[No. LXXXIV.]
THE TABLET,
No. LXXXIV.
(Continued from the last Number.)
k Every Jituation in life has pleasures and pains
peculiar to it ft If; but the mojt unfailing fountain of
happiness it open alike to all men."
THE happiest man I ever knew was a person
who every day of his life formed delu
sive expectations, and never once succeeded in
a plan he undertook. To miscarry in a most ma
terial point of business made flight impressions
on him, because his anticipations were always
awake, and his mind was more habituated to in
dulge new profpedts, than to repine at past mif
fortunes. His neighbors viewed him with a mix
ture of ridicule and pity. Such bitter difappoint
xnents, they supposed must make him unhappy,
and such unreasonable hopes could not but expose
him to derision. In lhort his misfortunes produced
complaint from every body but himfelf, and he
was miserable in every eltimation but his own.
From this run of remarks 1 would infer that we
are too apt to exaggerate imaginary evils, and to
iuppofe people more unhappy in many refpe<fts,
that they really are.
It is a question that deserves enquiry, whether
•we generally anticipate more pleasure from any
objedt than it affords when we poflefs it ? The
common opinion of mankind is, that the imagi
nation overa:es approaching scenes of gratifica
tion. We should not two hastily adopt such an
opinion. The reverse more usually happens, and
we derive more happiness from gratifying our
■wiflies than was expected. People form their
ideas on this fubjetf;, by examining their feelings
when the enjoyment is over ; and comparing the
sensations of satiety with the impulses of hope,
they give the preference to the latter. But the
fact is, the enjoyments of the scene itfelf was
more delightful than either.
We Ihould make a diftindiion between the plea
sures of sense and those of the imagination. The
f ratification of natural appetites never affords left
elight than we anticipate. A man pinched with
hunger or cold,does not exaggerate, in his imagi
nation, the pleasure he derives in being relieved
from his distress. A traveller, performing a
journey in rough, tempestuous weather, conl'oles
himfelf with the profpeifl of meeting at night
with a commodious inn, where he will find a warm
room and comfortable refrefhment. He mitigates
no doubt the tedious hours of the day, in looking
forward to the pleasing scenes. of the evening ;
but I appeal to his fellow traveller, whether his
fpirirs are not more brisk, when he is enjoying
those comforts, than while he was anticipating
them.
Artificial sources of pleasure, however may of
ten prove delusive. Men 'who flatter themselves
that a superb house, elegant gardens, a carriage
and livery servants will add eflentially to their
happiness, are under the influence of a mistake.
•Their anticipations are too lively, and the object
when they attain it, will not yield the delight
that was imagined. There is no reason in nature,
why a person fliould feel any exquisite fatisfaiftion
in riding in a chariot to church ; and gratificati
ons of this kind soon lose their relish.
Providence has so managed the causes that con
tribute to happiness, that all clailes of people
may attain a proportion. Torelieve thewantsand
gratify the desires which nature has formed, af
ford more genuine and universal fatisfatftion
than can well be created by the allurements of
caprice and fancy. The appearance of the fun,
when it has been, several days, hidden in the
clouds, has afforded more real delight to the
human race, than all the elegance and splendor
that artifice can devise. Refrefhing showers after
the earth has long been parched with drought has
yielded more pleasing sensations, than can be en
joyed by all the gratifications that wealth can
purchase or power command.
Mankind should not indulge a temper of com
plaint. Happiness is dealt out in more equal
portions, ancL depends more on causes within our
reach, than is commonly supposed. It cannot be
material, whether imaginary objetfs of pleasure
are greatest in anticipation orin poflefiion. What
ever delight they afford is so much clear gain.
We ihould make the most of our situation, and
not repine becaufeit is not different.
fOR THE GAZE 1 IE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE REPUBLICAN
EVERY society of men must be restrained by
foiue coercive regulations ; and every form
of government must be founded on certain gene
ral maxims. According to the celebrated Montef-
No.—ll.
