The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON WEALTH EXAMINED, (in continuation.) " WHERE luxury takes place, there is a " natural tendency to tyranny." There is a na tural tendency to tyranny every where, in the lim plell manners as well as the molt luxurious, which nothing but force can flop. And why Ihould this tendency be taken from human nature, where it grows as in its native foil, and attributed to luxury? " The nature of luxury lies altogether " in excefSi It is an universal depravation of man " ners, without reason, without moderation : it is " the canine appetite of a corrupt will and plian " tafy, which nothing can fatisfy ; but in every " aiftion, in every imagination, it Hies beyond the " bounds of lionelty, jultand good, into all ex " tremity." This is declamation and rant that it is noteafy to comprehend. There are all pos sible degrees of luxury which appear in society, with every degree of virtue, from the firlt dawn ings of civil society to the last Itage of improve ment and refinement; and civility, humanity, and benevolence, increase commonly as fall as ambi tion of conquest, the pride of War, cruelty and bloody rage, dimkiiflies. Luxury, to certain de grees of excess, is an evil; but it is not at all times, and in all circumltances, an absolute evil. It Ihould be restrained by morality and by law, by prohibitions and difcouragemeiits. But the evil does not lie here only ; it lies in human na ture : and that mult be retrained by a mixed form of government, which is the belt in the world to manageluxury. Our author's government would neyer make, or, if it made, would never execute laws toreltrain luxury. " That form of government," fays our author, " mull needs be the molt excellent, andthepeo " pie's liberty molt secured, where governors are " leall expofedtotlie baits and snares of luxury." That is to fay, that form of government is the bell, and the people's liberty moll secure, where the people are poorelt: This will never recom mend a government to mankind. But what has poverty or riches to do with the form of govern ment ? If mankind inuft be voluntarily poor in order to be free, it is too late in the age of the world to preach liberty. Whatever Nedliam might think, mankind in general had rather be rich under afnnple monarchy, than poor under a democracy. But if that is the belt form of go vernment, where governors are leait exposed to the baits and snares of luxury, the government our author contends for is the worlt of all pollible forms. There is, there can be no form in which the governors are so nincli exposed to the baits and Inares of luxury as in a limple democracy. In proportion as agovernment is democratical, in a degree beyond a proportional prevalence of mo - liarchy and ariltocracy, the wealth, means, and opportunities being the iame, does luxury pre vail. Its progress is instantaneous. There can be no subordination. One citizen cannot bear that another Ihould live better than liimfelf; a univer sal emulation in luxury instantly commences; and the governors, that is those who aspire at elections, are obliged to take the lead in this filly conten tion : they mult not be beliind the fjremolt in dress, equipage, furniture, entertainments, games, races, fpedtacles; they mult fealt and gratify the luxury of electors to obtain their votes ; and the whole executive authority mull be proltiiuted, and the legislative too to encourage luxury. The Athenians made it death for any one to propose the appropriation of money devoted to the sup port of the theatre to any the molt necellary pur. poses of the Hate. In monarchies and ariltocra cies much may be done, both by precept and ex ample, by laws and manners, to diminifli luxury aud rellrain its growth; in a mixed government more flill may be done for this salutary end ; but in a limple democracy, nothing: every man will do as he pleases—no sumptuary law will be obey ed—every prohibition or impolt will be eluded ; no man will dare to propose a law by which the pleasures or liberty of the citizen lhall be re llrained. A more unfortunate argument for a limple democracy could not have been thought of: it is, however, a very good one in favor of a mixed government. An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES. f&ntinutd Jrom No. LII.) I WILL conclude this eflay with one argument more in favor of my principle of taxation, which appears to me offuch mighty weight and vafl. im portance, as must reach the feelings and govern the heart of every upright American, viz. That our public union -with all its bleflings depends on it, and is supported by it. and inuft without it diflblve, and waste away into its original atoms. To refufe any plan its necefliiry support, and to murder and des troy it is the fame thing ; the union cannot be supported without so much money as is necellarv to that support, and that money may be raised in the way I propose, and cannot in