[No. LXI.]
THE TABLE T. No. LXI.
" When men art certain that the truth of a thing
is not to be known, they "will alio ay s differ, and endea
vor to ivipofe on one anothtr."
THOUGH men difputefor the purpose of
ascertaining truth, yet there are few
men who find less of it, than those who dispute
acreat deal. The habit of disputation is a dan
gerous one. It creates fucha love oi triumph that
jnen acquire a dexterity of handling unintelligible
subjects, with a view only toconqueft. By this
means, eager disputants abandon the plain paths
of reason and truth, and wander into the fields of
imagination and conjecture. When men confine
their investigations to such points as admit of de
monstration, he who takes the light fide of the
quellion will, with equal abilities, put liisadver
fary to silence. The fubjetft will be ltripped of
all adventitious glare, and the light of truth will
ihine confpicuouily over error and sophistry. But
those, who dispute merely from the love of such
a practice, know too well that they ihould have
very little to do with reason and common sense.
It ihould be their main objeeft to elude the argu
ments of other people by the refinements of art
and evasion.
Discussion is no doubt an important medium of
inveiligating truth. It opens a spirit of enquiry
in the world, and excites, in cool, disinterested
men, a desire of coming at the real knowlege of
i'uch things, as are capable of being known. The
warm diiputants, however, only start the game.
The acquilition falls to men of candor and impar
tiality, who take the right track, and often over
take their objedt. It is easy to observe that the
rnoft violent disputes, that prevail among men, are
of such a nature, as cannot be reduced to a certain
ty. Many points of disputation are invelopedin
such unkown or remote contingencies, as elude
all the powers of investigation. After all the
discussion that can be had on foine subjects, truth
•will keep out of fight, and the point of debate
remain undetermined. If men however ma
nage their altercations with good humor and mo
deration, some benefit will result from them.—
Discussion gives scope to the imagination and ha
bituates the reasoning faculty to a dexterity in its
procefles.
No reflects more diflionor on hu
man nature, than the ill-will and persecutions,
that have been instigated by such disputes, as are
not only unimportant in tliemfelves, but utterly
incapable of being demonstrated- The periods
ofecclefiaftical contention draw over the charac
ter of man some of its darkest fliades. To a per
fbn of a liberal mind, it feemsan incredible thing
that a useless quellion, unattended with any ra
tional data of solution should throw whole cities,
dilVritfts and countries into broils, persecutions,
and wars.
Though a free fjjirit of enquiry iliould at all
times be tolerated, I would still recommend it to
prudent individuals to have little conneiftion with
those, who have the principal management of dis
putes. They are not the men, from whom truth
flows with purity and force. It is easy to per
ceive, that the originator of any system or ques
tion; will be apt to commence his enquiries with
an aim to victory. Truth is no further to be re
garded in his pursuit, than as it coincides with the
favorite doctrine under examination. The sys
tem must not yield to the dictates of reason j but
whenever they come in competition, reason must
be facrificed to system.
Lovers of altercation are not only to be ihunned
as bad guides in our researches after truth, but as
troublesome allbciates and dangerous friends. A
warm partizan eilimates the merit of his acquain
tance according as lie promotes or defeats the
fchcines he has in contemplation. As these
fche.mes generally will be wrong, his friend 111 ufl
either quarrel with him or participate iii his er
rors and quarrels.
AGAINST PRIVATEERING:
Or Rcafon's in support of ncvi proposed in
Treaties of Commerce, which may be formed by the
United States of America.
B? Dr. FRANKLIN.
BY the original la\v of nations, war and extir
pation were the punilhment of injury—Hu
manizing by degrees, it admitted slavery instead
of death : A farther Hep was the exchange of pri
soners,inftead of slavery : Another, to refpecft more
the property of private persons tinder conquest,
and be content with acquired dominion - —Why
fiiould not this law of nations go on improving ?
Ages have intervened between its several steps—
but as knowlegc of late increases rapidly, tV hv
lliotild not tliofe steps be quickened ? Why fhoulcl
it not be agreed lo as t!«e future law of nations
(iAncttc ; ~/?aX(xi i tcb irtfu to*.
