The RIGHT CQNSTITUTION of a COMMON
WEALTH EXAMINED.
(continuation.)
IN the Roman Itory, some few of their brave
patriots and conquerors were men of finall for
tune, and of so rare a temper of spirit, that they
little cared to improve them, or enrich them
selves by their public employment. Some, in
deed, were buried at the public charge. And
perhaps this race is not quite extinct ; but the
examples are so rare, that he who shall build his
frame of government upon a presumption that
characters of this stamp will arif'e in succession,
in fuflicient numbers to preserve the honor and li
berty, and promote the prosperity of his people,
■will find himfelf iniftaken. " The time will
come," said a Roman senator, " when Hora
tii and Valerii will not be found to forego their
•" private fortunes for the fake of plebeian liber
"" ty." His prediction was fulfilled ; and a simi
lar prophecy will be accomplished in every nati
on under heaven. The instances too of this kind,
an the Roman liiitory, are all of patricians and
senators : We do not find one example of a po
pular tribune who was so in love with poverty.
Cincinnatus was a patrician, a senator of a splen
did family and no mean fortune,until his son Ciefo
■was prosecuted, and obliged to fly from his bail.
The father had too noble and sublime a spirit to
let the bail be ruined, and fold his fortune to pay
the forfeiture : When this was done, he had on
ly four or fix acres left. But who was it that
made him dictator ? Not the people, nor the tri
bunes, but the senate/- that very Handing power
againil which our author's whole book is writ
ten : By no means by a fucceflive sovereignty of
the people's representatives, which our author
all along contends for. Had the appointment of
a dictator at that time lain with the people, mod
probably a richer man would have had the pre
ference. He behaved with so much magnanimi
ty, integrity, and wisdom, that he subdued the
enemy,and quitted his authority with all willing
ness, and returned to painful private life. This
example is a good argument for a mixed govern
ment, and for a senate as an eflential part of it ;
but 110 argument for a fucceflive sovereignty in
the peoples representatives. Gracchus, Marius,
Sylla, and Crefar, whose elevation to power was
by the. people, in opposition to the senate, did
not exhibit such moderation and contentment.
Our author s other examples of Lucius Tarquin,
and Attilius Regulus, by no means prove such
disinterested and magnanimous virtue to be ordi
nary in that state, nor Lucius Paulus iEmilius.
Lucius Tarquin, or Lucius Tarquinius Collati
nus, was not only a patrician and a senator, but of
the royal family, and therefore by 110 means an
example to /how what the conduit of a general,
or other officer or magistrate, will be, who shall
be appointed by a majority of the people's fuc
cellive annual representatives. He was the hus
band of Lucretia, whole blood had expelled the
king. It was in an afl'embly of the centuries,
where the senate were all powerful, that he was
appointed consul with Brutus. Valerius was the
favorite of the plebeians. Collatiahadbeengiv
en by the king to Ancus Tarquin, because he had
110 estate; ana from thence the family were call
ed Collating. At the siege of Ardea the frolic
commenced between CtJllatinus and the othei
young Tarquinus, over wine, which ended in the
visit to their wives, which proved at firft so ho
norable to the domestic virtues of Lucretia, and
afterward so fatal to her life ; it occasioned alfa
the expulsion of kings, andinftitutionof consuls.
Brutus and Collatinus were created consuls, but
by whom By the people, it is true, but it was
in their aflemblies by centuries ; so that it was
the senate and patricians who decided the vote.