any other. We have a mofl; plain and undeniable proof of fatft, that Lhe usual mode of taxation of polls and es tates, is in its principle unjult and unequal, be caufc it does not operate on our people in any due proportion to tlieir wealth : This milchief was less felt, when our taxes were very fiuall, and therefore though unjult, were not ruinous ; but the cafe is greatly altered, now the taxes are grown up into the burden which the present exigencies of the nation require. The said tax hitherto in use, is further ruin ous, because it carves what money it does pro duce, out of the very firlt resources, the original principle of our national wealth, which like ten der cions, lhould be nurfedand guarded with all care, till they arrive to strength and maturity,— then we may pluck the fruit without hurting the tree :—To cramp and diminifli any of thel'e, is like making bread of our feed wheat, or feeding our mowing grounds, every quantity we take leilens the next crop ten ; but what gives decilion to the point is, that we have the clear proof of experience, that the utmoll efforts in this way have been fufficient to produce one quarter of the sum neceflary for the public service ; nor is there any probability of an increased production. The mode of supply by foreign loans need not be further reprobated ; 'tis plain to every body, that if they can be continued, (which isdoubtful) they will loon involve us in foreign debt, vailly beyond all possibility of payment: Our bank ruptcy niult ensue ; and with our bankruptcy will go all our national character of wifdoui, integ rity, energy of government, and every kind of refpec r tability. Wefhall become objetfls of obloquy —buts of insult ; and bye-words of disgrace a broad ; an American in Europe will be alhamed to tell where he came from. Every stranger takes some share in the character, in the honors or disgrace, not only of the family, but the nation to which he belongs. THE BASTJLE. EXPLORE yon Cavern, frowning on the fight, Where one faint lamp fends forth a sickly light ; Thro folds of darkness, where yon wicket glooms, Perfidious power lias fcoop'd the livinq tombs ! Along the filth that oozes from the walls, The slimy snail, with track abhorrent crawls, And oft. augmenting poisons from the top, With sullen founds falls How the with'ring drop. The pcililential toad that squats below, Gathers frefli venom as those poisons flow! Here many a fathom down, despotic rage, Hung human vittims in the dreadful cage— Here the poor captive, torn from child and wife, From youth to age groan'd out detested life— Nor nature's fun, nor art's supplying blaze, E're Hole one beam of comfort on their days ! Noj human form, nor human hand was nigh, To soothe the grief that gather'd in his eye ; Save one brief glance.of man, as thro the hole, His daily bread the silent goaler dole— No human voice beguil'd the endless night, That cruel (hut him from creation's light. To soothe a miilrcfs, wanton LOUIS gave To one who dar'd be just, this lingering grave ! To one who dar'd a proflitute pourtray, And bring his honest satire into day. How finks the heart, to pace this gloomy round, How pants the Muse to leave this Tyrant bound ! CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES. Begun and hi Id at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth ol March, One Thou (and Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine. An ACT for Allowing Comtensation to the Mem bers of the Senate and House of Reprefentathes of the United States, and to the Officers of both Houses. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre sentatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That at every fefliion of Congress, and at every meeting of the Senate in therecefs of Con gress, prior to the fourth clay of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety -five, each Senator shall be entitled to receive fix dol lars for every day he shall attend the Senate, and shall also be allowed, at the commencement and end of every such feflion and meeting, fix dollars for every twenty miles of the eltimated distance, by tli# most usual road, from his place of residence to the feat of Congress : And in cafe any mem ber of the Senate ihall be detained by sickness on his journey to or from any such fefiion or meet ing, or after his arrival shall be unable to attend the Senate, he shall be entitled to the fame daily allowance : Provided always, That no Senator Ihall be allowed a sum exceeding the rate of fix dollars a day, from the end of one such feflion or meeting to the time of his taking a feat in ano ther. And be it further enabled, That at every feflion of Congress, and at every meeting of the Senate in the recess of Congress, after the afore said fourth day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, each Senator fliall be entitled to receive seven dollars for every day he shall attend the Senate ; and ihall