Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]) 1789-1793, September 26, 1789, Image 1

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    [No. XLVIII.]
the TABLE T—No. XLVIII.
SUBJECT OF NO. 47 CONTINUED.
.< the union of the states should be the first
'• article IN the political creed of every
« AMERICAN."
IN our last we endeavored to Ihew that no politi
cal evil was to be apprehended from the pre
tended diversity of fouthernand eafterninterefts.
_It will be found that there is as little to be ap
prehended from other supposed causes of divi
(ion. The universal freedom in religious mat
ters, which is not only allowed by the govern
ment, but incorporated into the conllitutions of
the States, has rendered the people of this coun
try less liable to discord on that account, than
any other nation. The diversity of manners and
euitonis is becoming less every day. The nation
al government will contribute to hasten this pro
gress, and to fix a standard for manners and lan
guage. The commercial intercourse of the States
is increasing. Nothing unites men more than a
concurrence in Common sentiments and objects of
pursuit. Every American holds liberty nearest
hii heart, and depends on the aid of every other
American to defend it. There is no country
where the people arefo well agreed in their firlt
maxims, or so deeply imprefled with a sense of
the importance of them.
If we consider the state of some of the moll or
derly governments in the world, we iliall find that
they are much less homogeneous than our own.
France is actually divided into several diftin<ft
provinces—and they are Hill more divided by dif
tiad laws and customs, and even by a different
language. We are better acquainted with the
Britiih kingdoms : If the diversity in question it
incompatible with a common government, then
the prosperous state of that country will prove that
there is no such diversity : Yet the fad; is that the
narrow territories of Britain and Ireland are in
habited by a people, in different ftagesof civiliza
tion—who speak several different languages—who
glory in the victories obtained by their ancestors
when mutually lioftile, and whose remembrance
of former injuries is embittered by mutual scorn
and national hatred. Till lately their interests
have been facrificed to commercial monopolies,
and their rights as men abridged by a policy which
continued to be jealous after it had ceased to be
vindidive. Their customs, manners, and princi
ples of government, and religion, are, apparent
ly, the leafl: likely to aflimilate together. The
Scotch Highlanders, the people of the isles, the
Welch, the wild Irilh, and the Englifti, the op
prelled Catholics, the perfccuted Jacobites, the
Difienters and Episcopalians are surely more un
fit le become one people than the citizens of the
Southern and Northern States : Yet all these peo
ple are approximating,and it is a question whether
ia a course of time, not very remote, there will
remain any traces of discrimination. That event
is of the less importance, as, in fa<ft, with all the
supposed diversity of interests and opinions, that
kingdom is one of the inoft profperoU6 and belt
governed of any in the world. It is certain that
it has been believed in that country, and many
seemed to derive a malignant pleasure from the
belief, that the people of America, tho indepen
dent, were so unfortunately circumstanced that
they would not govern themselves. If we did not
know that the paflions and prejudices of men
make them blind to the most obvious truths, we
(hould wonder how Engliflimen could be duped
by an hypothesis which is so abundantly refuted
by their own experience. If the Americans can
not preserve their national government, it is not
because they are too unlike to afiimilate, or that
they want the acutenefs and vigor of mind to per
ceive and establish the principles of a wife go
vernment.
It i 6 because habit, which is nature to an en
lightened people, and is more, is neceflity to an
ignorant one, has not acquired its ordinary autho
rity over the mind. We have been accustomed
todiftincfc, independent governments : We have
not been used to think nationally—to consider
ourselves as an indivisible whole : Other nations
reverence the antiquity of their institutions—-even
those which are oppreflive are borne without re
pining, and almost without pain, because they are
used to bear them : The neck, grown callous, is
■Jo longer galled with the yoke. Antiquity and
Itate craft have involved the powers and princi
ples of government in mystery. The veneration
of the public is heightened by obscurity, and tho
amagiftrate, who should usurp power, would pro
bably be ruined, yet opposition to lawful autho
rity would ltrike the people with horror.
In this country things are on a different foot
ing. w e have seen the beginning of our govern
ment. We have demolished one, and setup ano
ther, and we think without terror of the process.