WEDNESDAY, November ir, 1739
that in any war hereafter the following descrip
tions of men should be undisturbed—have the pro
tection of both fides, and be permitted to follow
their employments in security, viz.
1. Cultivators of the earth, because they labor
for the fubfifte nee of mankind.
0. Fiflieriren, for the fame reason.
3. Merchants and Traders, in un-armedJhips—
who accommodate different nations by communi
eating and exchanging the nefceilaries and con
veniences of life.
4. Artilts and mechanics, inhabiting and work
ing in open towns : It is hardly neceilary to add,
that the hospitals of enemies ihould be tinmoleft
ed—they ought to be alliiled. It is for the inter
est ofhutnanity ill general, that the occasions of
war, and the inducements to it ihould be diminish*
ed. II rapine is aboliilied, one of the encourage
ments to war is taken away, and peace therefore
more likely to continue and be lasting.
The practice of robbing merchants on the high
seas, a remnant of the ancient piracy, tho it may
be accidentally beneficial to particular persons,
is far from being profitable to all engaged in it,
or tothe nation that authorises it : In the begin
ingof awar fomerich iliips, notupon their guard,
are surprized and taken—This encourages the
firft adventurers to fit out more armed vefiels,
and many others to do the fame : But the enemy
attlie fame time become more careful—arm their
merchant ihips better, and render them not so
easy to be taken ; they go also more under the
protection of convoys : Tlius, while the priva
teers to take them are multiplied, the veflels fub
jeCtto be taken, and the chances t>f profit, are di
miniihed, so that many cruises are made wherein
the expences overgo the gains—and as it is the
cafe in other lotteries, tho particulars have got
prizes, the mass of adventurers are losers, the
whole expence of siting out all the privateers
during a war, being much greater than the whole
amount of goods taken.
Then there is the national loss of all the labor
of so many men, during the time they have been
employed in robbing—who besides spend what
they get in riot, drunkenness and debauchery—
lose their habits ofinduftry—are rarely fit for any
foberbufinefs after a peace, and serve only toin
creafe the number of highwaymen and lioufe
breakers.—Even the undertakers who have been
fortunate, are by sudden wealth led into expend ve
living, the habit of which continues, when the
means of supporting it cease, and finally ruins
them A just punifliment for their having wan
tonly and unfeelingly ruined many honest, inno
cent traders and their families, whose substance
was employed in serving the common interest of
mankind. B. F.
THE OBSERVER. No. IV.
The people have fi/jjtred an'tmmenfe sum by the deran
ged /late of the national debt.
AFTER all that the public have fuffercd by the
confufion of finance in the union and seve
ral states, it is not strange that their patience is
nearly exhausted. The want of a general go
vernment hath cost millions to the people, which
are now very happily lhared and enjoyed among
a let of people who have been very Icrupulous
about liberty, the collectors of the taxes you have
paid, and speculators in your disordered funds.
It is time the truth fliould be fairly spoken to
the people at large, and the Observer will do it
whatever may be the consequence. Some of the
fame scrupulous people now wish to play over the
old game, and fill you with jealousies that they
may have a second liarveft ; but \heir day ispali.
For our ownprefervation it is neceflary we should
attendto the sources of pad confufion. By the
national debt I mean all those funis which the
union at large, and the particular States Hand
obligated to pay. Tliefe funis were incurred in
one common cause, Our defence in the general
war—it was chance and not option which fixed
men's names to the lift of Continental or State
creditors.
The general idea is a true one, that the whole
must stand or fall together, and most people had
little preference to either kind of fecurily. There
is not at present any reason in equity why one
class of creditors Ihould be prefered to the other
—the whole ought to stand 011 the fame funds,
and have equal justice. Soon after the war a new
constitution of government was found neceflary
to set things right, but at that juncture the coun
try was not fufficiently enlightened to obtain it.
The consequence was, the continent without any
power of creating funds, began in a desultory
manner to arrange their own finances. The
several Statesfinding the weakness of the union,
began to make partial arrangements for that very
..debt, which 011 every principle of justice ought.
f Publijhed on Wednesday and Saturday .J
to be fuftainedby the whole iiation. Such reme
dies as tliefe, adopted by different bodies of men,
and at distant places and very different tinies,
mull in their nature be different and confafed.
