Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]) 1789-1793, July 29, 1789, Image 1

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■[No. XXXI.]
-j- E "j* ABL ET. No. XXXI.
a fhereisno natural reason why youth may not ac
■iirefuch habits as will bejl prunots their honor and
f' /// when they "re advanced in life. —But there
"a reason in the nature of things why a child badly
clucited Jhould not make a good man."
THE reasoning, that has been applied, in
some of the preceding numbers, to li
terature, will equally hold good with refpert to
business. It is no doubt a common error in this
country that men are not suitably educated for
thcbulinefs they are to follow. Many persons,
whofc circumstances require them to purine lome
occupation or profeffion, are qualified for none.
Nothing is wore evident than that habits of
idlcnefe anddilfipation in youth are incompati
ble with a love of industry and economy in any
subsequent period. For this reason, parents
should be careful to cultivate in their children a
love of application and frugality before years of
manhood*.* It strikes the eye of even a careless
traveller through this country that estates are
feldrim preserved in the fame family for more
than two generations. By a suitable pre
caution in the mode of education, estates
mijht not only be preserved, but encreafcd
through a long line of dependents. Each fuc-,
ceilbr would improve upon the plans and exam
ples that had been left him, and parents might
anticipate the pleafurethat their children, with
out the aid of entailment, would hold fall their
patrimonial inheritance.
1 Pleasure may be indulged to a certain extent,
without becoming a ruling paflion. It may be
kept subservient to business ; and when confined
within proper reltridtions, it may have a ufeful
effect. The children of rich parents are encou
raged so far in the gratification ol their wi/hes,
that a love of idlenels and dillipation becomes ha
bitual. This indulgence is given under the idea
of acquiring fafhiouable accomplishments. Young
men arc allowed to run such a career, that they
acquire so strong an attachment to amufenicnts
and expences, as cannot be laid aside, when bu
siness and economy bccome indifpenfible. It is
easy to perceive that such an education is not
calculated to make men accumulate or even to
five property ; but to squander what is commit
ted to their hands.
In a country where the great bulk of the inha
bitants mull earn their own subsistence, it can
hardly be proper to borrow modes of education
from a people, where few are cducatedin habits
of pleasure and expence, bnt those who are ei
ther bom to fortunes, or will be provided with
elevated employments. It is of public advantage
that opulent men rtiould flatter a considerable
proportion of their income among the various
occupations and trades that fill up society. But
it can be of no utility for persons to become ha
bituated to a train of expences, which they will
sooner or later be obliged to discontinue from a
deficiency of property. The principles of edu
cation in every country ihould be specially ac
commodated to the probable circumstances of the
general run of the inhabitants.
OF all the fubjefts upon which the human
judgment can be exercised there is none which so
nmch demands that its principles ihould be de
duced from facft, and be /auctioned by experience
as Commerce."
As among those causes which operated in pro
ducing the late extraordinary revolution in out
government, the want of an adequate power tc
conduct, on general principles, the commercial
interests of this country was probably the mod
efficient, we proceed to examine those grounds on
which to place our future Commerce, so as to re
alize the expectations we have formed, and pro
mote our real prosperity and welfare. It i 3 by
fomefuppofeu that Commerce ought to be free and
unreftraiiied—not fubjetfi to any public exaiftions
or duties, and that infuoh a state it will ever find
its own "level, and be led by interest into its pro
pet channels : However benevolent the idea, this
opinion niuft have been prematurely suggested,
an d cannot be fnpported without the afi'eut of all
nations—for while restrictions are practised by
any,a principle of felf defence must render similar
Mpofuionj neceflary with others, to effedl apro
pcr reciprocity between them : But the necelfity
'•rajfing a revenue to government from this pro
ductive source, abftraOted from other confidera
forms an argument against the idea of a
commerce, altogether free—and I conccive that
c c merchant may be retrained, and trade not
materially injured—for why may not a limitation
some of the natural rights of men herein be
cqoally productive of general advantage, as in a
W E D N D S-D A Y, July 29, 17^9.
