Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]) 1789-1793, June 20, 1789, Page 80, Image 4

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Continued jrom our lujl.
If, in reading hi (lory, the glofles and refle&ions of historians
are taken implicitly, a nuftaken judgment will often be formed.
•Rome was an anftocracy, and Livy an ariftocratical writer. The
constitution of government, the principles, prejudices, and man
ners of the times, should never be a moment out of fight. If we
believe the Romans, Manlius was actuated only by envy and am
bition ; but it we Consider his a&ions, and the form of govern
ment at the times we should be very apt to pronounce him both
a greater and a better man than Camillus. To speak candidly,
there was a rivalry between the Manlian and the Quintian fami
lies, and the llruggle was which fliould be the firlt family, and
who the firft man : and such a llruggle exjfts, not only in every
empire, monarchy, republic, but in every city, town, and vil
lage, in the worla. But a philosopher might find as good rea
fi»n to fay that Manlius was facnficed to the envy, jcaloufy,
and ambition of Camillus and the Quintii, as that his popular en
deavours for the plebeians sprung from envy of Camillus, and
ambition to be the firft man. Both were heads of parties, and
had all th - paflions incident to such a iituation : but if a judg
ment mult be pronounced which was the bell man and citizen,
there are very strong arguments in favor of Manlius. The name
cf King was abhorred by the Romans. But who and what had
inade it so ? Brutus, and his brother ariftocrates, at the expulsion
of Tarquin, by appointing religious execrations to be pronounced
in the name of the whole State, and for all succeeding ages,againft
such as should dare to aspire to the throne. In this way any
word or any thing maybe made unpopular, at any time and in
any nation. The Senate were now able to set up the popular cry,
that Manlius aspired to the throne; this r«vived all the religious
horror which their cftabliihed execrations had made an habitual
pait ot their natures, and turned an ignorant iuperftitious popu
lace against the best friend, and the only friend they had in the
republic. The Senate firft talked of afl'aflination and another
Ahala; but, to be very gentle, they ordered " the magistrates to
'* take carc that the commonwealth sustained no prejudice from
" the pernicious dcfignsof Manlius." This was worse than private
a flafli nation; it was an afTafTmation by the Senate : it was judgment,
sentence, and execution, without trial. The timid flaring peo
ple were intimidated, and even the tribunes caught the panic,
and offered to take the odium off the Senate, and cite Manlius be
fore the tribunal of the people themfelvcs, andaccufe him in form.
It is unpoflible not to fufpe£ts nay fully to believe, that these tri
bunes were bribed secretly by the Senators. They not only
abandoned him with whom they had co-operated, but they be
trayed the people, their constituents, in the most infamous man
ner. They said, that in the present difpofnion Manlius could
not be openly attacked without intercfting the people in his de
fence; that violent measures would eacite a civil war; that it was
Jieceflary to fcparate theintcrefts of Manlius from those of the peo
ple : they themselves could cite him before the tribunal of the
people, and accuse him in form. Nothing, said the tribunes, is
Jess agreeable to the people than a King ; a* soon as the multitude
iees that your aim is not against them; that from protettors they
arc become judges ; that their tribunes are the accusers, and that
a partrician is accujed for having aspired at the tyranny, no interest
will l»e sb dear to them zs that of their liberty. Their liberty:
The liberty of plebeians at that time ! What a profhtution of la
crcd terms ! Yet, gfofs as was this artifice, it laid fall hold of
those blind prejudices which patricians and ariftocrates had inspi
red, and duped eifettually a stupid populace. Manlius was cited
by the tribunes before the people: in a mourning habit he ap
peared, without a fiogle Senator, relation, or friend, or eved his
own brothers, to express concern for his fate ; and no wonder;
a Senator, arid a person of consular dignity, was never known to
have been so universally abandoned. But nothing can be more
fajfe thai' the reflexions of historians upon this occasion: 44 So
44 much d-d the love of liberty, and the fear of being enslaved,
<l prevail in the hearts of the Romans over all the ties of blood
''and nature!" it was not love of liberty, but absolute fear which
seized the people. The Sen te had already condemned him by
their vote, and given their consuls di&atorial power against Man
lius and his friends : the tribunes themselves were corrupted
with bribes or fear; and no man dared expose himfelf to arifto
cratical Vengeance, unprotc&ed by the tribunes. To prove that
it was fear, and not patriotism, that restrained his relations and
friends, we need only recollett another instance. When Appi
us Claudius, the decemvir, was imprisoned for treason, much
more clcar than that of Manlius, and tor conduct as wicked, bru
tal, and cruel, as Manlius's appears virtuous, generour, and hu, the whole Claudian family, even C. Claudius, his pro
filed appeared as suppliants before the judges, implo
ring mercy tor their relation. His friends were not afraid. Why?
