[No. LXIIJ.j
THE TABLE T No. LXIII.
" He muj} have a bad heart, mho complains when
good wen arc praised ; and his life probably is bad,
whom fear of reproach fills ■with anxiety"
I ENDEAVORED in my last number to fliew,
that panegyric founded in truth
as well as satire. It may now be well to make
a few remarks on the advantages, both are capa
ble of producing. Though many men f'uffer too
severely under the lafhof.the satirist, frill there
are many bad actions prevented solely through
fear of inveiftive. The fling of ridicule is sharp
and piercing. It makes people ashamed of their
follies, while reproach makes them fear to be
vicious. However disagreeable it may be, that
an innocent man fhouid fuffer at all, or that a
blameable one Jhould meet more chastisement
than he deserves, yet both these had better hap
pen, than to takeaway the restraint over thecon
duct of men, which is imposed by a dread of sa
tirical animadversions.
Whether more benefit rcfults from satire than
panegyric need not be enquired into, while it is
evident that much good is produced by both.
Perhaps nothing affords a flronger stimulus to
worthy and noble actions, than the love as well
as the hope of applause. Satire can only re
ft rain men from mean and pferverfe anions, but
encomiums have a politi ve influence in stimulating
to a conduct that is ufeful and honorable. The
dangers and difficulties that are often to be en
countered in the execution of public service
would deter men from attempting to preform it,
were not their fpiric of activity and enterprize
sharpened by lively expeditions of fame and ap
plause. In ascribing to such motive, ihe most
powerful effects, we shall not probably be deceiv
ed ; for we frequently behold men lb situated as
to exclude every profpe<ft of other conipenfation
than the good will and praises of their fellow men.
It is the more beneficial to society that this kind
of recompence ihould always be given, when it
is deserved, because it gives life and motion to
many important actions, and yet coftsthe public
little or nothing. Praise is a cheap method of
purchasing meritorious and distinguished services.
It gratifies fhofe on whom it is conferred, and
subjects those who confer it to no great expence
or inconvenience.
The practiceof shewing respect to eminent cha
racters, by public addrefles,is attended with more
utility than is commonly imagined. It is not on
ly a reward to which part; merit is entitled, but
it proves an a(flive spring to a patriotic line of
conduct in future. If it ihould so happen that in
the warmth and ardor of an address, a person
fhouid have qualities ascribed to him, of which
he is dertitute, what milihief can rclult ! None
atall. More probably it will operate as an in
ducement to acquire those qualifications and vir
tues, for if the penegyric fhouid not be deemed
just, it reflects no real honor on the person to
whom it is addrefled. Other confpiciious men
would like wife be inspired with an emulation to
perform elevated services, that their conduct
might deserve and obtain funilar encomiums. Men
employed in arduous undertakings have frequent
occasion to be invigorated to action. The flrong
eft motives are fonietimcs infufficient to press them
into the hazards and hardships, which circum
stances throw in their way.
It is true that men are often miflaken in their
ideas of praise worthy actions, and feel a pride
of character founded 011 falfe pretentions. But
this is no argument again ft the general utility of
commending such virtues and qualities as really
are displayed. Men from a bad education, or
from a natural perverfenefs of dilpofition may
have erroneous notions of character and yet be
very solicitous of applause. They deceive them
ielvtfs as well as others and gain approbation
where, in many instances, they deserve censure.
There is however no great danger from miflakes
of this kind. The public can generally Form a
just estimation of men, and if they are fomctimes
deceived, it teaches them caution in future.
Noneof the inconveniences that artful pretend
ers can occalion, by imposing 011 the ignorant
and unsuspecting, can balance the solid advanta
ges that society derives, in bestowing liberal
commendations on great and good characters.
THE CRITIC.—AN EXTRACT.
IN the ftrifteft lease he may be callcd * Man of Letters, hi J
ftutl van J capacity being; nearly confined to a just orthogra
phical of the alphabet—His bufiueis is to encoimtre
■the outworks of genius, as he has no key to the gates ot nature
01 -"ltiment—He (nuns faults from far as crows {'cent carrion, and
delights to pick,and to prey, and to dwc;ll upon them.—He i nters
iike a wasp iwcn the garden oi .literature, not to relifli any frag
rance, or to ft leclany sweets, but to pamper his malevolence with
cv< rv thing that favors of rariknefs oroffence—
Hjppily for h>tn, his sagacity does not tend to the d;fcovcryof
merit :in such a cafe, a work of gefuiis would'give him the spleen
1 month, cr poilibly depress his spirits beyond recovery.
