Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]) 1789-1793, July 08, 1789, Page 100, Image 4

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    The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON
WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Cintinutd from No. XXIII.]
In the year 302 the ambafladors -were returned,
and Appius Claudius, whole anceftorshad always
been haughty ariltocratics, was chosen consul,
withT. Gentius for his colleague. The lenate
alfembled, andrefolved that decemviri lhould be
eledced out of the principal senators, whole au
thority should continue a year ; that they lnould
govern the commonwealth with all the power
which the consuls then had, and as the kings had
formerly exerciled, and without any appeal from
their judgments ; that all other magiltracies,and
even the tribune/hip, lhould be abolilhed. This
decree was received by the people with loud ac
clamations. An aliembly, by ccnturies, was im
mediately held, and the new magifttates created,
and the old ones all abdicated their offices. Thus
the constitution was wholly changed, and all au
thority transferred to one centre, the decemvirs.
It was soon exerciled like all other authorities in
one centre. We fee here the effects of two
powers without a third. The people from ha
tred to the consuls, and the senate from hatred
to the tribunes, unite at once in a total abolition
of the constitution.
The constitution of the decemvirs was precise
ly Nedhain's idea ; it was annually eligible ; it
was the people's government in their (uccelfive
aflemblies : But we find that an annual power,
without any limits, was a great temptation. The
decemvirs were all senators of consular dignity,
and therefore, in the opinion of the people tliem
felves, the molt eminent, lor talents and virtues ;
yet their virtues were not fufficient to secure an
honest use of their unbounded power. They
took many precautions to preserve their own
moderation, as well as to avoid excitingjealoul'y
in their fellow citizens : only one liad the rods
and axes, the others had nothing to diftinguilh
them but a lingle officer, called Accenfus, who
walked before each of them. Their president
continued only one day ; and they succeeded
each other daily, till the end of the year.—lt is
much to our purpose to enlarge upon this exam
ple ; becaule, instead of being an argument for
Nedhain's inconcinnate fyltem, it is full proof
againll it. The course of paliions and events,
in this cafe, were precisely the fame as will take
place in every simple government of the people,
by a fucceliion of their representatives, in a
lingle alfembly : And, whether that aliembly
contifts of ten members, or five hundred, it will
make no difference. In the morning,the decem
viri all went to their tribunal, where they took
cognizance of all causes and affairs, public and
private ; justice was adminiltered with all polli
ble equity ; and every body departed with per
fect l'atisfa&ion. Nothing could be l'o charming
as the regard they profelled for the interelts of
the people, and the protection which the meanelt
found against the oppression of the great. It was
now generally affirmed, that there was no occa
lion for tribunes, consuls, prsetors, or any other
magiltrates. The wisdom, equity, moderation,
and humanity of the new government, was ad
mired and extolled. What peace, what tran
quility, what happiness were enjoyed by the
public, and by individuals ! what a consolation !
what glory to the decemvirs ! Appius Claudius,
«specially, engrofled the whole glory of the ad
ministration in the minds of the people. He ac
quired lo decided an ascendency over his col
leagues, and so irresistible an influence with the
people, that the whole authority feemedcentred
in him. He had the art to diltinguifh himfelf,
peculiarly, in whatever he trail fact ed, in con
cert with his colleagues. His mildness and affa
bility, his kind condescension to the meaueftand
weakest of the citizens, and his polite attention
in saluting them all by their names, gained him
all hearts. Let it be remembered, he had, till
this year, been the open enemy of the plebeians.
As his temper was naturally violent and cruel,
his hatred to the people had arisen to ferocity.
011 a sudden he was become another man ; hu
mane, popular, obliging, wholly devoted to
please the multitude, and acquire their affedions.
Every body delighted in the government of the
decemvirs, and a perfect union prevailed among
themselves. They coinpleated the body of laws
and caufcd it to be engraved 011 ten tables :
They were ratified by the senate, confirmed by
the people in the coinitia centuriata, engraven
011 pillars of brass and placed in the forum. The
year was upon the point of expiring ; and as the
consuls and senators found themselves delivered
by the new government from the persecutions of
the tribunes, and the people from what they e
■qually hated, the authority of the consuls, both
parties agreed in the propriety of choofmg ten
iuccellors. It was pretended, that some further
laws might be still wanting ; that a year was too
ihort to complete so great a work ; and that to
carry the whole into full effetft, the independent
authority of the fame magifti acy would be neces
sary. That which rauft happen upon all annual
elections of such a government in one centre,
happened in this cafe. The city was hi a greater
and more universal ferment that liad ever been
known. Senators, the moll diftinguifued by v.ge
and merit, demanded the office ; no doubt to
prevent factious and turbulent i'pirits from ob
taining it. (To be continued.)
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES.
[Continued lroin No. XX.]
