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4- It " as 'been found by calculations, that Ame
rica has doubled her numbers, even by natural
generation alone, upon an average, about once
in eighteen years. This war has now laited near
fix yearrs; in the course of it, we commonly com
pute, in America, that wc have 1011, by sickness,
and the sword, and captivity, about five and thir
ty thousand men. But the number of people have
not increased less than fifty thousand fouls ; which
give at lealt an hundred thousand fighting men.
We have not less, probably, than seventy thou
sand fighting men, in America, more than we
had on the day that hostilities were firtl com
menced, on the iqth of April, ills. There are
near twenty thousand fighting men added to the
numbers in America every year.—ls this the cafe
with our enemy, Great Britain ? Which then can
maintain the war the longest ?
5. If America increases in numbers, she cer
tainly increases in strength. But her Itrengih in
creases in other refpecfts : The discipline of her
army increases ; the skill of her officers increases,
by sea and land ; her Ikill in military manufac
tures, such as those of fait petre, powder, fire
arms, cannon, increases ; her Ikill in manufac
tures of flax and wool, for the firft necessity, in
creases ; her manufactures of fait also increase;
and all tliefe are augmentations of strength and
force to maintain her independence. Further,
her commerce increases every year: the number
of veflels she has had this year, in the trade to
the Weft-Indies ; the number of veflels arrived
in Spain, France, Holland and Sweden ; fhewthat
her trade is greatly increased this year.
.But above all, her activity, Ikill, bravery, and
success in privateering, increase every year; the
prizes she has made from the Englifli this year,
will defray more than one half of the whole ex
pence of this year's war. I only submit to your
consideration a few hints, which will enable you
to fatisfy yourfelf, by reflection, how fact the
strength and force of America increase.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FURTHER EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
Rtceived by the Sandwich Packet.
PARIS, August 26.
THIS day, being the Anniversary of St. Louis
and kept as the King's birth day ; the Na
tional Ailembly sent a deputation of 60 members,
headed by their President, to compliment his
Majesty in the following fpeecli :
" SIRE, The Monarch whose revered name
is borne by your Majesty, whose virtues are this
day celebrated by religion, was, like you, the
friend of his people.
" Like you, Sire, he was friendly to French
liberty, he protected it by laws which do honor
to our annals, but it was not in his power to be
" This glory, reserved foryour Majesty, gives
you an immortal right to the gratitude and ten
der veneration of the French.
" Accordingly the names of- two Kings shall
be forever united, who, in the diltance of ages,
are approximated by tliemoft signal acts of jultice
in favor of their people.
" Sire, the National Assembly has suspended
its operations for a moment, to fatisfy a duty
which is dear to it, or rather, it does not deviate
from the object of its million. To speak to its
King of the love and fidelity of the French, is a
business of truly national iitfereft, it is fulfilling
the most ardent of their wilhes."
His Majesty made the following answer to the
" I receive with sensibility the testimonials of
the attachment of the National Afltmbly ; it may
always reckon on my confidence and my affecftion."
The King received the deputation with great
affability. I'lie Duke of Orleans was the only
Prince of the blood prefentiat the proceflion.—
His Highness, with all his family, were at Court
to pay their compliments to the King ; and the
t)utchefles of Orleans and Bourbon (the Duke of
Orleans filter) were the only women who entered
the King's cabinet.
M. Bailly, in taking his new oath before the
King, said, " Sire, I swear to your Majesty to re
fpedt, and cause to be relpecfted, your legislative
authority ; I swear to maintain and protest the
rights of the citizens, and do jultice to all."
LONDON, August 28.
Accordingto letters of a very recent date from
Madrid, his Catholic Majesty has taken the pre
caution of drawing a line of troops from St. Se
bastian to Gironna, which is across the kingdom
where it communicates with France. Inltrudtions
have also been sent to the dockyards, and every
seaport of the kingdom, to be very particular in
examining strangers, and obliging such as have
not real business to depart the kingdom.
It appears rather extraordinary that no detail
ed account is yet published of the engagement be
tween the Swedes and Ruffians on the 26th ult.
but every information confirms that it was a drawn
battle, no ship being taken (»r funk on either fide :
■about jo men were killed on board the Sweedifh
The Swedes are preparing for tlie afliuilt of Fre
derickfliam both by sea and land. The attack
will probably be decisive one way or other. The
King is to command in person.
Frederickftiam is the capital of Ruffian Finland,
and a garrison of the utinort importance.