If the people in their tribes, or by their fuccef
live representatives, had made the election, Col
latinus wouldnot have been chofen,but Valerius,
■who expected it, and had moll contributed, next
to Brutus, to rhe revolution. And, by the way,
we may observe here, that an aversion to public
honors and offices by no means appears in the be
havior of the virtuous and popular Valerius.
liis desire of the office of consul was so ardent,
that his di(appointment and chagrin induced liiin,
in a fallen ill-humour, to withdraw from the fe
-—jiSieand the forum, and renounce public affairs ;
that they dreaded
his reconciliation and coalition with the exliiled
family. He soon removed this jcaloufy by ta
king the oath by which Brutus wanted to bindthe
senate againfl: kings and kingly government. All
the art of the patricians, with Brutus at their head,
was now exerted, to intoxicate the people with
fupcrftition. Sacrifices and ceremonies were in
troduced, and the consuls approaching the altar,
fworc, for themselves, their children, and all
posterity, never to recal Tarquin or his sons, or
any of liis family ; that the Romans should ne
ver more be governed by kings ; that those who
ihould attempt toreftore monarchy fhouldbe de
voted to the infernal gods, and condemned to
the molt cruel torments : And an abhorrence of
royalty became the predominant character of the
Romans, to such a degree, that they could never
bear the name of king, even when, under the em
perors they admitted much more than the thing in
an unlimitted despotism. But is the cause oi li
berty, are the rights of mankind, to Hand for
ever on no better a foundation than a blind super
stition, and a popular prejudice against a word,
a mere name ? It was really no more in this cafe :
For even Brutus liimfelf intended that the con
suls lliould have all the power of the kings ; and
it was only against a family and a name that he
declared war. If nations and peoples cannot be
brought to a more rational way of thinking, and
to judge of things, ol being intoxicated
with prejudice and fuperllition against words, it
cannot be expe<fled that truth, virtue, or liberty,
will have much chance in the establishment of
governments. The monarchical and ariltocrati
cal portions of society will for ever nnderftand
better how to operate upon the superstition, the
prejudices, paflions, fancies, and senses of the
people, than the democratical, and therefore will
for ever worm out liberty, if she has no other re
source.
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES.
[Continued from No. XXXII.]
ANOTHER objection against my mode of tax
ing, which in my opinion is the greatest by far that
can be fairly urged, remains yet to be consider
ed. I once almost concluded not to mention it
here, becaufeits hurtful operation is distant, we
are innoprefent danger of its effects and its evils
may be prevented or remedied in future time by
neceflary measures, without requiring our prefem
attention. But I will subjoin it, because I think
it belt to communicate every quality, effe<si and
tendency of this fubjeift, which my utinolt inves
tigation of it has been able to discover, that the
publick may take it up or- rejecSt it on the fulleft
reason that I can lay before them. The objection
is, that this tax is infenftble. and wilt produce more
money than the people are apprized of, and in future
time, when our trade and consumptions Jhall increase,
nay produce more than the public service -will require,
and of course tend to public dijppation and corruption.
For frugality in a court ever springs from neces
sity, and a rich treasury naturally makes a pro
digal administration, and too often a corrupt one.
It may be answered, that it will always be eafyto
leflen or take the tax off, whenever it fliall become
neceflary. This may be easy, but will be always
be dangerous. The imposing it at the close of
the war will prevent the fall of the goods taxed,
and keep them up partly to the war price, and of
course save the merchants who have goods by them
from very great loss, and is a good reason for
imposing it now ; but when it lhall be taken off,
it will reduce the price of the goods taxed in so
sudden a manner,as will be very hurtful to those
who have stock on hand,and may ruin very many
families. There is another, and perhaps
better way of guarding against the evils of the
objection. It will be easy to transmit to each state
an account of the annual proceeds of the tax, and
when the amount shall exceed the annua] expen
ditures, an account of the surplus, together with
an eltimate of the proportion of each Rate (accord
ing to the established quota of burdens and bene
fits)may be returned with it, and the said pro
portion of the surplus may be made f'ubje«ft to the
order of each state refpeclively ; and if they judge
that they can more fafely trust their own economy,
than that of the supreme administration, each
state may draw its quota out of the general treasu
ry into its own, and there keep it as a deposited
fund of public wealth, or dispose of it as they
please. Perhaps a fund to defray the internal
expences of each state, might be as easily raised
in this way as any other ; but I leave a further
difcuflion of the objection and its remedies to the
wisdom of future times.