also be allowed at the commencement and end of every such feflion and meeting, seven dollars for every twenty miles of the estimated distance, by the molt usual road, from his place of residence to the feat of Congress : And in cafe any member of fae Senate fliall be detained by sickness his journey to or from anj such session or meet 11 iiig, or after his arrival fliall be unable to attend the Senate, hefhall be entitled to the fameallow ance of seven dollars a day : Provided always- That no Senator shall be allowed a sum exceeding the rate of seven dollars a day, from the end of one such session or meeting to the time oi' his taking a feat in a another. And be it further enafled, That at every session of Congress, each Representative lhall be enti tled to receive fix dollars for every day lie (hall attend the House of Representatives ; and shall also be allowed at the commencement and end of every session, fix dollars for every twenty miles of the e(Unrated distance, by the most usual road from his place of residence to the feat of Con gress : And in cafe any Representative shall be detained by sickness, on his journey to or from the feflion of Congress, or after his arrival shall be unable to attend the House of Representatives he fliall be entitled to the daily allowance afore' said : And the Speaker of the House of Repre sentatives, to defray the incidental expences of his office, shall be entitled to receive in addition to his compensation as a Pveprefentative, fix del lars for every day he shall attend the House : Pro vided a/ways, That 110 Representative shall be al lowed a funi exceeding the rate of fix dollars a day, from the end of one such feflion or nieetino to the time of his taking a feat in another. And be it further enaflcd, That there fliall be al lowed to each chaplain of Congress, at the rate of five hundred dollars per annum during the session of Congress; to the secretary of tlie Se nate and clerk of the House of Representatives, fifteen hundred dollars per annum eich, to com mence from the time of their refpeetive appoint ments ; and also a further allowance of two dol lars per day to each, during the feflion of that branch for which he officiates : And the said secre tary and clerk fliall each be allowed (when the President of the Senate or Speaker fliall deem it neceflary) to employ one principal clerk, who shall be paid three dollars per day, and an en s rolling clerk, who shall be paid two dollars per ay during the feflion, with the like compensation to such clerk while lie fliall be neceflarily em ployed in the recess. And be it further enabled, That the following compensation shall be allowed to the officers here inafter mentioned, viz. To the ferjeant at arms, during the fellions and while employed on thebu finefs of the House, four dollars per day the allowance of the present ferjeant ar arms to com mence from the time of his appointment: To the door-keeper of the Senate and House of Re presentatives, for their lervices in rliofe offices, three dollars per day during the feflion of the House to which he may belong, for his ownfer vices, and for the hire of neceflary laborers; the allowance to the present door-keeper of the Se nate to commence from the day appointed for the meeting of Congress ; and the allowance to the door-keeper of the House of Representatives to commence from his appointment ; and totheaf fiftant door-keeper to each House, two dollars per day during the feflions. And be it further enatled, That the said compen sation which shall be due to the members and of ficers of the Senate, fliall be certified by the Pre sident ; and that which fliall be due to the mem bers and officers of the House of Representatives, fliall be certified by the Speaker ; and the fame shall be pafled as public accounts, and paid outoi the public treasury. And be itfurther enabled, That this act shall continue in force until the fourth day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and nine ty-fix, and no longer. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Rcprtfcntittw- JOH N A DAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and Prefider.t oj the SetuH APPROVID, SEPTEMBER 22, 1 789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. An ACT for the temporary establishment of th. POST-OFFICE. BE it enailed by the Senate and House of 1 present atives of the United States of America in Cw grefs ajfembted, That there shall be appoints a Post-Master General; his powers and salary a" the compenlation to the assistant or clerk and j puties which he may appoint, and the regu at* ons of the Poft-Office fliall be the fame as tie last were under the resolutions and ordinances o the late Congress. The Post-Master Geneia be fubjeeft to the direction of the President o United States in perforiningthe duties of » s 0 sice, and informing contracts for the trail po> tion of the mail. ' • Be it further enabled, That this a