The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON WEALTH EXAMINED. , [Continued from our NO controveiTy will be maintained with our author, " that a free state is more excellent than " simple monarchy, or Ample ariftocacy." But the queition is, What is a free state It is plain our author means a fiu«[le aflembly of teprefen tatives of the people, perioddiclially elecfted, and vested with the supreme power. This is denied to be a free ltate. It is at firft a government of grandees, and will loon degenerate into a govern ment of a junto or oligarchy of a few of the moll eminent or them, or into an absolute monarchy of one of them. The government of these grandees, 'while they are numerous, as well as when they become few, will be so oppreflive to the people, that the people, from hatred or fear of the gentle men, will set up one of them to rule the reft, and make him absolute. Will it be asked how this can be proved ? It is proved, as has been often already said. by the conlHtution of human nature, by the experience of the world, and the concdrreut tes timony of all history. The puilions and desires of the majority of the representatives in aflembly being in their nature insatiable and unlimited by any thing within their own brtafts, and hav ing nothing to controul them without, will crave more and more indulgence, and, as they have the power, they will have the gratification ; and Ned ham's government will have 110 security for con tinuing free, but the presumption of i'elf-denial , and felf-government in the members of the as sembly, virtues and qualitiesthat never exiftedin gieatbodi'es of men, by the acknowledgment of all the greatest judges of human nature, as well as by his own, when he fays, that " temptations " of honour and profit are fails to big for any " human bulk." It would be as reasonable to fay, that all government is altogether upneceflary, because it is the duty of all men to deny tliem felves, and obey the laws of nature, and the laws of God. However clear the duty, we know it will not be performed ; and therefore it is our duty to enter into allociations, and compel one another to do some of it. It is agreed that the people are the best keep ers of their own liberties, and the only keepers who can be always trusted ; and therefore the peo ple's fair, full,and honest confent,to every law,by their reprefetatives, must be made an eflential part of the constitution : but it is denied that they are the best keepers, or any keepers at all, of their own liberties, when they hold colleiftively, or by representation, the executive andjudicial power, or the whole and uncontrouled legislative ; on the contrary, the experience of all ages has proved, that they instantly give away their liberties into the hands of grandees, or kings, idols of their own creation. The management of the execu tive andjudicial powers together always currtrots them. and tlirows[the whole power into the hands of the most profligate and abandoned among them selves. The honelt men are generally nearly equally divided in sentiment, and therefore the vicious and unprincipled, by joining one party, carry the majority ; and the vicious and unprin cipled always follow the most profligate leader, him who bribes the highest, and sets all decency and shame at defiance : it becomes more profit able, and reputable too, except with a very few, to be a party man than a public spirited one. It is agreed that " the end of all government " is the good and ease of the people, in a secure " enjoyment of their rights, without opprellion but it must be remembered, that the rich are peo ple as well as the poor ; that they have rights as well as others ; that they have as clear and as sa cred a right to their large property, as others have to theirs which is smaller ; thatoppi eflion to them is as possible, and as wicked, as to others ; that Healing, robbing, cheating, are the fame crimes and fins, whether committed against them or others. The rich, therefore, ought to have an effectual barrier in the constitution against bein<* robbed, plundered, and murdered, as well as the poor; and this can never be without an indepen dent l'enate. The poor should have a bulwark against the fame dangers and oppreflions ; and this can never be without a house of representati ves of the people. But neither the rich nor the poor can be defended by their refpe<ftive guardi ans ill the constitution, without an executive power, veiled with a negative, equal to either, to hold the balance even between them, and decide vVhen they cannot agree. If it is aflced, When will this negative be uled ? it may be answered, Perhaps never : the known existence ofit will pre vent all occasion to cxercife it ; but if it has not a being, the want of it will be felt every day. If it has not been used in England for a long time past, it by no means follows that there have not been occasions when it might have been employed with propriety. But one thing is very certain, that there have been many occasions when the con stitution would have been overturned since the Revolution, if the negative had nnt