Yhe RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON WEALTH EXAMINED, (in continuation.) THE iiiiith reason is, " because the people " are less luxurious than kings or grandees."— I hat may well be denied. Kings, nobles, and peo pie, are all alike in this iefpe<si, and in general Unow no other bounds of indulgence than the capacity of enjoyment, and the power to gratify it. The problem ought to be to find a form of go vernment belt calculated to prevent the bad ef fedts and corruption ofluxury, when, in the ordi nary course of things, it mull: be expected to come in. and nobles, if they are confefled to en joy or indulge in luxury more than the commons, it is merely because they have more means and op portunities ; not because they have Itronger appe tites, pailions, and fancies, or, in other words, a Itronger propensity to luxury than the plebeians, If it should be conceded, that the pailions and ap petites ftreugthen by indulgence, it muftbecoii fefed too, that they have more motives to re ftrai ft-them ; but ill regard to mere animal grati fication, it may well be denied that they indulge or enjoy more tlijiiji the common people oil an average. Eating and drinkingfurely is prac f tifed with as much fatisfaCtion by the footman as his lord ; and as much pleasure may be tailed in gin, brandy, ale, and porter, as in Burgundy or To kay ; in beef and pudding, as in ortolans and jel lies. If we consider nations together, we shall find that intemperance and excels is more indulged in the lowest ranks than in the liigheft. The luxury of dress, beyond the defence from the weather, is a mere matter of politics and etiquette through out all the ranks of life ; and, in the higher ranks, riles only in proportion as it rises 111 the middle and the lowest. The fame is true in furniture and equipage, after the ordinary conveniences and accommodations of life. Those who claim or aspire to the liigheft ranks of life, will eternally go a certain degree above those below them in these particulars, if their incomes will allow it. Confederation is attainable by appearance, and ever will be; and it may be depended 011, that rich men in general will not liifter others to be conii dered more than tlienifelves, or as much, if they can prevent it by their riches. The poor and the middle ranks, tlfen, have it in their power to diminifli luxury as much as the great and rich have. Let the middle and lower ranks leflen their style of living, and they may depend upon it the liigher ranks will leflen theirs. It is commonly said every thing is regis ad exeniplum ; that the lower ranks imitate the higher; and it is true : But it is equally true that the higher imitate the lower. The liigherranks will never exceed their vferiors but in a certain proportion; but Aif s ..{lion they are absolutely obliged to keep up, or fall into contempt and ridicule, It may gratify vulgar malignity and popular envy, to ifeclaim eternally against the rich and the great, the noble and the high; but, generally and philosophically speaking, the manners and characters in a nation are all alike: the lowest and the middling peo ple, in general, grow \icious, vain, and luxuri ous, exactly in proportion. As to appearance, the higher fort are obliged to raise theirs in pro portion as the stories below ascend. A free peo ple are the 1110 ft addicted to luxury of any : that equality which they enjoy,, and in which tliey glory, inspires them with fentiuients which hurry them into luxury. A citizen perceives his fel low-citisen, whom he holds his equal, have a better coat or hat, a better house or horse, than liimfelf, and fees his neighbors are struck with it, talk of it, and refpec't him for it; he cannot bear it; he must and will be upon a level with him. Such an emulation as this takes place in every neighboifiood, in every family; among artizans, hulbandmen, laborers, as much as be tween dukes and marquifles, and more—those are all nearly equal in dress, and are now distin guished by other marks. Declamations, oratory, poetry, f'ermons, against luxury, riches, and com merce, will never have much effect: the most rigorous sumptuary laws will have little more.— " Difcprdia et avaritia, atque ambitio, et; cetera " fecundis rebus oriri fueta mala, post Carthaginis " excidium maxume auCta funt. Ex quo tem " pore majorum mores, 11011 paulatim ut antea, " fed torrentis modo prxcipitati." Salluft. in Frag.—ln the late war, the Americans found an unnfual quantity of money flow in upon them, and, without the least degree of prudence, fore fight, consideration, ormeafure, rufliedheadlong into a greater degree of luxury than ought to have crept in in a hundred years. The Romans cliargedtlie ruin of their common wealth to luxu ry : iliey might have charged it to the want of a balance in their constitution. 