Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]) 1789-1793, July 08, 1789, Page 100, Image 4
The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON WEALTH EXAMINED. [Cintinutd from No. XXIII.] In the year 302 the ambafladors -were returned, and Appius Claudius, whole anceftorshad always been haughty ariltocratics, was chosen consul, withT. Gentius for his colleague. The lenate alfembled, andrefolved that decemviri lhould be eledced out of the principal senators, whole au thority should continue a year ; that they lnould govern the commonwealth with all the power which the consuls then had, and as the kings had formerly exerciled, and without any appeal from their judgments ; that all other magiltracies,and even the tribune/hip, lhould be abolilhed. This decree was received by the people with loud ac clamations. An aliembly, by ccnturies, was im mediately held, and the new magifttates created, and the old ones all abdicated their offices. Thus the constitution was wholly changed, and all au thority transferred to one centre, the decemvirs. It was soon exerciled like all other authorities in one centre. We fee here the effects of two powers without a third. The people from ha tred to the consuls, and the senate from hatred to the tribunes, unite at once in a total abolition of the constitution. The constitution of the decemvirs was precise ly Nedhain's idea ; it was annually eligible ; it was the people's government in their (uccelfive aflemblies : But we find that an annual power, without any limits, was a great temptation. The decemvirs were all senators of consular dignity, and therefore, in the opinion of the people tliem felves, the molt eminent, lor talents and virtues ; yet their virtues were not fufficient to secure an honest use of their unbounded power. They took many precautions to preserve their own moderation, as well as to avoid excitingjealoul'y in their fellow citizens : only one liad the rods and axes, the others had nothing to diftinguilh them but a lingle officer, called Accenfus, who walked before each of them. Their president continued only one day ; and they succeeded each other daily, till the end of the year.—lt is much to our purpose to enlarge upon this exam ple ; becaule, instead of being an argument for Nedhain's inconcinnate fyltem, it is full proof againll it. The course of paliions and events, in this cafe, were precisely the fame as will take place in every simple government of the people, by a fucceliion of their representatives, in a lingle alfembly : And, whether that aliembly contifts of ten members, or five hundred, it will make no difference. In the morning,the decem viri all went to their tribunal, where they took cognizance of all causes and affairs, public and private ; justice was adminiltered with all polli ble equity ; and every body departed with per fect l'atisfa&ion. Nothing could be l'o charming as the regard they profelled for the interelts of the people, and the protection which the meanelt found against the oppression of the great. It was now generally affirmed, that there was no occa lion for tribunes, consuls, prsetors, or any other magiltrates. The wisdom, equity, moderation, and humanity of the new government, was ad mired and extolled. What peace, what tran quility, what happiness were enjoyed by the public, and by individuals ! what a consolation ! what glory to the decemvirs ! Appius Claudius, «specially, engrofled the whole glory of the ad ministration in the minds of the people. He ac quired lo decided an ascendency over his col leagues, and so irresistible an influence with the people, that the whole authority feemedcentred in him. He had the art to diltinguifh himfelf, peculiarly, in whatever he trail fact ed, in con cert with his colleagues. His mildness and affa bility, his kind condescension to the meaueftand weakest of the citizens, and his polite attention in saluting them all by their names, gained him all hearts. Let it be remembered, he had, till this year, been the open enemy of the plebeians. As his temper was naturally violent and cruel, his hatred to the people had arisen to ferocity. 011 a sudden he was become another man ; hu mane, popular, obliging, wholly devoted to please the multitude, and acquire their affedions. Every body delighted in the government of the decemvirs, and a perfect union prevailed among themselves. They coinpleated the body of laws and caufcd it to be engraved 011 ten tables : They were ratified by the senate, confirmed by the people in the coinitia centuriata, engraven 011 pillars of brass and placed in the forum. The year was upon the point of expiring ; and as the consuls and senators found themselves delivered by the new government from the persecutions of the tribunes, and the people from what they e ■qually hated, the authority of the consuls, both parties agreed in the propriety of choofmg ten iuccellors. It was pretended, that some further laws might be still wanting ; that a year was too ihort to complete so great a work ; and that to carry the whole into full effetft, the independent authority of the fame magifti acy would be neces sary. That which rauft happen upon all annual elections of such a government in one centre, happened in this cafe. The city was hi a greater and more universal ferment