variety of ocher positions, where it is sanctioned
by every principle of good government ? Perhaps
by a due attention to the subject, the danger of
licentiousness, without such regulations, is here
to be peculiarly expected. As America in the pre
sent united state of her government afl'umes an e
qual rank among the other nations of the world,
iheir critical attention will be directed to all her
public movements, while her own future fafety
and happiness may be materially effected by the
early part of her administration : It is therefore
of importance that we should nicely weigh the
ends we have in view, and ascertain the general
expediency and tendency of ourplans of internal
policy, or foreign negociation : It may rot be
here amiss to suggest a few observations relative
to the principle of difcriinination in our trade
laws, though no eflential benefit could be expect
ed from that which was proposed—yet the princi
ple is I think supported by every consideration of
found policy—is conformable to the practice of
other trading countries, and if not expressly, is
conftrucftively implied by our exifling commer
cial treaties—nor does it hold out the idea of re
venge or refentment,which ought ev£r to be depre
cated as of an injurious tendency when dictating ei
ther private or public measures—but felf-intereft,
the prevailing principle of every nation, strong
ly urges the propriety of a difcriinination ; nor
will the benevolent feelings, or kind willies of
those nations who at present bar us from every
kind of intercourse with them, but that which is
ruinous to ourselves, be found to produce that
mutual compromise which promises mutual bene
fit, while we tamely allow them every advantage
of our trade without any return : It is alked will
you risque a commercial war with Great Britain ?
will you consent to forfeit your future claim on
the credit of her merchants ? I answer, that we
will like her, ground a navigation acft on the basis
of our own interell—we will, like her, become
our own carriers—we will prohibit the introduc
tion of liei* manufactures, to the encouragement
of our own—we will prohibit from exportation
to her ports our ashes, flax-feed, and other ma
terials eflential to her manufactures : London lhall
be no longer the great entrepot of our tobacco,
rice, &c. for the consumption of half Europe—no
longer fliall theirvefTels bring us rum, taking in
return provisions and lumber, for the supply of
their Weft Indies orNova-Scotia pofleflions—while
their procurators and our regilters of deeds and
mortgages would be the principal fufFerers by the
lofsof credit from their merchants : If Great-Bri
tain can import her tobacco, rice, &c. on equal
terms from the Brazils or the Indies—can obtain
equally good ashes, or flax-feed from the North of
Europe, or find there so general and advantage
ous a consumption of her manufactures—if her
Weft-Indies can be as cheaply supplied with pro
visions from Ireland—lumber and flour from her
Nova-Scotia and Canada dominions, she may not
consent to open a more liberal trade , but if this,
as I presume, is not the cafe, /he will be disposed
to meet us in d commercial contract, founded on a
more perfect Veciprocity than now exists between
us. A further examination of this subject shall be
attended to, and a fubftltute for our present chan
nel of trade explored. AMERtCANUS.
[Continued from our last.]
AFTER the fever at points in difcuflion had keen
adjujled, the boundaries ascertained, and the Treaty
figiied on both parts; the following SPEECHES were
delivered by ,
" I am not a Chief, but willfpeakfor my Coun
try. I shall always pay great regard to what I
have heard respecting the Treaty, as well what
may be sent us hereafter by Congress ; and, as 1
am within the limits of the United States, I shall
always expect their protection and assistance.—
Our Younw Men and Warriors have heard what
has palled? I expect, as our boundaries are as
certained, Congress may be informed of them :
and that, as Peace is now firmly established, and
we are all friends, we may be allowed to hunt on
each other's lands without molcltation. On my
part, being in Peace and Friendship with you, I
shall feel myfelf fafe wherever 1 go. Many of
your people on Cumberland and Kentucky lose
their horses in our lands, and should we find them,
I wish Col. Martin to receive them."
u I am fond to hear the talks of the beloved
MenofCongrefs ; andof ours. You,Commiffion
ers ! remember the Talks ; and I shall always en
deavour to support the peace and friendfhip now
established. I remember your talks by Col. Mar
tin and I promifecl to be attached to America :
but until the present, I was afraid to be in your
Country. lam now perfectly happy, flnce you
are to protect us. Your prifonear Chickaman
ga, I will deliver you.—r'ormeriy Capt. Cainuie
ron saw jultice done to us in our land—he is
gone—arid I now depend on the Coimninioncrs.
if any thing rests with me to llrengthTii our friend -
•hip, I will faithfully execute it. T u ar<: no-u our
Protectors. When I go and tell to those of
our People, who could not come to hear your talks,
what I have seen and heard—they will rejoice.—
1 have heard your declarations of a deiire to do us
any service in your power, 1 believe you, and in.
confidence lhall relt happy."