But if this my mode of taxing, or any other
that may be adopted, should not be fufficient for
the public service, I could wish the deficiency
might some how be made up at home, without
recuring to the ruinous mode of supplies by pub
lic loans abroad. I think that every light in
which this fubjeiffc can be viewed, will afford an
argument against it. I have known this cogent
argument; used in favour of foreign loans,"viz.
We give but five per cent, by the loan. This
stupid argument, if it proves any thing, just proves
that 'tis every man's interest to borrow money,
for 'tis certainly profitable to buy any thing for
five pounds which will bring ten ; but the natural
fatft is, the very reverse of this, for if you bring
money into a kingdom or family,which is not the
proceeds of industry, it will naturally leflen the
industry and increase the'expences of it. It has
been often observed, that when a person gains
any sudden acquifmon of wealth by treasure thro'
captures at sea, drawing a high prize in a lottery,
or any other way not connected with industry'
he is rarely known to keep it long, but soon
•diflipates it. The sensible value of money is loft,
when the idea of it becomes difconnefled with
the labor and pain of earning it,and expences will
naturally increase when there is plenty of wealth
to support them. The effedl is the fame 011 a
nation. Is Spain a whit richer for all the mines
of South America. The industry of Holland has
proved a much more sure source ofcluriSV,, •,
We already find a dangerous excess of
mg ouc of our borrowed money ; and \La~
(efpeciaily in procuring supplies of our own)
great animation. Behdes, the
meat is not grounded on fart ; 'tis true I J "
that we pay but five per centintercft on our f
eign loans,but they coil us from fifteen to tvZ
ty per cent more to get them home, forthati.
lealt the difcoum which has been o' e ,
of o», bin, for fcver.lyen« p; „U„dlf™ '£
it ovcr .n .a ~ there is freight and insane to
be paid,which increafesthe loss. From this it an
pears that for every eighty pounds of funnfe
which we obtain inthis way,we must payatleafU
hundred pounds, even if we were to pay the win
cipal at the end of the year, and the
want of five per cent intereS: everv year after
if the payment is delayed : To all this loss, i s t ' o
be added, all the expence of negociatina the loans
abroad, brokerage on sale of the bills, & c . &c.
(To be continued.J
EIGHTH ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE UNIOX.
An ACT to provide for the Government of the Territory AVIA-W J
of the River Ohio.
WHEREAS in order that the ordinance ofthe United Staiesin
Congress alTcmblcd.for tfce government ofthe territory north-wdt
of the river Ohio may continue to have full effect, it is requifa
that certain provisions (hould be made foas to adapt the farae toth
prefent Confhrution ofthe United States;
Be it en.ifled by the Senate and House oj Refrtfenttlhu iftki t/M
States of America in Congress aJJemUed, That in all cafcs in which by
the said ordinance, any information isto he given, orcomnun.
cation made by the Governor of the said territory to the United
States in Congress aflembled, or to any of their officers, it (hil
be the duty of the said Governor to give such information md to
make such communication to the Prefidcnt of the United States■
and the Prcfident (hall nominate, and by and with the advice and
content of the Senate, (hall appoint all officers which bv the fill
ordinance were to have bee n appointed by the United States 111
Congress assembled, and all officers so appointed, (hillbe coin,
minioned by him ; and in all cases where the United States in
Congress ademblcd, might, by tbe said ordinance, revoke any
commiflion or remove from anyoffice, the Prefidcnt 11 herebyde
clari d to have the fame powers of revocation and removal.
And be it further enaded, That in cafcs of the death, rcmoval.Ttfi;.
nation, or nccefiary absence of the Governor of the said territory,
the Secretary thereof fball be, and he is hereby authorized and
required to execute all the powers, and perform all the dutiesof
rhe Governor, during the vacancy, occasioned by the removal,tf
fignation or necellarv absence of the said Governor.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLEXBERG,
Steaker of the House of Reprrfcrtititch
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-PrefdevtoftheUnitedSltUs,
and PreJident oj the Senitr.