1 " as neither antiquity, nor mystery. Instead of
&m#c
SATURDAY, September 26, 17^9.
being prote<S:ed, almolt every good man has aid
ed m propping a tottering authority. He has felt
the weight ofhis in dividual strength and counsels.
Government has leaned upon the people, and a
wile and virtuous people have adopted a Consti
tution worthy of themselves. Already it has pro
cured us the refpecSl of Europe. Let us learn to
reverence it as the glory and fafeguard of our
country. Every people has a partial fondnefs for
their own country. National pride and preju
dice are found to be as strong, and unchangeable
in favor of the most wretched terrirory, as of the
lnoft fertile and salubrious.
Tho nature has covered the earth with barren
ness, and the air with pestilence, and tho society
is ft ill more cursed with defjpotifin, the people
will resent reflections on their country, as the
ciueleft of all insults, and will consider an exile
from it as the most deplorable of all misfortunes.
How well thenlhoulda people love their country,
which they govern and nature favors ! Reafonand
time will concur in making the Americans rever
ence and love their government. Before this/hall
be effected, the danger to the national government
will not spring from the diversity of manners,
customs and interests. Almost every event of our
hiitory has contributed something to dispose the
public mind to enthusiasm. The ruin of most re
publics has been caused by fits of honest frenzy,
during which they destroy the pillars of their own
security. The more diverse and hollile the in
terests and opinions of the people are, the lefsare
they all liable at the fame moment to the agency
ot thiscaufe. For inthis cafe, the torrent of en
thusiasm would be confined within the channel
which it might firft take. The ray in palling thro
another medium would be refracted and finally
loft. Opposite and equal forces would destroy
each other. But our people reason and adl so
nearly alike, that they will be heated at the fame
moment. They are all conductors for the ele<!t
rical fluid, which pafles so unaccountably thro the
mind, and communicates so intense an heat in its
paflage.
It is not intended to deduce from hence that
the national government will not endure. It is
merely to expose the fallacy of the opinion, that
we are too unlike, and too much divided in point
of interests to maintain one national government.
This opinion has long been painful to the patri
otism of many sensible men.
It is equally to be hoped that the great extent
of the country, the good sense of the people which
is every day more and more enlightened by sci
ence, and the wife and prosperous administration
of the government will be found fufficient to give
it liability.
AUTHENTIC INFORMATION.
Every Citizen of the Worli—every friend to the rights
oj mankind—and more efptcially every citizen of the
United States, mufl feel int ere fled in the important
Tranfacftions in the Kingdom of France :—The
following authentic and judicious JOURNAL
OF EVENTS, as they transpired from day to day,
at the crifts of the glorious Revoluthn, will afford
our readers a more competent idea of matters, than
ha-s yet been pnblifhed.
Extract of a letter from Paris.
" THE capture of three French merchantfhips
by the Algerines under different pretexts, has
produced great sensation in the seaports of this
country. The scarcity of bread begins to leflen
in the southern parts of France, where the harvest
is commenced : Here it is Hill threatning, because
we have yet two or three weeks to the beginning
of harvest.
" The reunion of the orders took place on the
27th June. Within the Aflembly matters weni
on well ; but it was soon observed that troops,
and particularly the foreign troops, were ontheii
march towards Paris from various quarters, and
that this was against the opinion of Mr. Neckar.
The Marflial de Broglio was appointed to com
mand all the troops within the Isle of France.—
Some of the French guards were soon arrested
under other pretexts, but in reality on account
of their difpofitionsinfavorofthe national cause.
The people of Paris forced the prison, released
them, andfenta deputation to the States General
to folicita pardon. The States by a 1110 ft moder
ate and prudent arrete recommended these pri
soners to the King, and peace to the people of
Paris. Addrefles came in to them from several of
the great cities, expressing sincere allegiance to
the King; but a determined resolution to support
the States General.
" On the Bth of July they voted an address to
the King to remove the troops. This piece of
£.Publifhsd on Wedfisfday and Saturday .J
masculine eloquence, written by M. de Mirase a v
is worth attention. 1 lie King refufes to remove
the troops, and fays they may remove themfelvcs,
if they please, to Noyeos orSoiflons.