111 a country like America, where the means and opportunities for luxury are so easy and so plenty, it would be madness not to expect it, bejnepared for it, and provide against the dangers of it in the constitu tion. The balance, in atriple-headed legislature, is the best and the only remedy. If we will not adopt that, we must Aider the punishment of our temerity. The fupereminence of athreefold ba lance, above all the imperfect balances that were attempted in the antient republics of Greece and Italy, and the modern ones of Switzerland -and Holland, whether ariiAocratical or mixed, lies in this, that as it is capable of governing a great nation and a large territory, whereas others can only exist in small ones, f<> it is capable of prc ferving liberty among great degrees of wealth, luxury, diflipation, and e\ en profligacy of man ners ; whereas the others require the utmost fru gality, simplicity, and moderation, to make Im uran life tolerable under them. The Editor hereof having had his name mentioned, as one of the perions alluded to in the Resolve refpe£ting the pubiifhing of the Debates of the Hon. House ot Representatives, thinks it not improper to re-publi(h the following from the Dailv Ad vcrtifer ot the 7th instant. From Mr. Grcenleaf's Week!) Regifier. of Sept. 14. " THE following motion made by Mr. Burke 011 Monday, in the House of Representa tives of the United States, which is supposed to refpetft Francis Ch ilds, Printer of the Daily Advertiser ; John Fenno, Printer of the Ga zette of the Jnited States, and Thomas Lloyd, Editor of the Congressional Regis ter, was laid 011 the table for the Conlideration of the mpmbcrs. " Refolded, Thattlie several persons who have publiflied the debates of this House, in the Con greliional Regilter, and in newspapers of this city, have misrepresented thole debates in the molt glaring deviations from the truth—often diltorting the arguments of the members from the true meaning—imputing to some gentlemen ar guments, contradictory and foreign to the fub jett, and which were never advanced—to others remarks and observations never made—and in a great many inltances, mutilating, and not un frequeiuly fupprelfing whole arguments upon fubjecfts of the grcatelt moment —thus throwing over the whole proceedings a thick veil of mis representation and error ; which being done with in the House, at the very foot of the Speaker's chair, gives a sanction and authenticity to those publications that refletft upon the House a ridi cule and absurdity highly injurious to its privi leges and dignity. " Refohed, That to misrepresent the debates of the House, whether it arises from incapacity, in attention, or partiality, has a mischievous ten dgncy to infringe the freedom of debate—and that this House should no longer give laii&ion to it." AS the foregoing motion of Mr. Burke re flecting the misrepresentations of the debates of the House of Representatives, has bee.-officioufly printed by Thomas Greenleaf; we 1 .ink pro per to acquaint the public that the intended reso lution was publiflied without the countenance or knowledge of the honorable mover, and as the mo tion itfelf, extravagant as it is, and which was withdrawn after being faintly supported, may leave an unjultimpreffion 011 the minds of the pub lic, we think proper to subjoin the following re marks, which we flatter ourselves will have a cir culation and imprellion, at lead co-extensive with the other. It is extremely difficult to conceive how any person pollelfing common sense, could Co far mis take the plain, full and polHtive meaning of the debates in the Hon. Houl'e of Representatives, as to " misrepresent them in the moll glaring de viations from the truth;" but to " dillort the ar guments from their true meaning," requires some degree of ingenuity—it is extremely diffi cult however to fuggelt any plausible reason, which should induce the editors of the debates to do this—The -whole world would rcfent the in sult, so far as it was known ; and the publishers would nlk the countenance and patronage oftlie public. It is Hill more difficult to account for the long silence of those whowouldbe more immedi ately concerned had this been the cafe—it can be imputed only to a conviction in the mipds of rlie majority, that this has never intentionally taken place. It may have happened that one gentle man's name may have been placed before the lpeecli of another ; this may have happened with out any defigr. of " imputing to some gentlemen arguments contradictory and foreign to the f'ub ject, and which were never advanced," or " to others, remarks and observations which were never made" forJi.u'natium ejl errare—Mutilations of speeches are sometimes made with advantage ; they seem to be the neceilary consequence of a very rapid enunciation, or when the speaker's voice is small and low. It would so completely eftabliili the reputation of a public regilter of the debates, to have them perjeClly accurate, that it is more difficult than all the preceding difficulties, to account for a Prin ter's ■wilfully making them imperfect, when it is in his power to do otherwise—it is a fort offelo de fe againlt his own interest. To attempt to " throw a thick veil of misrepresentation and error over the whole proceedings" oftlie house of representatives, would be an undertaking so complicate in its nature, and so impracticable in its execution, that the person who should con ceive the idea of making the effort in this land of fieedom,and where the public proceeding's are upon as the day, would be a fitfubjedt for a fir ait •watficoai ; and this