4- It " as 'been found by calculations, that Ame rica has doubled her numbers, even by natural generation alone, upon an average, about once in eighteen years. This war has now laited near fix yearrs; in the course of it, we commonly com pute, in America, that wc have 1011, by sickness, and the sword, and captivity, about five and thir ty thousand men. But the number of people have not increased less than fifty thousand fouls ; which give at lealt an hundred thousand fighting men. We have not less, probably, than seventy thou sand fighting men, in America, more than we had on the day that hostilities were firtl com menced, on the iqth of April, ills. There are near twenty thousand fighting men added to the numbers in America every year.—ls this the cafe with our enemy, Great Britain ? Which then can maintain the war the longest ? 5. If America increases in numbers, she cer tainly increases in strength. But her Itrengih in creases in other refpecfts : The discipline of her army increases ; the skill of her officers increases, by sea and land ; her Ikill in military manufac tures, such as those of fait petre, powder, fire arms, cannon, increases ; her Ikill in manufac tures of flax and wool, for the firft necessity, in creases ; her manufactures of fait also increase; and all tliefe are augmentations of strength and force to maintain her independence. Further, her commerce increases every year: the number of veflels she has had this year, in the trade to the Weft-Indies ; the number of veflels arrived in Spain, France, Holland and Sweden ; fhewthat her trade is greatly increased this year. .But above all, her activity, Ikill, bravery, and success in privateering, increase every year; the prizes she has made from the Englifli this year, will defray more than one half of the whole ex pence of this year's war. I only submit to your consideration a few hints, which will enable you to fatisfy yourfelf, by reflection, how fact the strength and force of America increase. I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN ADAMS. MR. CALKOEN. FURTHER EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE. Rtceived by the Sandwich Packet. PARIS, August 26. THIS day, being the Anniversary of St. Louis and kept as the King's birth day ; the Na tional Ailembly sent a deputation of 60 members, headed by their President, to compliment his Majesty in the following fpeecli : " SIRE, The Monarch whose revered name is borne by your Majesty, whose virtues are this day celebrated by religion, was, like you, the friend of his people. " Like you, Sire, he was friendly to French liberty, he protected it by laws which do honor to our annals, but it was not in his power to be its restorer. " This glory, reserved foryour Majesty, gives you an immortal right to the gratitude and ten der veneration of the French. " Accordingly the names of- two Kings shall be forever united, who, in the diltance of ages, are approximated by tliemoft signal acts of jultice in favor of their people. " Sire, the National Assembly has suspended its operations for a moment, to fatisfy a duty which is dear to it, or rather, it does not deviate from the object of its million. To speak to its King of the love and fidelity of the French, is a business of truly national iitfereft, it is fulfilling the most ardent of their wilhes." His Majesty made the following answer to the President: " I receive with sensibility the testimonials of the attachment of the National Afltmbly ; it may always reckon on my confidence and my affecftion." The King received the deputation with great affability. I'lie Duke of Orleans was the only Prince of the blood prefentiat the proceflion.— His Highness, with all his family, were at Court to pay their compliments to the King ; and the t)utchefles of Orleans and Bourbon (the Duke of Orleans filter) were the only women who entered the King's cabinet. M. Bailly, in taking his new oath before the King, said, " Sire, I swear to your Majesty to re fpedt, and cause to be relpecfted, your legislative authority ; I swear to maintain and protest the rights of the citizens, and do jultice to all." LONDON, August 28. Accordingto letters of a very recent date from Madrid, his Catholic Majesty has taken the pre caution of drawing a line of troops from St. Se bastian to Gironna, which is across the kingdom where it communicates with France. Inltrudtions have also been sent to the dockyards, and every seaport of the kingdom, to be very particular in examining strangers, and obliging such as have not real business to depart the kingdom. It appears rather extraordinary that no detail ed account is yet published of the engagement be tween the Swedes and Ruffians on the 26th ult. but every information confirms that it was a drawn battle, no ship being taken (»r funk on either fide : ■about jo men were killed on board the Sweedifh fleet. The Swedes are preparing for tlie afliuilt of Fre derickfliam both by