been an in dubitable prerogative of the crown. It is agreed that the people are " most sensible " of their own burthens ; and being put into a " capacity aiid freedom of acting, are the molt " likely to provide remedies for their own relief. " For this reafonthey are an eflential branch of the legislature, and have a negative on ail laws, an absolute controul over every grant of money, and an unlimited right to accuse their enemies before an impartial tribunal. Thus far they are moll sen sible of their burthens, and are molt likely to pro vide remedies. But it is affirmed, that they are not only incapable of managing the executive power, but would be inflantly corrupted by it in such numbers, as would deitroy the integrity of all elections. It is denied that the legillative power can be wholly entrusted in their hands with a moment's fafety : the poor and the vicious tvonld inllantly rob the rich and virtuous, spread their plunder in debauchery, or confer it upon some idol, who would become the despot ; or, to Tpeak more intelligibly, if not more accurately, foine of the rich, by debauching the vicious to their corrupt intereft,would plunder the virtuous, and become more rich, until they acquired all the property, or a balance of property and of power, in their own hands, and domineered as defpotsin fin oligarchy. (To be continued.) I — !- I «' An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES. [Continued from Nd. XXX ] WHEN fuigle persons or parties counteract the laws, and disturb that peace and order of go vernment which is established by general consent, and in which there is a general persuasion that the security of every individual is concerned, there will be no difficulty in making such exam ples of punishment, as lhall be fufficient to curb those turbulent and factious spirits, more or less of which may be found in every community, and which would become intolerable if not kept under a rigorous restraint. In all cases of this fort, the righteous severities of government will be approved, fupporred, and even applauded by the general voice. Yea, if we were to fuppole that the general opinion was wrong in any par ticular matter of importance, yet it is plain, that vicious opinion could not be confronted by foree ; it mult continue rill the ill effects of it lhall pro duce a general conviction of its error, or till the people can be convinced by reason and argument ot the danger of such an opinion, before the ill consequences are actually felt, in both which cases the people will turn about fact enough of their own accord, and the error will be correct ed molt effectually, and with ease, and without any danger of disturbing the public tranquility. Opinions indeed of a dangerous, hurtful nature, may spread among the people, and when they be come general, are to be considered as great pub lic calamities, but admit of no remedy but that which they carry with them, and which will prove effectual in the end, viz. their own evil tendency, and therefore muff be let alone, like inundations, which however calamitous, whate ver waite and deltrucftion they make, cannot be controuled, any attempt to flop their force, en creafes their violence and mifchief; tjiey dolealt hurt when they are uninoleited, and are fuffered to drain tliemfelves off in their own natural chan nels : In short, there is no forcing every body, and therefore I reject, with abhorrence, every idea of governing a country by a {landing army, or any other engines of force. I consider every plan of this kind as a departure from the true prin ciples ot government, as deltructive in its con sequences, as absurd, and ineffectual to its own ends ; for such a government, whenever it has been tried, initead of promoting the peace, secu rity and happinels of the state, has generally been found to have operated by way of tyranny and oppression. It appears from all this, that the true art of go vernment lies in good and full information of the fuels to which its ordinances are to be accommo dated, and in wisdom in adopting such institutions, laws and plans of operation, as shall bell suit the Hate and true interelt of the people, and openly, fairly, and candidly with them. You may as well attempt, by finefles, tocheat people intolio- Wnefs and heaven, as into their real political in terests. 1 here are people scattered over the whole nation, who underitand the great interests of the community and the wisdom of public mea mres, and are as firmly attached to them as those wno fit in the feat of government, and who are always dilfatisfied ; and their confidence in the public councils is lefloned, when they observe public measures are adopted, which they do not •ee the use of, and the ends for which they are calculated, and of course little myfterv and few iecrets are neceilary in government." Let the admimflratxon be such as will bear examining;, and the more it is examined the better it will appear. In such a mode of administration as this, if burthens that are really heavy are necessary for the public fafety, they will be chearfully taken up and patiently borne by the peoDle without endangering the public tranquility. (To be continued.) THE NATIONAL MONITOR.