to be done too " at the very foot of the fpeakpr's chair," isfo ndic»i ons and absurd, that it carries its own refutation with"t From whence it follows that for a PrinteriuhU publications to nnfreprefent the debates n!M house, « whether it arises fro,, incapacity \n attention or partiality," can have no "tendency to infringe the freedom of fpcech for it is i m possible that any person can luppole that the house could fanclion such publications ; nor can ajiv system of corruption for deceiving the people b'« predicated of fuel, publications, as they would certainly appear to be without objecTt or deW Theappeal ismade to the candid and impartial' The original publifners of the debates in the newsi papers, never proposed to give these debates so as to conipnle the whole of the speeches at full lentil —Sketches only of the proceedings were their obi ject; they have aimed to be impartial; their labor? have met a favorable reception ; their ownfenti -1,1 cuts have never influenced them in ilatino; a sin gle question ; and it is not in the power of 'any per son whatever, to point out an instance of their being confronted or influenced either diredllyor indirea -Iy, by any man, or body of men, to alter, curtail, mutilate or suppress an individual speech, that has ever been heard by them, or published in their papers. TIIE WISE RESOLVE. NO more I'll wandefthro' the verdant vales, No more I'll breathe the balmy weitein gales, No more I'll range the once enchanting bow'r, Nor flrole with Laura at the ev'ning hour ; But where yon wall with ivy cover'd round, Indoles fad the village burial-ground, , Where weeping-willows spread a pensive (hade, And mourn in silence for ihcir neighb'nng dead : 1 here let me walk in melancholy guise, * There teach my foul t'expand her wings and rife ( Triumphant o'er the grave, and live above the (lues. ' CIVIS, An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES.■ (Continued from No. XLVI.) IN fine, we have not children or dunces to deal with, but a people who have as quick a fight of their interest, and as much courage, readinefsand , chearfulnefs to support it, as any people on earth. We can have, therefore, nothing more to do than to make such propoiitions to them as are really for their interest, to convince tlieir minds that the thing proposed is neceflary and beneficial; and this is to be done, not by refinement of argu ment, but bv deviling and explaining such mea sures as will, from tlieir nature and operation, produce beneficial effects. We mull, with can dor and fairnefs, in a manner open and undisguis ed, tell them what we want money for, and how much, and by a wife and upright management: j of their intercfts defervc and gain their confi dence, that their money, when obtained, shall to [ the last /hilling be paid for such neceflary pur [ poses ; the tax will then cease to be odious. It will become an object of acknowledged interest, and every person who smuggles or otherways i avoids the tax, will be considered as Ihrinking . from a burden which the public good makes ne ceflary. Every attempt of this fort will become disreputable and infamous, and when you can conneift the rax and cliaractcr together, there will be little difficulty in collecting it, which will ef fectually obviate the great objection, viz that it will be impracticable to collect a heavy tax on goods of great value but little bulk, such as silks, laces, and the like, because they be easily fnnjg gled, &c. Whenever they are to be fold, theynffift be exposed to view, and let the burden of proof ever lie on the pofleflor, that the tax has been i bona fide paid. I fliould think it advisable tocom mit the management of this matter to the mer chants, they are molt hurt by smuggling, and of course have the higheJl interest in preventing it- It will be ten times more difficult to cheat and impose on them, than any others, because the matter falls wholly within their own sphere of business. Two of a tradecan't cheat one another as easy as either of them might cheat a stranger. If the merchants would rake the matter up, anil make ic a kind of profeflional honor to prevent smuggling, and fee tliat the duty is effectually paid, there is little doubt but they could effect it. All this reasoning depends 011 this one principle? viz. that onr public measures must carry in them wisdom, national fitnefs, juflice and propriety ; then they will gain character, reputation, ana confidence amongthepeopleat large, and mutual interest will soon make the government easy a_ nc effective, every individual will soon find his n'- terell connected with that of the public, and lie will have every inducement both of honor an profit to Hand well with the government and e fectually support it. And in this way, e ycn the great doctrine of taxation itfelf, that comnn"' and almost universal source of complaint) ma become an object of acknowledged neceffity> 0 confefled right, and the payment made liket iat of any other debt, with conviction of right an full falisfaction. (to be continued.) Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, Mai ® e * ] I.ane, near the Ofwgo-Marktt, ' N tw-YoniH 3* e "'
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