that liad ever been known. Senators, the moll diftinguifued by v.ge and merit, demanded the office ; no doubt to prevent factious and turbulent i'pirits from ob taining it. (To be continued.) An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES. [Continued lroin No. XX.] There may befome lew among us, of no little weight, who are contcnt, it they can obtain the services, to let the lervant lhift for himlelf, and who, when they are lure of the benefit, remem ber no longer the benefactor, and, as in this great argument of universal concern, 1 wiih to rind the way to every man's sense, and address myfelf not only to those who have virtue, but even to thole who have none, 1 will therefore mention another advantage of this measure, which I think will, virtue or no virtue, reach the feelings of every man who retains the lealt sense of interest, viz. that in this way all our pub lic creditors would be paid and fatisfied, either by a total diicharge of their principal, or an undoubt ed well funded security of it, with a lure and punctual payment of their interest, which would be the belt of the two ; because a total discharge of the principal at once, if fullicient money could be obtained, would make such a sudden, so valt an addition to our circulating cash, as would de preciate it, and reduce the value of the debt paid much below its worth at the time of contract, and introduce a fluctuation of our markets, and other fatal evils of a depreciated currency, which have been known by experience and leverely felt, enough to make them dreaded ; it would there fore be much better for the creditor to receive a certain well funded security of his debt than full payment: for in that cafe, if he needed the calh for his debt, he might fell his security at little or no discount, which is the conltant prat'tice of the public creditors in England, where every kind of public security has its rate of exchange fettled every day, and may benegociatedinave ry fliort time. Supposing this lliouldbe the cafe, ltop and fee what an amazing effect this would have on every kind of bulinels in the country. The public bankruptcies have been lo amazingly great, numbers of our people have been reduced bythemto the condition ofmenwho have fold their ejjefls to broken merchants, who cannot pay them, their bufmefs is lejfened, or perhaps reduced to nothing for -want of their flock so detained from them. Suppoling then that their flock was reltored to them all, they would inltantly all push into busi ness, and the proceeds of their butxnefcwould flow through the country in every direction of induflry, and every species of supply : in fine, the whole country would be alive, and as it is obvious to every one, that it is much better living in a country of brisk business than one of ftagnatecl bufmefs, every in dividual would reap benefits from this general animation of indullry, beyond account more than enough to compensate the tax which he has paid to produce it. All these advantages hitherto enumerated will put the labour and industry of our people of all occupations on such a footing of profit, and ffecurity, as would soon give anew face to tlie country, and open such extenfiveprof pecfts of plenty, peace and establishment, throw into action so many sources of wealth, give such liability to public credit, and make the burdens of government so easy and almost imperceptable to the people, as would make our country, not only a molt advantageous place to live in, but even make it abound with the richest enjoyments and heart felt delights. These are objects ofgreat magnitude and delirablenefs ; they animate and dilate the heart of every American. What can do the heart more good than to lee our country a scene of justice, plenty and happiness ? are these rich blellings within our reach ? can we be lieve they are so absolutely within our power, that they require no more than very practicable efforts to bring us into the fullpoffelfion of them? These blejfmgs are douktlefs attainable, if we will go to the price of them, and that you may judge whe ther they are worth the purchase, whether they are too dear or not; I will give you the price cur rent of them all, the price, which, if lionellly paid, will certainly purchase them. In order to have tliein, then, we mast pay about a dollar and half a gallon for rum, brandy and other distilled spirits ; a dollar a gallon above the ordinary price lor wines ; a dollar and a half for bohea tea, and about that sum above the or dinal y price for hyson tea; a double price on lilks of all forts, laces of all forts, and thin li nens and cottons ol all forts, such as muffins, lawns, cambrics, jewelery of all forts, &c. about a dollar and third a yard above the ordinary price for fupcrfine cloths of all forts, &c. &c. a third of a dollar a bufiiel on fait, (for I don't mean to lay quite all the tax on the rich, and wholly ex cuie the poor,) about a dollar a hundred for su gar, one tenth of a dollar a pound on coffee, the lame on cocoa, above the ordinary price, &c. &c. with an addition of five per cent on all articles of importation nbr nrfmerated, except cotton, dye woods, and other raw materials for our own manufactures ; for wliilft importations are dilcou raged, our own manufactures will naturally be increased, and ought to