The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON
WEALTH EXAMINED.
,
[Continued from our
NO controveiTy will be maintained with our
author, " that a free state is more excellent than
" simple monarchy, or Ample ariftocacy." But
the queition is, What is a free state It is plain
our author means a fiu«[le aflembly of teprefen
tatives of the people, perioddiclially elecfted, and
vested with the supreme power. This is denied
to be a free ltate. It is at firft a government of
grandees, and will loon degenerate into a govern
ment of a junto or oligarchy of a few of the moll
eminent or them, or into an absolute monarchy of
one of them. The government of these grandees,
'while they are numerous, as well as when they
become few, will be so oppreflive to the people,
that the people, from hatred or fear of the gentle
men, will set up one of them to rule the reft, and
make him absolute. Will it be asked how this can
be proved ? It is proved, as has been often already
said. by the conlHtution of human nature, by the
experience of the world, and the concdrreut tes
timony of all history. The puilions and desires
of the majority of the representatives in aflembly
being in their nature insatiable and unlimited
by any thing within their own brtafts, and hav
ing nothing to controul them without, will crave
more and more indulgence, and, as they have the
power, they will have the gratification ; and Ned
ham's government will have 110 security for con
tinuing free, but the presumption of i'elf-denial
, and felf-government in the members of the as
sembly, virtues and qualitiesthat never exiftedin
gieatbodi'es of men, by the acknowledgment of
all the greatest judges of human nature, as well
as by his own, when he fays, that " temptations
" of honour and profit are fails to big for any
" human bulk." It would be as reasonable to
fay, that all government is altogether upneceflary,
because it is the duty of all men to deny tliem
felves, and obey the laws of nature, and the laws
of God. However clear the duty, we know it
will not be performed ; and therefore it is our
duty to enter into allociations, and compel one
another to do some of it.
It is agreed that the people are the best keep
ers of their own liberties, and the only keepers
who can be always trusted ; and therefore the peo
ple's fair, full,and honest confent,to every law,by
their reprefetatives, must be made an eflential part
of the constitution : but it is denied that they are
the best keepers, or any keepers at all, of their
own liberties, when they hold colleiftively, or by
representation, the executive andjudicial power,
or the whole and uncontrouled legislative ; on the
contrary, the experience of all ages has proved,
that they instantly give away their liberties into
the hands of grandees, or kings, idols of their
own creation. The management of the execu
tive andjudicial powers together always currtrots
them. and tlirows[the whole power into the hands
of the most profligate and abandoned among them
selves. The honelt men are generally nearly
equally divided in sentiment, and therefore the
vicious and unprincipled, by joining one party,
carry the majority ; and the vicious and unprin
cipled always follow the most profligate leader,
him who bribes the highest, and sets all decency
and shame at defiance : it becomes more profit
able, and reputable too, except with a very few,
to be a party man than a public spirited one.
It is agreed that " the end of all government
" is the good and ease of the people, in a secure
" enjoyment of their rights, without opprellion
but it must be remembered, that the rich are peo
ple as well as the poor ; that they have rights as
well as others ; that they have as clear and as sa
cred a right to their large property, as others have
to theirs which is smaller ; thatoppi eflion to them
is as possible, and as wicked, as to others ; that
Healing, robbing, cheating, are the fame crimes
and fins, whether committed against them or
others. The rich, therefore, ought to have an
effectual barrier in the constitution against bein<*
robbed, plundered, and murdered, as well as the
poor; and this can never be without an indepen
dent l'enate. The poor should have a bulwark
against the fame dangers and oppreflions ; and
this can never be without a house of representati
ves of the people. But neither the rich nor the
poor can be defended by their refpe<ftive guardi
ans ill the constitution, without an executive
power, veiled with a negative, equal to either, to
hold the balance even between them, and decide
vVhen they cannot agree. If it is aflced, When
will this negative be uled ? it may be answered,
Perhaps never : the known existence ofit will pre
vent all occasion to cxercife it ; but if it has not
a being, the want of it will be felt every day. If
it has not been used in England for a long time
past, it by no means follows that there have not
been occasions when it might have been employed
with propriety. But one thing is very certain,
that there have been many occasions when the con
stitution would have been overturned since the
Revolution, if the negative had nnt been an in
dubitable prerogative of the crown.