9th. They pioceed to fix the order in which
they will take up the several branches of their fu
ture Constitution, from which it appears they
mean to build it from the bottom, confining them
selves to nothing in their ancient form but a King.
A declaration oi rights which forms the firft chap
ter of their work, was then proposed by the Mar
quis de la Fayette —this was on the nth.
" In the mean time troops to'the number of
about 25 or 30,000 had arrived, and were ported
inand between Paris and Versailles. The bridges
and pafleswere guarded. At 3 o'clock in the af
ternoon the Count de la Luzerne wasfenttono
tify Mr. Neckar of his difmiflion—at midnight
he set out tor Bruflells. This was not known till
the next day (12th) when the whole ministry
was changed, except Villepeuij. of thedomeftic
department,and Barentin Garde des Sceaux*
These changes were as follows : The Baron
de Bret e ui l, President of the Council of Finance,
and De la Galaitiere, Comptroller General in
the room of Mr. Neckar—the Marshal de Broc
lio, Minister of War, and Foul on under him
in the rooinof Puy-se g ur—M. deIaVAUGUYON,
Minister of Foreign Affairs,inftead of M.de Mokt
morin—De la Porte Minister of Marine, in
place of the Count de la Luzerne—St. Priest
was also removed from the Council.
" The news of this change began to be known
in Paris about lor 2 o'clock. In the afternoon a
body of about 100 German cavalry were advanced
and drawn up in the place Louis XV. and about
300 Swiss ported at a little distance in their rear.
This drew people to that spot, who naturally
formed themselves in front of the troops, at firft
merely to look at them ; but as their numbers en
creafed, their indignation arose : They retired a
few steps, ported themselves on and behind large
piles of loose stones colle<fied in that place for a
bridge adjacent to it, and attacked the horse with
stones. The horse charged, but the advantage
ous portti on of the people, and the showers of
stones obliged them to retire, and even to quit the
field altogether, leaving one of their number on
the ground. The Swiss in their rear were obfer*
vednever to stir. This was the signal for univer«
sal infurretftion, and this body of cavalry to avoid
being maflacred, retired towards Versailles. The
people now armed themselves withfuch weapons
as they could find in armorer's lhops and private
houses, and with bludgeons, and were roaming
all night, through all parts of the city, without
any decided and practicable obje<ft. The nexc
day (13th) the States press on the King to fend
away the troops—to permit the Bourgeoisie of"
Paris to arm for the prefervatiqn of order in the
city, and offered to fend a deputation from their
body to tranquilize them ; He refufes all their
proportions. A committee of magistrates and
eletfors of the city are appointed, by their bodies,
to take upon them its government. The mob now
openly joined by the French guards, force the
prisons <jf St. Lazare, release all the prisoners,
and take a great store of corn, which they carry
to the corn market : Here they get some arms,
and the b rench guards begin to form and train
them. The city committee determine to raise
48,000 bourgeois, or rather to restrain their num
bers to 48,000.
On the 14th they fend one of their members
(M. de Corney) to the Hotel des Invalides, to
ask arms for their Garde Bourgeoife : He was fol
lowed by, or he found there a great mob : The
Governor of the Invalids came out, and repre
sented the impoflibility of his delivering arms
without the orders of those from whom he receiv
ed them : De Corney advised the people then to
retire, retired hiinfelf, and the people took pof
feflion of the arms. It was remarkable that not
only the invalids themselves made no opporttion,
but that a body of 5000 foreign troops, encamp,
ed within 400 yards, never stirred. M. de Corney
and five others, were then sent to aik arms of m!
de Launai, Governor oftheßaftile: They found
a great collection of people already before the
place, and they immediately planted a flag of
truce, which was answered by a like flag hoisted
on the parapet: The deputation prevailed on the
people to fall back a little, advanced themselves
to make their demands of the Governor, and in
that instant a discharge from the Baftile killed
four people of those nearest to the deputies -
The Deputies retired, the people rushed against
the place, and almost in an instant were in pof»
feflion of a fortification, defended by 100 men, of
infinite strength, which in other times had flood
several regular sieges, and had never been taken.
How they got in has as yet been impoflible to
discover : Those who pretend to have been of the