be encouraged, or at leaftbc diiburdened. OnthisftatCof tiier.i-'-» I beg leave to observe, that the war itfelf for i" * ven years part has laid a tax 011 us nearly equ-l - the liighelt of these, and 011 i'oine articles of 1 1 ° cefliry consumption, from two hundred to"a thousand per cent higher, such as fait, pep , )e " alfpice, allum, powder, lead, See. & c . andvet 1 never heard any body complain of being ruined by the war, because rum was twelve fhilWs „ cr gallon, tea twelve shillings per pound, or Van tua's three dollars a yard, or pepper ten UrilW a pound, or fuperfme cloths eight dollars ayarf &c. Nor does it appear to me, "that the country has paid a shilling more for rum, silks, s uper . fine cloths, &c. for the lalt seven years, than was paid for the fame articles the l'evenpre e ding years, i. e. the whole tax was paid by l e f fening the consumption of these articles. Nor do 1 think that the health, habits, or happinefa of the country have fuffered in the leaft'ou the whole, from its being obliged to use less of these articles than was before ui'ual; but be this as it may, 'tis very certain that the country has fuf! ferecl but little from the increased price of these articles which 1 propose to tax, except at some particular times when those prices were raised much higher than the point to which I propose to raise them, i.e. at particulartimesrum has been as high as three dollars a gallon, tea three u. 1 - lars a pound, sugars three lhillings and fix-pence and coffee three shillings and fix-pence a pound mantua's four dollars a yard, &c. but 'tis obser vable, that the principal increased prices which have really hurt and diflrefled the country du ring the war, have been of other articles which I propose to tax very lightly, or not at all; such as fait, which has at times been fix dollars a bu(h el, and perhaps thrtfe or four dollars on an ave. rage, coarse cloths and coarse linens, ofnabrigs, cutlery and crockery wares, &c. which have of ten 1 ofe to five or fix prices, and flood for years together at three or four, and yet the burden of these exceflive prices of even necefiary articles of unavoidable consumption has not been so great, if you except the article of fait, as to befomuch as mentioned very often among the ruinous ef fects and diflreffes of the war. The use I mean to make of these observations is, to prove from plain acknowledged faift, that the increased price of the articles which I wish to tax, up to the ut molt point to which I propose to raise them, will be but a light inconvenience, if any at all, on the people, and the diminished consumption of those articles, and the increase of circulatingcalh which will naturally and unavoidably re iult from the tax) will be benefits which will at leatt compensate for the burden of the tax, and 1 think 'tis very plain, will leave a balance of ad vantage in favor of the tax. But if you should think I conclude too llrongly, and you should not be able to go quite my lengths in this argu ment, so much, I think, does at leafl appear in contellably plain, that if there is a real disadvan tage arising from my mode of taxing, 'tis so small, that it holds no comparison with the burden of tax hitherto in use 011 polls and eflates, which discourages induflry, oppresses the labourer, les sens the value of our lands, ruins our husbandry and manufactures, and with all these dreary evils, cannot poflibly be collected to half the amount which the public services requires; but to lave further argument on this head, I will with great aflurance appeal to the sense, the feelings of our farmers, who make the great bulk of our inhabitants, if they would not prefer living in a country where they mull pay the aforementioned increased prices on the goods I propose to tax, ra ther than where they must part with the fame number of cows, oxen, sheep, bu/hels of wheat, or pounds of pork or beef, &c. which are now in the present mode of taxing, annually demanded of them to fatisfy the tax. I dare make the fame appeal to all our tradesmen, and even to our merchants, •W'who, in my opinion, would have clear and decided advantages from my mode oi taxing as well as the farmers. I don't fee IIOW the merchant can be hurt by the tax; but will clearly be benefited by it. (To be continued.) EXPORTS and IMPORTS from and to the port <f WILMINGTON (Delaware) from the \JI of June 1788,/;// the Ift of June 1780- EXPORTS. 21,783 bis. fupcrfinc flour, 5>958 bushels Indian corn 457 do. common. 755 hhds. flax feed. 256 do. middlings. 60 £ tierces rice. . 346 do. ship ftutf. 46,663 feet pine boards a n 1,363 do. fhipbread. Icantling. kegs white biscuit. 1,327 do. walnut. 238 bis. corn meal. 130*55° Haves. 205 d,o. pork. 10,300 fhinglcs. 3 do. beef. 3,789 pieces wheel-timber. 10J do fnuff. 1,000 windsor chairs. 459 do. potatoes. l cart. 323 do. apples. 50 cwt. biir iron. 4 do. indigo. 90 do. cartings. n do. pot ash. 1,040 hhds. hoop*- 2 do. onions. 12 firkins butter. 11 hhds. hams. 2 settees. 156 loose do. IMPORTS. 516 puncheons of runi. 14 bales cottcn. 516 hhds. sugar. 6 bis. limes. 86 bis. do. 106 hhds. wine. 60,934 bags coffee. 5 trunks linen. 119 cafcs gin. s;7°° buftiels fait. 2CI hhds. molaflcs. -—r-~- PubTifhedby JOHN FENNO, NoT^^^. 1 DE { * Lane, near vhe Ofu-ego-Markctt Nsw-York.— •t r,a