SATURDAY January 30, 1790.
quieu, Fear is the spring of action in a Despotic
form ; Honour in a Monarchy, and Virtue in a
Republic. This is a plausible theory; but like
many others, though beautiful on paper, it is ut
terly fallacious in practice. Human nature is so
felfifh and corrupt, that the legislator who depends
on virtue alone for the support of a Republican
system, builds upon a foundation of sand. More
permanent and operative principles are necella
ry. The common participation of all denomina
tions of citizens in the honours, emoluments and
burthens of society; as equal a diltribution of pro
perty, as the abilities and exertions of individu
als will permit j and above all a general diffufion
of knowledge among the body of the people, are
main pillars in the edifice of a lasting republic.
A people well inftrudled in their rights, are ne
ceflarily furnifhed with the means of ipreferving
them. Their liberties cannot be taken from them,
without the absurd supposition of their own con
sent, which would be a kind of political suicide.
Mankind have been too long governed or rather
enslaved by means of their hopes, their fears and
other paflions. But we have reason to be thank
ful that experience has effected a happy change
of measures. In this enlightened age and coun
try the laws begin, as they ought, to be address
ed to the sober reason of the /übjeils. To fit them
for such a rational government, every ufeful
branch ,of knowledge should be encouraged by
our federal and (late legislatures. The President's
recommendation of thisfubje<ft, in his late official
speech toCongrels, is worthy of that great friend
to the rights of mankind. He urges a legislative
patronage of education with his usual candour
and discernment. His reasons appear to be alto
gether fatisfa&ory; and I trust will meet with
the concurrence of both houses of Congress, as
well as the hearty approbation of the public. As
the Prefidont did not think proper to descend to
particulars, they are left to the good sense of the
senators and representatives. To encourage lite
rature, without interfering so far as to controul
and {hackle it, would be an undertaking becom
ing our national rulers. With deference I would
suggest the propriety of founding a federal pro
feflorfliip of hiflory, government and jurifprudtnce
in each of the universities of the United States.
The profeflors might be appointed either by the
President of the Uniied States, or by thetruflees
of the refpe<ftive univerfuies, as should be judged
most proper. Their le&ures might explain the
general rights and liberties of men ; the history
of ancient and modern times, especially of our
own country, and more particularly the grand
American revolution, including the rife anapro
grefs of the various political establishments in the
several states and the general confederacy. As
the pupils annually retire from the universities,
mix with the mass qf citizens, and many of them
engage in the inftru«ftion of subordinate fcliools
or other ufeful employments, they will carry their
knowledge with them into life, and diffufe it far
and wide among all ranks of people. And thus
the whole community will receive a salutary in
fluence from such institutions. Surely the salaries
which would be neceflary to engage competent
profeflors, would be money expended to the ad
vantage of the public.
EXTRACT,
From Governor Hancock's speech to the Legislature
of the State of Majfachufetts. January 19, 1790-
IT would be very extraordinary if we, as a
nation, should remain exempted from those
foreign or domestic troubles, with which other
nations aie frequently visited. Notwithstanding
a general Government is well established by the
free consent of the people, v/e are to continue to
support our own government,with unabating anx
iety for its welfare and prosperity : Indeed,
the general Government of the United States is
founded in an aflemblage of Republican Govern
ments ; and it depends eflentially on these, not
only for its dignity and energy, but for its very
exillencein the form it now poflefles ; therefore,
whatever is done to support the Commonwealth,
has a tendency to advance the interest and honor
of all the States. Hence we are called upon in
an especial manner, to maintain an equal and re
gular fyltein of revenue and taxation, to support
the faith, and to perform the engagements of
our Republick ; to arm and cause our Militia to
be disciplined according to the mode which fliall
be provided by Congress ; and to fee that they are
officered with men, who are capable of making
the greatest progress in the art military, and
who delight in the freedom and happiness of their
country. A well regulated and disciplined Mi
litia, is at all times a good obje<ftion to the in
troduction of that bane of all free governments
—a Handing Army.