W E D N E S D A "Y, -November 18, 1739.
Ths ADDRESS of the Town of PORTSMOUTH,
NEW-HAMPSHIRE,
To GEORGE WASHINGNON,Presipf. Nt of the
United States of America.
S I R,
0 ENSIBLf. of the honor done them by thisvilit
from your Excellency,the inhabitants of Port 1-
fmouth improve this firft opportunity of biclcling
you welcome to New Hamplhire ; aticl beg leave
to mingle their warmest congratulations with
those of their brethren throughout the Union
upon your election to the high and important of
fice of President of the United States.
We attempt not to recount the number, variety
and merit, of your services to our common coun
try these are already written in indelible charac
ters on the heart of every true American, which
the faithful page of history will transmit to ge
nerations yet unborn—but to express our grati
tude to him, who with a magnanimity peculiar
to himfelf under the smiles of heaven, defended
the rights and gave birth to the empire of America.
1 ermit us to add, the grateful sense We enter
tain of our high obligations to you, Sir, as a
town, for our security from that devaluation
which was the fate of many other seaport towns
in the Union, and probably have been ours,
had not the enemy, by your wife and spirited ex
ertions, been driven from the capital of a neigh
bouring State, and compelled to seek an afylurn,
lor a while, within their own dominions.
Our happy escape from this calamity, while it
demands our devout ascriptions of praise to the
great Ruler of all events, consoles us under the
many heavy lodes we have I'uftained in our navi
gation and commerce during the war—the diflref
hng effects of which we Hill but toofenfibly feel.
It is with pleasing emotions, we recognize the
dispensations of divine providence towards the
United States, in placing the Deliverer of his
country at the head of the General Government,
by the unanimous fuffrages of a free and grate
ful people, at a crisis, when none but the man
who has long enjoyed, and richly merited, the
confidence of America, and the plaudits of an
enlightened would, could be found equal to the
arduous task.
We felicitate you, and these States, on your
speedy recovery from your late sickness, and ar
dently widi your life may be continued a blefling
to yourfelf, and your country, and that at fonie
far distant period—full of years, and the molt
benevolent and glorious achievements—enihal.n
sd with the teaisof grateful millions—youmay
be called to inherit an incorruptible crown in the
realms of glory.
JOHN PICKERING,
for <he Inhabitants.
Portsmouth, November 1789.
The A N £ W £ R.
To the Inhabitants of the T :u/j of Portsmouth.
Gentlemen,
T AM fenfib'y imprefled with your friendly v.el-
A come to the metropolis of New-Hainp(hire—
and have a grateful heart for your kind and flat
tering congratulations on my election to the Pre
lidency of the United States.
I fear the fond partiality of my countrymen
has too highly appreciated my palt exertions, and
formed too sanguine anticipations of my future
fcrvices.—lf the former have been fuccefsful,
much of the fiiccefs fliould be alcribed to those
who laboured with me in the common cause—
and the glory of the event should be given to the
great Disposer of events. If an unremitting at
tention to the duties of my office, and the zasal
of an honest heart can promote the public good,
my fellow-citizens may be aflurcd that these will
not be wanting in my present station.
I can claim no particular merit, Gentlemen, for
the preservation of your town from the devaltati
on of the enemy. Jam happy, if by any event
of the war, your property has been preserved
from that deffrutftion which fell but too heavily
on jour neighbours ; and I fincereiy condole
with you for the loss which you have fuftainedin
navigation and commerce; but I truftthat induf
iry and economy, those fruitful and never-failing
sources of private and public opulence, will,
under our present fyltem of government restore
you to your former flourilhing state.
1 he interest which you take in my personal
happiness, and the kind felicitations which you
express on the recovery of my health, are peculi
arly grateful to me ; and I earneltly pray that
:he great Ruler of the Universe may smile upon
your honest exertions here, and reward your
well-doings with future happiness.
G. WASHINGTON.
Pertf/nouth, Nov. 2, 1789.
