharafter and realizing all the benefits that
your situation affords ? The Legislators of the United States have
nothing to fear from their conllituents while the plans of the go
vernment are founded in wisdom and honesty. The public opin
ion is scarcely formed on the moil important fubje&s, and it is
the business of the Legislature to iinpiefs the public mind with
virtuous principles, before vicious ones have gained ap» cvalence."
(To bp concluded in the next papyr.)
FROM THE CONNECI hUf JOURNAL
THE common custom of Farmer* in tliis State,
is to sow on land, from one to one
bulhel and an half bushel of feed 011 an acfre of
ground. " They that low sparingly shall reap
sparingly," is a maxim well applicable to our
farmers who raise flax.—l believe the general
produce of an acre sown at this rate is, 011 an
average, one hundred and sixty weight of flax
when drefled. And this flax is generally fliort
and coarse.
A Gentleman of undilputed veracity, in a neigh
bouring State, lately gave this account.—" 1 hat
he had two acres of good ground, which he de
signed to sow with flax ; and that one of his
neighbors alked theprivilege offowing it to halves,
which he. granted, on condition that he lhould
put five bushels of feed upon it ; —he accordingly
did—and that in autumn he received for his half,
five hundred weight of w£ll drefled flax;—that
it wns very long, and much finer than common."
This is more than three times the quantity of
flax that is commonly raised from an acre of
ground, with only the additional expence of one,
or one and a half bulhel of feed. But this ex
pence would be more than compensated by the
additional quantity of feed produced.
If this hint fliould prove of any fervjce to those
who cultivate flax, 1 fliall think this not written
in vain
KAYETTEVILLE, Jan. 1790.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in London, to
I;. y.:_ . J • ./•
" The new federal duties are smart, but they
will aflift Congress to bring about an efficient go
vernment—your (late keeping aloof froin so ref
peiftable a body is too ridiculous to make any
comment upon the absurdity of the idea. This
country will not long tamely submit to America
laying duties on our shipping ; this I can tell
you of a truth, having been the other day closet
ed with some of our great men on that head.
This idea was received, I could plainly fee, from
a felf-interefted merchant, and not the breath
ings of a liberal patriot and politician ! indeed I
was told foine thing mult be done, and if America
had any thing to offer, let her do it, for that o
ther alien nations had aflced the ininifters of this
kingdom, and requested an answer— " Why is
not America treated as an alien nation, fuppo
sing her a favourite one too, and the fame alien
duties imposed upon her exports as are levied up
on ours." You fee how the pliyfic works, our ge
ral committee is this day funimoned upon the
bufmefs by the laws of trade; your pot-ash will I
am afraid, be an object."
5 73
346
232
338
" London, November 2, 1789.
Jo
his friend in this town
Sir,
AT a friend's house where I was lately visiting, some peifon
present obfervmg a negro child capering in thn yard re
claimed—what alp rightly little devil it is !—the circumihnce led
to a train of rrflc&ions, of which I fend you the result.
It is a very general observation that mulatto and negro children
difcovcr a greater degreeof vivacity and cunning, than white chil
dren of the fdme age ; and many persons arc at a )ofs to account
for the difference, when they obfervc that as the former encreafe in
years, the reverse appears to he the cafe,—for a negro who w?s
lively and ingenious in childhood, is observed to lose these quali
ties as he advances in life—and old negroes are generally reserved
dull and ltupid.