Abates.
[Pn'olijhed Wedr.cfday ami Saturday .j
CONGRESS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 27, 1790,
r I ""HE order of the day for the consideration of
the bill for giving effect jto the laws of the
United States in the date of North-Carolina, was
taKen up, and the bill palled to be enacted.
The bill sot- theremiffion or mitigation of fines,
forfeitures and penalties in certain cases, was read
the fecoud time. Ordered, that it. be referred
to a committee of the whole house, to be taken
into consideration on Wednesday next, and that
too copies be printed.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to pro
vide the means of intercourle between the Unit
ed States and foreign nations ; the motion before
the committee yesterday, for striking out of Mr.
Lee's proposed amendment, the words, " by and
with the advice and consent of the senate," was
again read.
Mr. Jackson objected to the principle of the
bill, as tending to eftabliili arbitrary power—as
diverting the senate of their prerogative—as re
linquilhing the controul of the Ho'ufe over the
Treasury of the United Statesi Besides, he con
tended that it is the duty of the House to fix the
salaries, and this he conceived the legislature fol
ly competent toi The disposal of the public mo
ney is a trust committed to us, nor can we conlti
tutionally divest ourselves of it.
Mr. Boudinot was opposed to the amendment,
and in favor of striking out the words, and con
tended that the bill went to make all those pro*
visions as fully as the nature of the cafe would
permit, which gentlemen appeared so earnestly
to contend for.
The bill empowers the Prefiaent to draw out
of the public treasury a fpecified sum, it has also
determined a point beyond which the salaries shall
not extend; all the power proposed to be veiled
in the President, is to reduce the salaries, and to
dispose of the appropriation to the best advantage.
This cannot be considered an extraordinary or
unconstitutional trull; it is agreeable to the uni
form usage of the House in making appropria
tions where any trust is reposed. It is easy to
forefee infnperable difficulties in aflociating the
feiiate with the Prefiderit in this bufinefe.
Mr. Scott asked whether the queflion was of a
legislative or executive nature—for his part he
thought it of a legislative nature ; and therefore
granting any power to appropriate the publii mo
ney for purposes where the house could not ascer
tain the quantum neceflaiy, was adting contrary
to the constitution. It was improper he said that
either the President or senate, or both, should ex
pend money for any services, the amount of
which could not be fixed by law. He was there
fore wholly opposed to the principle of the bill,
and moved that the committee should rife, for
the purpose of introducing a motion in the house
to re-commit it.
Mr. Sedgwick observed that if a discretionary
power cannot be lodged with any person to de
termine what sums fliall be paid for particular
ferviccs, it is difficult to conceive how the public
business can be carried on. He was sure he said,
there was nothing in the Constitution against the
delegation of such a power—and in fadt constant
experience was directly opposed to the position.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) pursuing the idea of Mr.
Sedgwick adverted to the circumstance of voting
20,000 dollars the last session for the Indian bufi
nefs —it is true the coinpenfations of the Coni
milioners was fixed—but their allowance, absorb
ed but a small proportion of the fuin committed
in trull tothe President and Senate of the United
States.
Mr. Lawrance opposed the motion for the com
mittee's riling—he wished the committee to come
to a decision of the question, whether the Senate
should be aflociated with the President in this
business or not—he adverted to the constant
pracftice of the House in refpecfl to the heads of
'departments, who from the necessity of the cafe
are constantly trusted with appropriations which
it is true they may not exceed, but without par
ticularly fpecifying the sums they shall pay for
certain services.—He wished the gentleman would
withdraw his motion.
Mr. Boudinot was likewise opposed to thetifing
of the committee, and enlarged upon the ideas
suggested by Mr. Lawrance, and Mr Smith.
Mr. Scott defended his motion, —he said that
services performed in the public offices are known
and open to examination; but that might not be
the cafe with the present business ; that as the bill
stands it militates against the constitution ; that
consideration would influence him not to with
draw his motion for the riling of the committees