It is agreed that the people are " most sensible
" of their own burthens ; and being put into a
" capacity aiid freedom of acting, are the molt
" likely to provide remedies for their own relief. "
For this reafonthey are an eflential branch of the
legislature, and have a negative on ail laws, an
absolute controul over every grant of money, and
an unlimited right to accuse their enemies before
an impartial tribunal. Thus far they are moll sen
sible of their burthens, and are molt likely to pro
vide remedies. But it is affirmed, that they are
not only incapable of managing the executive
power, but would be inflantly corrupted by it in
such numbers, as would deitroy the integrity of
all elections. It is denied that the legillative
power can be wholly entrusted in their hands with
a moment's fafety : the poor and the vicious
tvonld inllantly rob the rich and virtuous, spread
their plunder in debauchery, or confer it upon
some idol, who would become the despot ; or, to
Tpeak more intelligibly, if not more accurately,
foine of the rich, by debauching the vicious to
their corrupt intereft,would plunder the virtuous,
and become more rich, until they acquired all the
property, or a balance of property and of power,
in their own hands, and domineered as defpotsin
fin oligarchy.
(To be continued.)
I — !- I «'
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES.
[Continued from Nd. XXX ]
WHEN fuigle persons or parties counteract
the laws, and disturb that peace and order of go
vernment which is established by general consent,
and in which there is a general persuasion that
the security of every individual is concerned,
there will be no difficulty in making such exam
ples of punishment, as lhall be fufficient to curb
those turbulent and factious spirits, more or less
of which may be found in every community, and
which would become intolerable if not kept
under a rigorous restraint. In all cases of this
fort, the righteous severities of government will
be approved, fupporred, and even applauded by
the general voice. Yea, if we were to fuppole
that the general opinion was wrong in any par
ticular matter of importance, yet it is plain, that
vicious opinion could not be confronted by foree ;
it mult continue rill the ill effects of it lhall pro
duce a general conviction of its error, or till the
people can be convinced by reason and argument
ot the danger of such an opinion, before the
ill consequences are actually felt, in both which
cases the people will turn about fact enough of
their own accord, and the error will be correct
ed molt effectually, and with ease, and without
any danger of disturbing the public tranquility.
Opinions indeed of a dangerous, hurtful nature,
may spread among the people, and when they be
come general, are to be considered as great pub
lic calamities, but admit of no remedy but that
which they carry with them, and which will
prove effectual in the end, viz. their own evil
tendency, and therefore muff be let alone, like
inundations, which however calamitous, whate
ver waite and deltrucftion they make, cannot be
controuled, any attempt to flop their force, en
creafes their violence and mifchief; tjiey dolealt
hurt when they are uninoleited, and are fuffered
to drain tliemfelves off in their own natural chan
nels : In short, there is no forcing every body,
and therefore I reject, with abhorrence, every
idea of governing a country by a {landing army, or
any other engines of force. I consider every plan
of this kind as a departure from the true prin
ciples ot government, as deltructive in its con
sequences, as absurd, and ineffectual to its own
ends ; for such a government, whenever it has
been tried, initead of promoting the peace, secu
rity and happinels of the state, has generally been
found to have operated by way of tyranny and
oppression.
It appears from all this, that the true art of go
vernment lies in good and full information of the
fuels to which its ordinances are to be accommo
dated, and in wisdom in adopting such institutions,
laws and plans of operation, as shall bell suit the
Hate and true interelt of the people, and
openly, fairly, and candidly with them. You may as
well attempt, by finefles, tocheat people intolio-
Wnefs and heaven, as into their real political in
terests. 1 here are people scattered over the
whole nation, who underitand the great interests
of the community and the wisdom of public mea
mres, and are as firmly attached to them as those
wno fit in the feat of government, and who are
always dilfatisfied ; and their confidence in the
public councils is lefloned, when they observe
public measures are adopted, which they do not
•ee the use of, and the ends for which they are
calculated, and of course little myfterv and few
iecrets are neceilary in government." Let the
admimflratxon be such as will bear examining;,
and the more it is examined the better it will
appear.
In such a mode of administration as this, if
burthens that are really heavy are necessary for
the public fafety, they will be chearfully taken
up and patiently borne by the peoDle without
endangering the public tranquility.
(To be continued.)
THE NATIONAL MONITOR.- N o _ v y
— — .
? 4 ' Conversing with your sprightly boys,
Your eyes have [poke a mother's joys !
. Wilh what delight I've heard you quote,
J Their fixings in imberjeft vote !
