[No. LXXI.] THE TABLE T. No. LXXI. " Suspicion, for the jttojl part, proceeds from Come fctf-dejeii TO be of a suspicious temper is not always incompatible with the character of a wife or a virtuous man. Such a temper, how ever, more generally characterizes persons who are weak or vicious. A man of knowledge and integrity may have perceived, in his intercourse with society, so many instances of deception, and experienced such a variety of misfortunes, that all human affairs, wear in his view, some appear ance of uncertainty. When, from such cuufcs a man guards hiinfelf against the ignorance or dif honelty of thole with whom he is connected, it may be denominated circumspection rather than jealousy. His diltruft is not without some foun dation in the general reason of things. It is the effect of reflection and experience, rather than pallion and prejudice. It operates uniformly, and does not nnreafonably discriminate particular characters as objects of suspicion. Though this kind of caution often has the complexion of jea louly, when exercised towards individuals, yet it is not meant to indicate specially any bad opin ion of them. Nothing more can be inferred from such habitual precaution in any person, than that he is fenlible there are vices and imperfections more or less incidental to all men ; and that the belt way to escape the snares of the wicked is to carry a vigilant eye over the whole of mankind. The suspicion oflow, uninformed minds, is of quite another nature. It selects individuals as objects of prey without any reason, and condemns them without inercy or trial. It so often imagines evil without any proof as to render a perlbn wretched in himfelf and dangerous to his friends. When suspicion operates in this manner, it de notes weakness or vice. Sometimes people sus pect others of bad intentions from an ignorance of the motives and i-ellraints which their charac ter and luuation are calculated to impose. And for.ietiines men feel fuel, depravity of heart, as to imagine :hat others are too much like themselves not to pratftife the mifchiefs, which are in their power. Such low minds are most apt to harbor suspi cions againlt persons in public office. It is not re markable that a man, utterly unacquainted with the inducements that arefpanfible character feels to difcliarge his duty, should fufpeit that he will be regardless of the interest or honor of his con stituents. Nor mult we be surprised. that vicious, unprincipled men excite clamors among the peo ple against their rulers; for a difhonefl: man acts confidently in apprehending from ofhers the evils which lie would commit, were he in their situation. To indicate millrull over those we employ is apt to make them lose their sentiments of honor, and to weaken the effect of refponftbi lity. For when a man knows he is suspected, he becomes familiarized to reproach, and the (ting ofit is taken away, it is highly expedient to im pose checks on persons employed in public bnfi nefs ; but an oversight that looks like jealousy, will be more likely to make good men bad, than so reform those who were bad before. KROM THE AMERICAN MERCURY. THE OBSERVER.. No. VIII. On the means of preftrving Public Liberty. W HEN a fyltem of national freedom hath been established by great exertions, it be comes an interesting enquiry how it /hall be belt pref'erved. The speculative PhiJofopher, and the practical Statesman have united their endeavors to answer this question. A natural thirll for power in the human mind, with the emoluments springing from authority, tend to a general encroachment 011 the rights of human nature—Even patriots and lionefl men have their weakness, pallions, and appetites, and in little inltances may be tyrants, while they wilh for general freedom. Many fyltems have been formed which in theory appear almolt perfect—many checks have been deviled ; Itill there are, and we must expect there will be, abuses of power, until the nature of man is delivered from its present imperfections. In every state, some person or persons mult be repre sentatives of the public, in whose hands the power of the whole is lodged, for general protection ,• andwithout this investiture of public authority, to rettrain and punifh,the wicked will be a Icourge to all within their reach ; and it is also poflible, that the very persons who are clothed with public power, may become cruel and unjust. Without power in some national head, anarchy will be the itate of man, every one will retaliate and abnfe . his pallions dictate, which is the worst of WEDNESDAY, December 16, 1739. tyrannies : With power the rulers of a nation may do injury, for man is frail—great men may misjudge—good men may fall. To give any man unlimited power, is a grea ter temptation than ought to be placed before a trail being ; at the fame time, placing too many checks oil rulers is in effeiit difinembering the body, and destroys its energy of atftion and of defence, both against foreign enemies and its own evil fubjedts. So far as we may judge from American experience, a nation of freemen, in modelling their government, arc more apt to err in overliniiting, than in giving too great scope to the power of rulers—ln both cases the conse quence is nearly the fame ; for when the citizens find their constitutional government cannot pro tect and dojuftice, they will throw- themselves into the hands of some bold usurper, who promises much to them, but intendsonly for himfelf ; and in this way very many free dates have loft their liberties. The forming a constitution of govern ment is a serious matter —the spirit of deliberati on and concession, with which it hath been taken up by the citizens at large, and thus far carried into effecft,is anew event in the history of mankind. The present conflitution of the United States, appears to embrace the eflential principles both of freedom and energy in national operations ; ttill very little dependence is to be made on this Conflitution, as a future fafeguard to the Ameri can liberties.—l would by no means undervalue those fyftematie produiflions, which we call the Constitutions of the several States, and of the Union—they express our present ideas of the ru lers' power and duty, and the fubjedts' rights— they are a written basis on which national habits will be formed, and in this way will cheriilifenti ments of freedom and retard the rife of oppres sion—on these your children will look as maxims of their fathers' wisdom ; but if they have no other protection, the lust of those who have op portunity will undermine their privileges. Every generation must aflert its own liberties ; and for this the collective body of the people must be in formed. A general diffuiion of science, in every class of people, is the true cause of that new series of events which have taken place in the United States. In every other country, a great proportion of the people are unacquainted with letters—ln several great and civilized kingdoms of Europe, it is but a comparative few who can read and write. The vast number of well mean ing and ignorant people, become instruments of superior policy, to oppose every effort of nation al freedom ; but in America there is no order or great number of people, who can be made sub servient tofuch ungenerous purposes.—The late war, was a war of the people—general informa tion convinced them of its justice and that their all was endangered ; hence sprang their unani mity, exertion and patience; and a traitor could in no part of the country find either asylum or aid. The formation of our present government, by the deliberation of three million of citizens, is the highest evidence of, and the greatest effe&we have yet seen from general information. The fame causes which have given you vidtory, and a constitution, combining the rights of man vrith the powers of government, will certainly be fufficient to preserve national liberty, and make your children as free as their fathers. A few en lightened citizens may he dangerous—let all be enlightened, and opprefliqn must cease, by the influence of a ruling majority—for it can never be their interest to indulge a system incompatible with the rights of freemen. Those institutions are the most effectual guards to public liberty, which difFufe the rudiments of literature among a people. Let the raof perfect constitution finite wisdom can devise, be adopted ; if succeeding generations become ignorant—rifalarge part of the people are destitute of letters, their precious patrimony will be cheated from their hands—not perhaps, by violence, but by a course of artful measures, against which ignorant men have no defence. A man declaiming for liberty, and fufFerjng his children to grow up without education, a