There may befome lew among us, of no little
weight, who are contcnt, it they can obtain the
services, to let the lervant lhift for himlelf, and
who, when they are lure of the benefit, remem
ber no longer the benefactor, and, as in this
great argument of universal concern, 1 wiih to
rind the way to every man's sense, and address
myfelf not only to those who have virtue, but
even to thole who have none, 1 will therefore
mention another advantage of this measure,
which I think will, virtue or no virtue, reach
the feelings of every man who retains the lealt
sense of interest, viz. that in this way all our pub
lic creditors would be paid and fatisfied, either by a
total diicharge of their principal, or an undoubt
ed well funded security of it, with a lure and
punctual payment of their interest, which would
be the belt of the two ; because a total discharge
of the principal at once, if fullicient money could
be obtained, would make such a sudden, so valt
an addition to our circulating cash, as would de
preciate it, and reduce the value of the debt paid
much below its worth at the time of contract, and
introduce a fluctuation of our markets, and other
fatal evils of a depreciated currency, which have
been known by experience and leverely felt,
enough to make them dreaded ; it would there
fore be much better for the creditor to receive a
certain well funded security of his debt than full
payment: for in that cafe, if he needed the calh
for his debt, he might fell his security at little
or no discount, which is the conltant prat'tice of
the public creditors in England, where every
kind of public security has its rate of exchange
fettled every day, and may benegociatedinave
ry fliort time. Supposing this lliouldbe the cafe,
ltop and fee what an amazing effect this would
have on every kind of bulinels in the country.
The public bankruptcies have been lo amazingly
great, numbers of our people have been
reduced bythemto the condition ofmenwho have
fold their ejjefls to broken merchants, who cannot pay
them, their bufmefs is lejfened, or perhaps reduced to
nothing for -want of their flock so detained from them.
Suppoling then that their flock was reltored to
them all, they would inltantly all push into busi
ness, and the proceeds of their butxnefcwould flow
through the country in every direction of induflry, and
every species of supply : in fine, the whole country
would be alive, and as it is obvious to every one,
that it is much better living in a country of brisk
business than one of ftagnatecl bufmefs, every in
dividual would reap benefits from this general
animation of indullry, beyond account more
than enough to compensate the tax which he has
paid to produce it. All these advantages hitherto
enumerated will put the labour and industry of
our people of all occupations on such a footing
of profit, and ffecurity, as would soon give anew
face to tlie country, and open such extenfiveprof
pecfts of plenty, peace and establishment, throw
into action so many sources of wealth, give such
liability to public credit, and make the burdens
of government so easy and almost imperceptable
to the people, as would make our country, not
only a molt advantageous place to live in, but
even make it abound with the richest enjoyments
and heart felt delights. These are objects ofgreat
magnitude and delirablenefs ; they animate and
dilate the heart of every American. What can
do the heart more good than to lee our country
a scene of justice, plenty and happiness ? are
these rich blellings within our reach ? can we be
lieve they are so absolutely within our power,
that they require no more than very practicable
efforts to bring us into the fullpoffelfion of them?
These blejfmgs are douktlefs attainable, if we will go
to the price of them, and that you may judge whe
ther they are worth the purchase, whether they
are too dear or not; I will give you the price cur
rent of them all, the price, which, if lionellly
paid, will certainly purchase them.
In order to have tliein, then, we mast pay
about a dollar and half a gallon for rum, brandy
and other distilled spirits ; a dollar a gallon above
the ordinary price lor wines ; a dollar and a half
for bohea tea, and about that sum above the or
dinal y price for hyson tea; a double price on
lilks of all forts, laces of all forts, and thin li
nens and cottons ol all forts, such as muffins,
lawns, cambrics, jewelery of all forts, &c. about
a dollar and third a yard above the ordinary price
for fupcrfine cloths of all forts, &c. &c. a third
of a dollar a bufiiel on fait, (for I don't mean to
lay quite all the tax on the rich, and wholly ex
cuie the poor,) about a dollar a hundred for su
gar, one tenth of a dollar a pound on coffee, the
lame on cocoa, above the ordinary price, &c. &c.
with an addition of five per cent on all articles of
importation nbr nrfmerated, except cotton, dye
woods, and other raw materials for our own
manufactures ; for wliilft importations are dilcou
raged, our own manufactures will naturally be
increased, and ought to be encouraged, or at
leaftbc diiburdened. OnthisftatCof tiier.i-'-»
I beg leave to observe, that the war itfelf for i" *
ven years part has laid a tax 011 us nearly equ-l -
the liighelt of these, and 011 i'oine articles of 1 1 °
cefliry consumption, from two hundred to"a
thousand per cent higher, such as fait, pep , )e "
alfpice, allum, powder, lead, See. & c . andvet
1 never heard any body complain of being ruined
by the war, because rum was twelve fhilWs „ cr
gallon, tea twelve shillings per pound, or Van
tua's three dollars a yard, or pepper ten UrilW
a pound, or fuperfme cloths eight dollars ayarf
&c. Nor does it appear to me, "that the country
has paid a shilling more for rum, silks, s uper .