J grant in body ana in mind,
Nature appears projvfety kind }
• 1 ruji not to that ; ad you your part,
Imprint jufi morals in their heart :
Impartially their talents Jean,
'lis Education forms the man." r
r *% U s^ rioN '' " niver f«lly ocixoMcdgt/tl),
ofubjeft of the great eft importance to society —Th* r
of individuals, and of States is inseparably m JZ
■with those tnftttuttons, which have special refr ■
(o this objeth—When the public mindis so itX
■with this idea, that Wife, andfalutary eJMIi/bJI
are formed to dtffuje the rays of knowledge and",
tue among all dalles of citizens, Hop, can feared,
foartoo high m its anticipations—the fucceediL
ration will be composed of kind parents, t>ooducM
hours and peaceable indufirious citizens.
1 Education creates atmofl as great a difference t e .
tween man and man, as there is between rational and
irrational beings.—This is an observation that ever,
f erf on makes, who contemplates charaners with a L
degree of attention—Riches give impprtance, but J
ver tnfptre refpeil—and may we not fupptfe the time
■will come, when their only intrin/ic advantage wilt it
thought to con/i/i in affording more competent means
for the acquifttion of science.
The author of my motto has beautifully Jkttchei the.
outlines of that pleasing, parental partiality, which
fancies it fees the buddings of genius, and the presa
ges of wisdom in the infantine prattle of its offspring
he however cautions againjl trufling to early appear
ances—it is true that nature mujt jbw the feed, lut
culture only, can bring it to perfeflion. '
" 'T't education forms the man"—and the pa
triot too. —It is necejfary in order to keep up afpirit
J<f freedom and love to their country, that early prin
ciples of public virtue and patriotism should he imbi
bed by the riftnggeneration.—Thefe conflitutedpart of
the education which the youth of some of the ancient
republics received; and though we would by no meant
quote them as a general example for the enlightened
citizens of the American nation, yet in this particular
they are certainly worthy of imitation. I cannot
conclude this number so well in any other manner,
as in the words of His Excellency the Vice-President
of the li liited States in the third volume of his Defence
of the Conflitutions of the United States—he sip,
1 he inftrucftioil of the people, in every kind
of knowledge that can be of use to them in the
practice of their moral duties, as men, citizens,
and Chriltians, and of ttieir political and civil
duties, as members of society and freemen,
ought to be the care of the public, and of all
who haveany fharc in the conduct of its affairs,
in a manner that never yet has been pra<ftifed
in any age or nation. The education here in
tended is not merely that of the children of the
rich and noble, but of every rank and class of
people, down to the lowest and the poorest.
It is not too much to fay, that schools for the
education of all should be placed at convenient
diftances,and maintained at the public expence.
The revenues of the state would be applied in
finitely better, more charitably, wifely, ufeful
ly, and therefore politically, in this way, than
even in maintaining the poor. This wouldbe
the bell way of preventing the existence of the
poor. If nations should ever be wife, inltead
of eretfting thousands of useless offices, oren
gaging in unmeaning wars, they will make a
fundamental maxim of this, that no human be
ing shall grow up in ignorance. In proportion
as this is done, tyranny will disappear, kings,
and nobles will be made to feel their equitable
equality with commoners, and commonerswill
fee their interest and duty torefpect the guar
dians of the laws ; for guardians they nwft
have as long as human nature endures. There
is no room to doubt that the schools, academics,
and univeriities, the stage, the press, the bar,
pulpit, and parliament, might all be improved
to better purpose than they have been in any
country for this great purpose. The emana
tions of error, folly, and vice, which proceed
from all these sources, might be leflened, and
those of v.'ifdom, virtue, and truth, might be in
creased ; more of decency and dignity niighj
be added to the human charadter in high and
low life ; manners would afliit the laws, and
the laws reform manners ; and iinpofture, to
perltiti'.n, knavery, and tyranny, he made
ashamed to show their heads before the wisdom
and integrity, decency and delicacy, of a ven
erable public opinion."
A SCRAP.
VICIOUS habits are so great a stain to human
nature, and so odious in themselves, that every
person actuated by right reason, would avoid them,
though he was lure they would always be coiicca
ed both from God and man, and had no future
punishment entailed upon them.
Pwbliftiedby JOHN FENNO, No. 9, Maid""
Lane, near the Ufwcgo-Market, New-York.—