The Commijfioncrs spoke :
" WE will give you provisions lor the road and
wilh you may be happy. We will lend up to Cou
grefs all our talks."
The Talk Elders to the late Agent to the
" Broth er !
" WE have been long acquainted with you, and
know you to be our friend. But what is the rea
son Congress has not moved those people from our
lands before now ? You was one of the beloved
Men that spoke for Congress at Keowee, three
years ago. Youthen said the People should move
off in fix moons from that time—but near forty
moons are past, aud they are not gone yet !
" We well remember whenever we are invited
into a treaty (as obferveJ by us at that time) and
bounds are fixed,that the White People fettle much
fafter on our lands, than they did before. It mult
certainly be the cafe, " thev think we will not
break the pcace directly, and they will ftreiigtlien.
theinfelves and keep the lands.' You know this
to be the cafe. You told us at the Treaty, "if
any White People fettled on our Lands, we might
do as we pleafedwith them."
" They come and fettle close to our towns, and
fonie of the Chicamoga People come (contrary to
our desire) and killed a family.—Then the white
People came, and drove us out of our towns, and
killed some of our beloved Men, and fevcral Wo
men, and little Children—although we could not
help what the Chicamoga People does. You knew
that-well. We arc now like Wolves, rangingabout
the woods to get something to eat. Nothi ■ o
andgrass. Butfor all this, wewiii lye stilt.,
and we will not do any more mischief, if
the White People -will fop. JAM BUT A BOY—
but my eyes arc open—and wherever i turn;
them, mar)- youn% vien turn -with them. I here
give you this String of White Beads, as a to!;eri
of my friendlhip to you. Also I present you with
a string inthe nameof your brother John Watts—
he fays he holds you fall by the hand : but he can
not fee you yet, as he is in great trouble about his
" The Corn-Tassf.l will come to your house
towards the Spring, and It ay a great while with
you, as it will be very hungry times with him
then." (To be continued.)
Some days ago Dr. Willis had the honor of
waiting upon his Majesty ; when he entered the
apartment he found the King looking over some
papers, on which he made a Ihew of retiring.
" Stop, Doflor, fays the King —I have been only
looking over some accounts, which J have now dove
with ; but there is one account which I am afraid it
will never be in my power to fettle —my great obliga
tions to you."—The Doctor's expectations may
therefore be great.
Progrcfs of English Arts. The Amphitheatre
on which Humphreys and Mendozo are to box,
is entirely finiflied ; —it forms an o<Ttagon and
will contain two thofand persons ; but there are
only fifteen hundred tickets worked off, at half
a guinea each.
Such were the (hows, that erll in Rome,
Prefag'd her r?pid, final doom ;
What Rome now is, shall Britain be,
For fccues like theft, unnerve the free.
May 12. One objection to the New Govern
ment in America, is the expence of it. But a gen
tleman from that country afl'ures us, that the an
nual expence of the President and Congress will
not be so much as is annually allowed here to the
Prince of Wales. Surely this people mult be poor
indeed—or iheir complaints are groundless.
[The annual income of the of IV ales is 90,000 /.
[ierliug—4oo,ooo dollars —And at the rates agreed,
to by Congress, supposing that body to Jit the whole
year round, the falar'tes of the President, Vice-Pre-
Cident, Senate, Reprefentathes, Secretaries of Depart
ments, and the judiciary, would not amount to near
two-thirds the sum allowed to one lav'Jb young fellow.
—260,000 dollars being the extent oj it, from an ac
curate calculation.']