sea and land. The attack will probably be decisive one way or other. The King is to command in person. Frederickftiam is the capital of Ruffian Finland, and a garrison of the utinort importance. In the late running fig tit between the Swedes and Ruffians, two frigates of the former power absolutely lilenced two sixty-sours of the latter. The Duke of Sudermania, with two other (hips, were attacked closely by five of the largefl Ruf fian men of war ; during which time the Duke made fifteen different signals to the Vice Admiral to attack such (hips as were pointed out before the engagement, but the Admiral did not obey the signals, nor fire a (ingle gun : If-he had, the Duke avers, that he should moil afi'uredly have been inafter of at least five Ruffian men of war. September i. A gentleman who thought proper to withdraw from Paris, .where he has resided some years, re ports, that if any foreign auxiliaries (hould at tempt to enter France, it is the determined reso lution of the armed citizens of Paris, Versailles, Meudon, St. Cloud, Marolles, Senlis, St. Denis, Pady, and the whole Hie of France, or Province of Paris, to seize the King and Queen, and detain them as hostages, till the foreigners shall return by the way they came, and leave them at liberty to fettle their own affairs as they shall think bed. The noble Gallic contest for freedom becomes an interesting objeifl to Britannia's sons—whose generous sentiments are thus happily exprefled by Gen. Conway. " Arid fhou'd the Genius of tins happy isle, On Gallia's sons at length propitious fraile ; " While in each bread the patriot spirit glows, " We'd hail as brothers, whom we've met as foes ; " To the fame point their generous ardor tends : " Thefriendsto FREEDOM mud be BRITAIN'S friends." Letters received yellerday from Lyons confirm the late accounts from sfvignon, the people there have fliaken off the Papal Government, and put themselves under that of France—they fay that they are Frenchmen—that is, they defile to be as free as they are, and they are certainly right— no obsolete treaties, by which they have been fold or alienated to the Holy See, should flop them— Men should not be treated as beasts of burthen. How must the licentioul'nefs of the popular party in France, even as represented by the mi nisterial prints, dwindle in coniparifonwitha de liberate acft of an assembly in that country, when under the yoke of kingly power and prieltly ar tifice ! The circuinftance alluded to is taken from the Hiftoire EclefiaJUque des Eg/ifes Reformat au Royaume, in the year 1562 ; when the following sentence was pronounced by the Parliament of Thoulou/e upon Teronde, a Protestant Advocate, though he was not found guilty ! " M. TERONDE, " The Court does not find you are culpable in the leaf}. However, being very well informed of your inward thoughts, and that you would have been very well pleafe'd if your reprobate fe<sl had gained the viAory, they have condemned you to be beheaded, and have confifcated your eltate withoat any exception." , SEPTEMBER J. COPY of the DECLARATION o/RIGHTS, at fi nally decreed by the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY of FRANCE. THURSDAY, August 27. THE Representatives of the French people, constituted in National Aflembly, considering that ignorance, forgetfulnefs, or contempt of the rights of man are the folecaufes of public misfor tunes, and the corruption of Governments, have tefolved to set forth inafolemn Declaration, the natural, inalienable, and sacred Rights of Man; to the end that this Declaration, being conftant lyfenttoalltlie Members of the Social Body, may perpetually remind them of their Rights and Duties ; that the Acfls of the Legislative and Exe cutive Power, being every inflant liable to be compared with the object of every political infli tution, may be more refpecfted by them ; and that the claims of the Citizens founded hencefor ward 011 simple and inconteflible principles, mav uniformly turn to the maintenance of the Con stitution, and to the liappinefsof all. In consequence, the National Aflembly acknow ledge and declare, in prefenceof, and under the auspices of the Supreme Legislator, the follow ing Rights of Man and Citizen. 