The hiltory of this business I conceive to be this—the Creator
lath endued all animals with a principle of a&ivity this dif
. overs itfelf with the greatest force while they are hence
children of all colours, arc forever in motion, when awake tins
attivity is equally observable in a//--and affords one inconteftib'.e
vidence, that in the distribution of active, and ingenious powers,
nature does not confine its gifis to hair, or wool—what then occa
'ions the difference in after life ? Education entirely—education
is but another word for discipline—the natural versatility of the
tuman mind by the influence of rules and orders is corretted •
he wanderings of the fancy is retrained : and that propensity,
vhich unchecked, ripens into mischievous ingenuity, and mon
k.yilh adtoitnefs, is made fubfei vient to ufeful acquirements, un
fertile hand of parental tcndcrncfs, and unremitted care, and vi-
g;ilance—But the ill fated fable race, are generally negle&ed, or if
attended to, the attention has a verv unpropitious afpeft on their
f uture fate—accuftrmed to consider Africans as property, but little
r uperior to four legged animals, their proprietors too often treat
icra as such—as mere machines of temporary amusement hence
'heir infant gambols, monkey tricks and pcrtnefs, are encouraged
.»y smiles and laughter—some carry the fatal humour so far as
never to discourage the infant buddings of artfulnefs, tricking and
lying—thus nurturing and hardening them in vice—without the
fmallefl effortsto instill into their minds, contrary principles.
This is the mode of treatment generally adopted towards black
and yellow children—the consequences are such as all the world
s acquainted •with—the wrctched cffe&s have given rife to an
idea, that blacks are deficient in mental powers—but I leave it
o thefober judgment of every candid white person, whether si
milar treatment would not neccHarily produce the fame apparent
ncomp< t 'ney in the whites. There arc some persons, who,*in
many refpe&s conduct towards their children, agreeable to the
above mode of treating blacks—eflcntial inflruttions are omitted •
but what is called fprightlintfs, manhnefs, &c„ are encouraged
f!l a pert boldness, a knack at fwearipg, and a tacts for diflipa
:ion f comprehend the whole circle of the sciences to young maf
er. Yon fball hear from me again fliortly. Your's, C.
MiR. GALE, member from Maryland, took his
■ feat this day.
The bill for defining and punishing certain
crimes against the United Stat°s, was read a se
cond time, and made the order of the day for Fri
day next. Ordered, that 100 copies be printed
for the use of the House.
The order of the day being called for, the
House went into a committee of the whole on the
bill for securing to authors and proprietors the
copy i ight of their works.
The bill was read and difended in paragraphs.
The committee thenrofe, and reported the fame
with amendments. It was moved that the bill
lhould be re committed. This was obje&ed to.
The motion for re-commitment was withdrawn,
and the House proceeded to consider the amend
ments—to all of which they agreed. It was then
ordered that the bill be engrofled for a' third
reading to morrow.
Mr. White of the committee appointed to ex
amine into the measures taken by Congress ref
peifting lands granted by the State of Virginia,
for the troops of that State, brought in a report
which was read.
A meflage was recived from the President of the
United States, by his Secretary, communicating a
letter from the Gov. of North Carolina, with a
copy !of the act of that State, ceding to the United
States, certain Weitern Lands, therein described.
The meflage with the accompanying ast were
read—and on motion of Mr. Smith, (S. C.) re
feredtoa committee to report thereon. The fol
lowinggentlemen were appointed accordingly,
Mr. Clymer, Mr. Tucker, Mr. Gale, Mr. Madison,
and Mr. Matthews.
AGRICOLA
Mr. Hartley moved that a committee Ihouldbe
appointed tobringin a bill providing foragener
alfyftem of Bankruptcy in the United States.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) objected to taking up the
fubje(ft immediately, as he conceived the present
{trust ion of the country is such, as to render age
neral law on this fubjedl a more intricate and per
plexing business than the gentleman is aware of.
He thought it. bed to defer the business till the
public debt should be funded, and banks e'ftablifli
ed, without which it is difficult to conceive how
arrangements can be made to facilitate the pay
ment of debts, or the operation of such a law. —
He said the insolvent atfts in the several States
would answer at present.
Mr. Hartley replied, that the constitution
required that an acftlhould be pafled by Congress
on the subject ; but he was not for hurrying it
through the house the present feflion, he was de
sirous however thatfonie Heps should betaken
to (hew that the Congrels had the credit of the
country in view.
Mr. Sedgwick followed Mr. Smith in a similar
train of observations, and adverting to the present
state of that country from whence many of our
THE GUEST.—No. XV,
To tht Author of the Guejl.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, FEB. i, 1790.
Mr. Baldwin in the chair.
s