Approved, aucust 7, 1789.
GEORGE WASHING lON, Prefidcnt if the United Suits.
NINTH ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE OF TREVXWi
An ACT providing for Ex fences which ma\ attend Nfcocfa
tions or Treaties with the IndianTk ibes, and tke afttint
mcht of Commissioner s for managing the June.
BE it enacledby the Senatea»d HouJfe of Reprefcnfatativei oflh( United
States of America in Congref affcmh/ea, That a sum notexceediog
twenty thousand dollars, arising from the duties on imports and
tonnage, shall be, and the fame is hereby appropriated to defraying
the expence of negociatmg and treating with the Indian tribes.
And be it further enabled, That earh of the commiflioners who
may be appointed for managing such negotiations and treaties,
shall be entitled to an allowance, exclusive of his expcnces at the
place of treaty, of eight dollars per day during his aftuaf service,
to be paid out of the monies so appropriated.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the Houfc ojßeprefentitivd.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United State j,
and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, AUGUST ?0, 1789.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of tke United States.
THE NATIONAL MONITOR. No. XVII.
Th' eternal God who form'd all human kind,
Views the whole fpccies with an equal mind;
With him there's neither black, nor brown, nor fair,
All sprang from him and all his goodnefc stars.
LIBERTY and humanity are closely allied: Ry the former i<
meant that security oflife, property and the equal rights oj nature, which
is the result ofjufl and righteous laws : By the latter, the full tuft
ence oj that divine precept u to do to others as we would be done
unto." It is ajlonifhing to rejleff how long the mojl enlightened fift
of the world', men, who profefs to be governed by
crples oj the gcjpel, remained insensible to this natural and divine oblige
tion ; in commencing and continuing< for near a century, a fpeciesojw*'
merce repugnant to every benevolent andjufl sentiment: A traffic inm
owji ftecies. Among the innumerable advantages derived to the wo*
from the revolution oj America, nay be reckoned this, that ith&swj l
the benevolent feelings of the inhabitants oj the eajiern herttijptre, <
led them to the mojl honorary and spirited exertions, to vindicate tkeng th
and redrejs the accumulated injuries of the natives of Africa.
Great-Britain has frequently taken the lead in the mojl bnlw
enter prizes: She now appears with diflinguifhed lujlre in ajertmgt
cause of injured humanity, by making rapid progress in the great uw*
of emancipating the wrethedrace ofJ laves i the hapless vtflms ofaMrut.
Her Princes, her Nobles, her Patriots, and W ,SE . 5
unite in the God like undertaking; and there is vo doubt thai] lc a!
crown her chataHer by compleating the bufiuefs in duefeafon. .
France has caught the sacred flame: lier citizens in their kUf
he ojjembhes, speak the language of reason and rigkteoufnef.
Neckar on thisfubjeft is inspired. . . j
•Spa i n aljo has long been in the habit of meliorating the
slavery ; ana as she emerges daily into the regions oj knowledge av
finement, will naturally be led to imitate her neighbours in their en '5
ed and generous policv. . f n , f
America, by the new conjlitution } has at a limited period) J or .
Jhut the door to /his commcrce. Mean time the Jlatc< individullh * ,e F
/libiting the traffic. The bufinejs every day, in all of them,
and more reprobated; and there is the highejl reason tofuppoje, •
will become comhleatly and universally infamous. n^
Fi ~om the foregoing we are led to contemplate the improvedj a e ]}
ciety, and the increase of the befl principles among mankind. ~
May our country progress in its character, forever: virtue t a .
nifies and adorns the species ; till the full effefl of the rft
onfhall be feen y in the compleat triumph of reason and benevo
mong the great, the happy family of mankind.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, AID J!'
Lane, near the Oftqtgo-Markcti New-York. —[3 *°'r' J