4 Art. 1. All men are born, and remain free, and equal in rights; social diltiniftions can only be founded 011 common utility. Art. 2. The end of every political association is the prefervationof the natural and imprescrip tible Rights of Man ; these rights are liberty, property, security, and refinance to opprefiion. Art. 3. The principle of all foveriegnty resides efl'entially in the Nation ; no body of men, 110 individuals can exercise any authority but what emanates expressly from it. Art 4. Liberty consists in doing whatever does not injure another; accordingly, the exercise of the natural rights of each man, has no other bounds but those which secure to other members offociety the enjoyment of the fame right s ; these can be determined only by the law. Art. 5- The law fliould only prohibit action' injurious to society. Nothing can be prevented but what is prohibited by law ; nor can any ffi be conltrained to do what it does not ordain Art. 6. The law is the exprelfion of the gene ral will ; all the citizens have the right curring personally, or by their Representatives in its formation ; it ought to be the lame for all' whether it protects or whether it punishes. Alt the citizens being equal in its eye, are equally admissible to all places, employments and dig. liities, according to their capacity ; and without any other distinction, than that of their virtues and their talents. Art. 7. No man can be accused, apprehended or detained, but in cases determined by the lav.' and according to the forms which it has preferr ed. They who solicit, expedite, execute, or cause to be executed, any arbitrary orders, should be punished ; but every citizen, fuinmoned orap. preliended, by virtue of the law, lhouldinftamly obey, and he becomes culpable by reftftance. Art. 8. The law should eftablifli none bnc puniflimentsftric f tly and evidently neceflary; and 110 man can be punished but by virtue of a law es tablished and promulgated prior to the offence and legally applied. Art. 9. Everyman being presumed innocent until he shall liave been pronounced guilty, ific be deemed indifpeniible to apprehend him, eveiy species of rigour not absolutely neceflary for le curing his person, fliould be severely prohibited by law. Art. 10. No man can be disturbed in his opini ons, even religious; provided their manifeftation do not trouble the public orJ;r ejlablifhedby lav. Art. 11. The free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the most precious rights of man. Every citizen, therefore may freely speak, write andprint, under condition of being respon sible for the abuse of that liberty in cases provid ed for by law. Art. 12. The security of the rights of the man and citizen renders a public force neceflary; that force then is instituted for the good of all, and not for the particular advantage ef tliofe to whom it is confided. Art. 13. For the maintenance of this public force, and the other expencesof Administration, a common contribution is indifpeniible; this fliould be apportioned among all the citizens, in proportion to their abilities. Art. 14. Each citizen has the right, by him felf, or his Representatives, to determine thene ceflity of the noble contribution, freely to con sent to it, to attend to its employment, and to fix the quota, the mode of impolition, the col letftion and duration of the fame. Art. ij. Society has a right to demand an ac count from every public agent of his administra tion. Art. 16. Every society in which the guaranty of their rights is notfecured, nor the reparation of powers determined, is without a constitution. Tliefe are the whole of the articles. The city of Paris is fifteen miles in circumfer ence, the ftreetsare narrow, the houses high and every floor is> inhabited by a different family; so that in proportion to its extent, it is more popu lous than London. A correspondent has favoured us with the pe rusal of a letter which he had received from 3 friend, one of the National Aflembly, at Pu' s > the son of the unfortunate General Lally, which fays,—" I cannot forget the Englilh bloo that rolls in my veins, I cannot forget your glo rious constitution. To this I adverted, when, on the 2d of the month, I arose, and among things maintained, that in the earlier periodsol the French Monarchy, the most absolute 01® Princes were 110 more than the firft citizens, « r Members of the Republic, and that the pre e ® Government of Great Britain is the image oti t Government of Charlemagne. , " lf~it would ever tend to the true glory aa prosperity of any nation, to be fubjec!ted to 1 absolute power of an individual, Iwouldnot upon this important occasion ; but it is palp® ' that in such Governments the intereftof thei arch—that is to fay, his pleasures, his avarice his tinsel glory—is promoted by the inner) oppreflion of his fubjecTts. It is, indeed, P " e]1 _ enough to maintain, that the well-beingo ty-four million of fouls ought to be equa trusted to the direiftion of an individual, 111 , sequence of his being born of a certain ina woman. . Absolute power in excellent han render a people happy ; but such han rare, and there is so little probability 0 . series of such hands, at the head of j ie j r jj tliat the people are authorised to lecu' e berties and property by the bulwark of free constitution, and it is in this that 11 t> and prosperity of a nation properly con 1 • A more true definition of a free of was never better given in so final la £", ell( j a jl. words. And this is Comte Lally de to Revolutions in States are the natuia quences of unpopular and oppreln ve t 8 and in those cases, the troops always c '
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