From this source yoti have feeri more than fifty
i kinds of paper securities, at one time, within
the United States, differing but a small matterin
lvalue, but enough to spread confufion over the
whole, and betray the honell into the hdnds of
designing men. The people liavfe paid enough
to make the creditors had it come to
their hands ia a regular and equal method ; but
in the midst of this darkness nothing has been ef
fected. The members of the old Congress, and
of your aflemblies, were men of. wisdom, but
what conld wisdom do in such different and dis
tant bodies, which had no conllitutional connec
tion, and of course conld have no general system.
Matters of this kind cannot be planned in a nu
merous body of men, be they erer so wife. A
treasury board of proper convpafs, system atically
arranged, and furniflied with information, mult
concert ; and the legiflatnre after proper discus
sions mult give the authority to executc.
The firft flep towards order and light is to re
duce the whole national debt to one kind, and
onefetof regulations, and unless something of
this nature takes place, you have millions more
to pay without coming any nearer to the desired
end. It is impossible that a plain man, who is an
industrious and good fubjecft, should diftinguifli
between so many kinds of taxes of different val
ues. I.et the whole sum of this debt be brought
together—placed on common and fiinilar funds,
and regularity introduced to the business—the
public will then know their fitnation—thirty men
will do that business for the whole union which
now employs thro' the fe-.'eral States two hun
dred and fifty, all of whom are supported by the
people—The creditors will understand a plain and
honest plan, and be saved from a thousand iin
pofitions—taxes will be of one kind, andtheman
who purchases to pay them will know the price
he ought to give. I can forefce there will |be
objections to wliat I advance, and fomevery cun
ning men will cry danger ! danger ! but I never
yet saw any evil from Amplifying money matters,
where all the people have to pay. It is the roll
ing up together of a number of half madefyfteins,
which endangers the people ; for they cannot fee
thro' them, and the man that mufl borrow his
neighbours wits to manage his own affairs, mufl
soon borrow money to pay his debts. The pre
sent is a fortunate moment for this country, and
the only one they will ever have to Amplify their
treasury matters. , Let one great ana inclusive
system for the whole be adopted, and your finan
ces may soon be reduced to perfect order. Should
the present bpportunity be past and the federal
system not takfc in the whole of your national
clebt, another opportunity uiuft not be expected
—confufion will continue—- the poor and unsus
picious will be cheated—jealousy will pervade all
orders of citizens—there will be no public faith,
and your monied men will hide their property —
a liable medium for business will be severely want
ed—and your future agriculture, manufactures
and commerct, be denied that spring which
might now be givfeh them.
P. S. In the second number of this paper, some
observations were made, on the compensation, the gen
tlemen oj Congress have voted themfelves —I think th:
public mind mufl be easy on this fubjeCi, when it is un
der flood that the pay they have taken, is not greater
than was allowed by the State assemblies to the mem
bers of the eld Congress—take the State of Connec
ticut for an example—The atfembly of this State until
May 178 7, allowed their delegate/ three dollars per
diem and their expences—the expences of the delegates
were different and from two to four dollars per diem
—probably the average of expences was three dollars,
which added to the compensation for services, makes
the sum now given to the Representatives. Since May
1787, the aljembly of ConneClicut have allowed five
dollars per diem for service and expences. The al
lowance given by Connetticut, was much smaller than
in most of the other States—l am informed that the a
verage allowance made, by the\affemb'lies of the thirteen
States to their delegates, used to be eight dollars per
diem, nearly, one fourth more than the gentlemen have
allowed themfelves —the members might then if they
pleased, take a feat and continue under pay the whole
year ; now it will be but a small part of the year—
then they might leave Congress when private business
called them ; now they are constrained by authority to
be present, let their own concerns be ever so urge?.t
—then they 7night and actually did hold offices of pro
fit under their own States ; now it is the popular sense
they should .7at, and many in confeauence have made
a great facrifice. These fatts mufl jujlify the prefect
comper Cation.
\ From the AMERICAN MERCURY."]