In the late running fig tit between the Swedes
and Ruffians, two frigates of the former power
absolutely lilenced two sixty-sours of the latter.
The Duke of Sudermania, with two other (hips,
were attacked closely by five of the largefl Ruf
fian men of war ; during which time the Duke
made fifteen different signals to the Vice Admiral
to attack such (hips as were pointed out before the
engagement, but the Admiral did not obey the
signals, nor fire a (ingle gun : If-he had, the Duke
avers, that he should moil afi'uredly have been
inafter of at least five Ruffian men of war.
A gentleman who thought proper to withdraw
from Paris, .where he has resided some years, re
ports, that if any foreign auxiliaries (hould at
tempt to enter France, it is the determined reso
lution of the armed citizens of Paris, Versailles,
Meudon, St. Cloud, Marolles, Senlis, St. Denis,
Pady, and the whole Hie of France, or Province
of Paris, to seize the King and Queen, and detain
them as hostages, till the foreigners shall return
by the way they came, and leave them at liberty
to fettle their own affairs as they shall think bed.
The noble Gallic contest for freedom becomes
an interesting objeifl to Britannia's sons—whose
generous sentiments are thus happily exprefled
by Gen. Conway.
" Arid fhou'd the Genius of tins happy isle,
On Gallia's sons at length propitious fraile ;
" While in each bread the patriot spirit glows,
" We'd hail as brothers, whom we've met as foes ;
" To the fame point their generous ardor tends :
" Thefriendsto FREEDOM mud be BRITAIN'S friends."
Letters received yellerday from Lyons confirm
the late accounts from sfvignon, the people there
have fliaken off the Papal Government, and put
themselves under that of France—they fay that
they are Frenchmen—that is, they defile to be
as free as they are, and they are certainly right—
no obsolete treaties, by which they have been fold
or alienated to the Holy See, should flop them—
Men should not be treated as beasts of burthen.
How must the licentioul'nefs of the popular
party in France, even as represented by the mi
nisterial prints, dwindle in coniparifonwitha de
liberate acft of an assembly in that country, when
under the yoke of kingly power and prieltly ar
tifice ! The circuinftance alluded to is taken from
the Hiftoire EclefiaJUque des Eg/ifes Reformat au
Royaume, in the year 1562 ; when the following
sentence was pronounced by the Parliament of
Thoulou/e upon Teronde, a Protestant Advocate,
though he was not found guilty !
" M. TERONDE,
" The Court does not find you are culpable in the
leaf}. However, being very well informed of
your inward thoughts, and that you would have
been very well pleafe'd if your reprobate fe<sl had
gained the viAory, they have condemned you to
be beheaded, and have confifcated your eltate
withoat any exception."
, SEPTEMBER J.
COPY of the DECLARATION o/RIGHTS, at fi
nally decreed by the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
THURSDAY, August 27.
THE Representatives of the French people,
constituted in National Aflembly, considering that
ignorance, forgetfulnefs, or contempt of the
rights of man are the folecaufes of public misfor
tunes, and the corruption of Governments, have
tefolved to set forth inafolemn Declaration, the
natural, inalienable, and sacred Rights of Man;
to the end that this Declaration, being conftant
lyfenttoalltlie Members of the Social Body, may
perpetually remind them of their Rights and
Duties ; that the Acfls of the Legislative and Exe
cutive Power, being every inflant liable to be
compared with the object of every political infli
tution, may be more refpecfted by them ; and
that the claims of the Citizens founded hencefor
ward 011 simple and inconteflible principles, mav
uniformly turn to the maintenance of the Con
stitution, and to the liappinefsof all.
In consequence, the National Aflembly acknow
ledge and declare, in prefenceof, and under the
auspices of the Supreme Legislator, the follow
ing Rights of Man and Citizen. 4
Art. 1. All men are born, and remain free,
and equal in rights; social diltiniftions can only
be founded 011 common utility.
Art. 2. The end of every political association
is the prefervationof the natural and imprescrip
tible Rights of Man ; these rights are liberty,
property, security, and refinance to opprefiion.
Art. 3. The principle of all foveriegnty resides
efl'entially in the Nation ; no body of men, 110
individuals can exercise any authority but what
emanates expressly from it.
Art 4. Liberty consists in doing whatever does
not injure another; accordingly, the exercise of
the natural rights of each man, has no other
bounds but those which secure to other members
offociety the enjoyment of the fame right s ; these
can be determined only by the law.