- N o _ v y — — . ? 4 ' Conversing with your sprightly boys, Your eyes have [poke a mother's joys ! . Wilh what delight I've heard you quote, J Their fixings in imberjeft vote ! J grant in body ana in mind, Nature appears projvfety kind } • 1 ruji not to that ; ad you your part, Imprint jufi morals in their heart : Impartially their talents Jean, 'lis Education forms the man." r r *% U s^ rioN '' " niver f«lly ocixoMcdgt/tl), ofubjeft of the great eft importance to society —Th* r of individuals, and of States is inseparably m JZ ■with those tnftttuttons, which have special refr ■ (o this objeth—When the public mindis so itX ■with this idea, that Wife, andfalutary eJMIi/bJI are formed to dtffuje the rays of knowledge and", tue among all dalles of citizens, Hop, can feared, foartoo high m its anticipations—the fucceediL ration will be composed of kind parents, t>ooducM hours and peaceable indufirious citizens. 1 Education creates atmofl as great a difference t e . tween man and man, as there is between rational and irrational beings.—This is an observation that ever, f erf on makes, who contemplates charaners with a L degree of attention—Riches give impprtance, but J ver tnfptre refpeil—and may we not fupptfe the time ■will come, when their only intrin/ic advantage wilt it thought to con/i/i in affording more competent means for the acquifttion of science. The author of my motto has beautifully Jkttchei the. outlines of that pleasing, parental partiality, which fancies it fees the buddings of genius, and the presa ges of wisdom in the infantine prattle of its offspring he however cautions againjl trufling to early appear ances—it is true that nature mujt jbw the feed, lut culture only, can bring it to perfeflion. ' " 'T't education forms the man"—and the pa triot too. —It is necejfary in order to keep up afpirit J<f freedom and love to their country, that early prin ciples of public virtue and patriotism should he imbi bed by the riftnggeneration.—Thefe conflitutedpart of the education which the youth of some of the ancient republics received; and though we would by no meant quote them as a general example for the enlightened citizens of the American nation, yet in this particular they are certainly worthy of imitation. I cannot conclude this number so well in any other manner, as in the words of His Excellency the Vice-President of the li liited States in the third volume of his Defence of the Conflitutions of the United States—he sip, 1 he inftrucftioil of the people, in every kind of knowledge that can be of use to them in the practice of their moral duties, as men, citizens, and Chriltians, and of ttieir political and civil duties, as members of society and freemen, ought to be the care of the public, and of all who haveany fharc in the conduct of its affairs, in a manner that never yet has been pra<ftifed in any age or nation. The education here in tended is not merely that of the children of the rich and noble, but of every rank and class of people, down to the lowest and the poorest. It is not too much to fay, that schools for the education of all should be placed at convenient diftances,and maintained at the public expence. The revenues of the state would be applied in finitely better, more charitably, wifely, ufeful ly, and therefore politically, in this way, than even in maintaining the poor. This wouldbe the bell way of preventing the existence of the poor. If nations should ever be wife, inltead of eretfting thousands of useless offices, oren gaging in unmeaning wars, they will make a fundamental maxim of this, that no human be ing shall grow up in ignorance. In proportion as this is done, tyranny will disappear, kings, and nobles will be made to feel their equitable equality with commoners, and commonerswill fee their interest and duty torefpect the guar dians of the laws ; for guardians they nwft have as long as human nature endures. There is no room to doubt that the schools, academics, and univeriities, the stage, the press, the bar, pulpit, and parliament, might all be improved to better purpose than they have been in any country for this great purpose. The emana tions of error, folly, and vice, which proceed from all these sources, might be leflened, and those of v.'ifdom, virtue, and truth, might be in creased ; more of decency and dignity niighj be added to the human charadter in high and low life ; manners would afliit the laws, and the laws reform manners ; and iinpofture, to perltiti'.n, knavery, and tyranny, he made ashamed to show their heads before the wisdom and integrity, decency and delicacy, of a ven erable public opinion." A SCRAP. VICIOUS habits are so great a stain to human nature, and so odious in themselves, that every person actuated by right reason, would avoid them, though he was lure they would always be coiicca ed both from God and man, and had no future punishment entailed upon them. Pwbliftiedby JOHN FENNO, No. 9, Maid"" Lane, near the Ufwcgo-Market, New-York.—
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