fine cloths, &c. for the lalt seven years, than
was paid for the fame articles the l'evenpre e
ding years, i. e. the whole tax was paid by l e f
fening the consumption of these articles. Nor
do 1 think that the health, habits, or happinefa
of the country have fuffered in the leaft'ou the
whole, from its being obliged to use less of these
articles than was before ui'ual; but be this as it
may, 'tis very certain that the country has fuf!
ferecl but little from the increased price of these
articles which 1 propose to tax, except at some
particular times when those prices were raised
much higher than the point to which I propose to
raise them, i.e. at particulartimesrum has been
as high as three dollars a gallon, tea three u. 1 -
lars a pound, sugars three lhillings and fix-pence
and coffee three shillings and fix-pence a pound
mantua's four dollars a yard, &c. but 'tis obser
vable, that the principal increased prices which
have really hurt and diflrefled the country du
ring the war, have been of other articles which
I propose to tax very lightly, or not at all; such
as fait, which has at times been fix dollars a bu(h
el, and perhaps thrtfe or four dollars on an ave.
rage, coarse cloths and coarse linens, ofnabrigs,
cutlery and crockery wares, &c. which have of
ten 1 ofe to five or fix prices, and flood for years
together at three or four, and yet the burden of
these exceflive prices of even necefiary articles of
unavoidable consumption has not been so great,
if you except the article of fait, as to befomuch
as mentioned very often among the ruinous ef
fects and diflreffes of the war. The use I mean
to make of these observations is, to prove from
plain acknowledged faift, that the increased price
of the articles which I wish to tax, up to the ut
molt point to which I propose to raise them, will
be but a light inconvenience, if any at all, on
the people, and the diminished consumption of
those articles, and the increase of circulatingcalh
which will naturally and unavoidably re
iult from the tax) will be benefits which will at
leatt compensate for the burden of the tax, and
1 think 'tis very plain, will leave a balance of ad
vantage in favor of the tax. But if you should
think I conclude too llrongly, and you should
not be able to go quite my lengths in this argu
ment, so much, I think, does at leafl appear in
contellably plain, that if there is a real disadvan
tage arising from my mode of taxing, 'tis so small,
that it holds no comparison with the burden of
tax hitherto in use 011 polls and eflates, which
discourages induflry, oppresses the labourer, les
sens the value of our lands, ruins our husbandry
and manufactures, and with all these dreary
evils, cannot poflibly be collected to half the
amount which the public services requires; but to
lave further argument on this head, I will with
great aflurance appeal to the sense, the feelings
of our farmers, who make the great bulk of our
inhabitants, if they would not prefer living in a
country where they mull pay the aforementioned
increased prices on the goods I propose to tax, ra
ther than where they must part with the fame
number of cows, oxen, sheep, bu/hels of wheat,
or pounds of pork or beef, &c. which are now in
the present mode of taxing, annually demanded
of them to fatisfy the tax. I dare make the fame
appeal to all our tradesmen, and even to our
merchants, •W'who, in my opinion, would have
clear and decided advantages from my mode oi
taxing as well as the farmers. I don't fee IIOW the
merchant can be hurt by the tax; but will clearly
be benefited by it. (To be continued.)
EXPORTS and IMPORTS from and to the port <f WILMINGTON
(Delaware) from the \JI of June 1788,/;// the Ift of June 1780-
EXPORTS.
21,783 bis. fupcrfinc flour, 5>958 bushels Indian corn
457 do. common. 755 hhds. flax feed.
256 do. middlings. 60 £ tierces rice. .
346 do. ship ftutf. 46,663 feet pine boards a n
1,363 do. fhipbread. Icantling.
kegs white biscuit. 1,327 do. walnut.
238 bis. corn meal. 130*55° Haves.
205 d,o. pork. 10,300 fhinglcs.
3 do. beef. 3,789 pieces wheel-timber.
10J do fnuff. 1,000 windsor chairs.
459 do. potatoes. l cart.
323 do. apples. 50 cwt. biir iron.
4 do. indigo. 90 do. cartings.
n do. pot ash. 1,040 hhds. hoop*-
2 do. onions. 12 firkins butter.
11 hhds. hams. 2 settees.
156 loose do.
IMPORTS.
516 puncheons of runi. 14 bales cottcn.
516 hhds. sugar. 6 bis. limes.
86 bis. do. 106 hhds. wine.
60,934 bags coffee. 5 trunks linen.
119 cafcs gin. s;7°° buftiels fait.
2CI hhds. molaflcs. -—r-~-
PubTifhedby JOHN FENNO, NoT^^^. 1 DE { *
Lane, near vhe Ofu-ego-Markctt Nsw-York.— •t r,a