Art. 5- The law fliould only prohibit action'
injurious to society. Nothing can be prevented
but what is prohibited by law ; nor can any ffi
be conltrained to do what it does not ordain
Art. 6. The law is the exprelfion of the gene
ral will ; all the citizens have the right
curring personally, or by their Representatives
in its formation ; it ought to be the lame for all'
whether it protects or whether it punishes. Alt
the citizens being equal in its eye, are equally
admissible to all places, employments and dig.
liities, according to their capacity ; and without
any other distinction, than that of their virtues
and their talents.
Art. 7. No man can be accused, apprehended
or detained, but in cases determined by the lav.'
and according to the forms which it has preferr
ed. They who solicit, expedite, execute, or
cause to be executed, any arbitrary orders, should
be punished ; but every citizen, fuinmoned orap.
preliended, by virtue of the law, lhouldinftamly
obey, and he becomes culpable by reftftance.
Art. 8. The law should eftablifli none bnc
puniflimentsftric f tly and evidently neceflary; and
110 man can be punished but by virtue of a law es
tablished and promulgated prior to the offence
and legally applied.
Art. 9. Everyman being presumed innocent
until he shall liave been pronounced guilty, ific
be deemed indifpeniible to apprehend him, eveiy
species of rigour not absolutely neceflary for le
curing his person, fliould be severely prohibited
Art. 10. No man can be disturbed in his opini
ons, even religious; provided their manifeftation
do not trouble the public orJ;r ejlablifhedby lav.
Art. 11. The free communication of thoughts
and opinions is one of the most precious rights of
man. Every citizen, therefore may freely speak,
write andprint, under condition of being respon
sible for the abuse of that liberty in cases provid
ed for by law.
Art. 12. The security of the rights of the man
and citizen renders a public force neceflary; that
force then is instituted for the good of all, and
not for the particular advantage ef tliofe to whom
it is confided.
Art. 13. For the maintenance of this public
force, and the other expencesof Administration,
a common contribution is indifpeniible; this
fliould be apportioned among all the citizens, in
proportion to their abilities.
Art. 14. Each citizen has the right, by him
felf, or his Representatives, to determine thene
ceflity of the noble contribution, freely to con
sent to it, to attend to its employment, and to
fix the quota, the mode of impolition, the col
letftion and duration of the fame.
Art. ij. Society has a right to demand an ac
count from every public agent of his administra
Art. 16. Every society in which the guaranty
of their rights is notfecured, nor the reparation
of powers determined, is without a constitution.
Tliefe are the whole of the articles.
The city of Paris is fifteen miles in circumfer
ence, the ftreetsare narrow, the houses high and
every floor is> inhabited by a different family; so
that in proportion to its extent, it is more popu
lous than London.
A correspondent has favoured us with the pe
rusal of a letter which he had received from 3
friend, one of the National Aflembly, at Pu' s >
the son of the unfortunate General Lally,
which fays,—" I cannot forget the Englilh bloo
that rolls in my veins, I cannot forget your glo
rious constitution. To this I adverted, when, on
the 2d of the month, I arose, and among
things maintained, that in the earlier periodsol
the French Monarchy, the most absolute 01®
Princes were 110 more than the firft citizens, « r
Members of the Republic, and that the pre e ®
Government of Great Britain is the image oti t
Government of Charlemagne. ,
" lf~it would ever tend to the true glory aa
prosperity of any nation, to be fubjec!ted to 1
absolute power of an individual, Iwouldnot
upon this important occasion ; but it is palp® '
that in such Governments the intereftof thei
arch—that is to fay, his pleasures, his avarice
his tinsel glory—is promoted by the inner)
oppreflion of his fubjecTts. It is, indeed, P " e]1 _
enough to maintain, that the well-beingo
ty-four million of fouls ought to be equa
trusted to the direiftion of an individual, 111 ,
sequence of his being born of a certain ina
woman. . Absolute power in excellent han
render a people happy ; but such han
rare, and there is so little probability 0 .
series of such hands, at the head of j ie j r jj
tliat the people are authorised to lecu' e
berties and property by the bulwark of
free constitution, and it is in this that 11 t>
and prosperity of a nation properly con 1 •
A more true definition of a free of
was never better given in so final la £", ell( j a jl.
words. And this is Comte Lally de to
Revolutions in States are the natuia
quences of unpopular and oppreln ve t 8
and in those cases, the troops always c '