[/'./ '; J ,« Sj?:,;
THE OBSERVER. No. V.
The manner of taxation in a tn-.mber if the American
State; is cpfre£n e and dijlr.fi.rig to the poor.
TN every State a certain proportion of proper-
A tv jiiult be devoted to public use, to jiipporc
government and defray the expences Qf*general
prefervatiou. The contribution deiigned for tliefe
ends, conllitutes the national revenue, ajid ought
to be paid by the people in proportion to their
ability. Much depends on the manner ofappor
tipning and collecting tlijs contribution. In a
very poor country, by a iuft system of taxation,
lufiicicnt funis to answer the public needs, may
be collected without injuring any ; in the l ichelt
nations on earth, small funis may be demanded
in such a way as to produce a] molt general wretch
edness. In molt nations, there hath been more
opprelfion in tlie manner of taxation, than by
the greatness of the funis demanded. This sub
ject, therefore deserves attention by a people,w ho
are laying the foundations of government and
happiness. rhe resources of this empire are
immense—to call them out in a way that is equal *
and notoppreflive to .myclafs of citizens, is the
only difficulty. My last number urged the pro
priety of including in one general system the
whole American debt, part of which now (lands
charged against the Union, and part against par
ticular States. On this plan, all will fee there
must be some further means of producing a reve
nue tj the United States. In a number o"finftan
ces, the manner of State taxation is oppreflive
to those citizenswho have small property. Repeat
ed attempts have been made in molt ofthe States,
to amend their refpeiftive systems ; but. with lit
tle success. To amend a defective system of fi
nance is next to impossible, and involves more
evils than it cures. The present manner of tax
ation is favorable to a number of opulent mem
bers in every Legislature.i who, tho' they are not
a majority can impede any eflential alteration;
and this is a serious reason, for a transferal of the
State debt to the United States, who in the ar
rangement of a new system, may avoid the op
preflive parts of State taxation. In the States ,of
Maflacliufetts and Connecticut, a Pole tax is in
use. In Connecticut, considerable more than one
quarter of the whole State revenue, arises from
polls. I cannot fay how great a proportion in
Maflachufetts, but believe it is not less. Art
cannot contrive a more oppreflive mode of dravy
ing money from a people, than by a poll tax'.
The frugal and hardy living of the poor general
ly renders them prolific—their houses are filled
with hungVv sons, which with great toil tliey
are educating more for the public, than for tliem
fcl ves. Before tliefe us are arrived to manhood,
the father hath a severe poll tax to pay for them
individually. You will often fee a poor and in
dustrious family, who earn their bread and their
every thing by labouring at a small price per
day, 01- by cultivating the lands' of others oil
shares, pay a greater tax to the State than theii
neighbor of wealth. This is taxing industry and
not property —it is making those who must do the
labor, pay the expense of public protection.
Were the people who inhabitthefe States brought
together, eighteen out of twenty would vote out
a poll tax ; but it is so interwoven with the Srate
fyltems, and so many efforts have been made in
vain, that 1 despair of a remedy, but by a gene
ral and national arrangement, which I am certain
will be on more ju(t principles.
The poll tax is a discouragement to manufac
tures, which the true policy of this country ought
to promote. It is rare that mechanics arrive at
great riches, few of them are able to pay a tax
for a large number of apprentices, and thiscon
fuleration alone prevents many masters, who
would otherwise have their shops filled with poor
boys learning some art ufeful to themselves and
mankind. This is a discouragement both on ma
nufactures and" 011 the poor. -
The taxing of wild and uncultivated lands
takes place in a number of the States. To tax
this property which is absolutely unproductive,
is attended with more evils than will be at firft
imagined. Few men either think it equitable,
or have the means of paying an -annual tribute
for dead property. The old countries in the Uni
ted States are so far cleared that there oue;ht to
be an encouragement for preserving wood and
timber. Many who would be contented to
have their interefl lie without use in wild lands,
not being able to discharge the taxes, have fold
them. Even in the agricultural towns our forefts
are mostly destroyed—the poor unable to pay an
advanced price, begin to fuffer for fuel, and the
dearnefs of timber'and lumber will fooi be se
verely felt by all kinds of people. This piece of
State policy,by grafpingat a little, for it is only a
small furn which any would dare to affix on dead