because Claudius was an enemy and later of the people, and
therefore popular with most of the patricians. His crimes were
cnftocratical crimes, therefore not only almost venial, but almost
vu turs. Manlius's offence was Jove of the people; and demo
rratical mildemeanors aire the most unpardonable of all that can
t»e committed or conceived in a government where the daemon of
anftocracy domineers. Livy himfelf betrays a consciousness of
the inefficiency of the evidence to prove Manlius'sguilt : he fays
he can discover no proof, nor any other charge of any crime of
treason, " reuni crimen," except some assemblies of people, f e _
ditious fpeechcs, generosity to debtors, and the falfe insinuation
of the concealment of the gold. But here we fee what the peo
ple are when they meet in one assembly with the Senators : they
dare not vote against the opinion or •will of the nobles and par
tricians. The ariftocratical part of mankind ever did, and ever
will, overawe she people, and carry what votes they please in
general, when they meet together with the democratical part, ci
ther in a collective or niprefentatrve afl'envbly. Thus it happened
here: fuperftitiondecided. While in fight of the capital, their
religious reverence for the abode of Jupiter, favd and inhabited
by Manlius, was a counterbalance to their fears and veneration
for the Senators descended from the gods. The people could not
condemn him in fight of the capital. The tribunes knowing
what was in them, adjourned to another place the next day. The
capital out of fight, and the Senators present, c ndemned their
e, v rer, and he died a facrifice to the rancorous envy of his
peers in the the consulate, and patrician order, who
could not bear the fight of so splendid a diftinftion and elevation
above themselves, in anyone of their order, as Manlius's houle
upon the capital, and his title of Capitolinus. " Homines pro-
P e quadnngentos produxifTe dicitur, quibus fine foenore cx-
penfas pecunias tuliffet, quorum bona venire, quos duci ad-
dittos prohibuiffet. Ad hasc, decora quoque belli non corn
's P lcT T lora^e t3nt6m, fed prptulifFe etiam confp.cienda ; fpolia
# ; c* forum ad triginta, dona irtiperatorum ad quadra
ginta, in quibus infiegs duas coronas, civicas o£lo. Ad
i] * >E . C crvatosex hoftibus cives produxilTe, inter quos, C. Ser
vilitum magiftrum equitum, abfentem nommatum : et, quum
ca quoque qua: bello gefta efTcnt, pro faftigb rerum, oratione
etiam magmfica facta di&is aequandoj' niemoraffet, nudaffe
* pectus tnfign cicatricibus bello accfcptis ; et identidemcapito-
aum fue&ans Jovem, deofque alios devocaffe ad auxiiium* tor
tun a rum fuarum: precatufque eft. . ut. quam mentein fibi Ca-
p«i.Oiinam arcem protegenti ad falutem papuii Romani dedif-
lent, earn popu'o Rwmano in fuo difcrimine darent : et oraffe
fingulos univerfol'que, ut capitolium atque arcem. intuentes, ut
4 ad deos immortales verfi, de fe judicarent."
By removing the afleinbly from the Campus Martins, where
the people were effembied in centuries fcenturiatim), to the
Qrove (Pcteiinuai Lupum , from whcnce th-: capital could not be
seen, obftinatis animis trifte judicium, with gloomy obflinacy
the fatal sentence was passed, and the tribunes call him down
from the Tarpeian rock. " Such was the cataftropbc," fays li
vy, los a man who, if he hid not lived in a free city, would
" have merited fame;" He Ihould have said, if he had not li
ved in a (imple ariftrodracy, and alarmed the envy of his fellow
arillocrates by fuperiour merit, services, and rewards, cfpecially
that most conspicuous mark, his house the capitol, and hi
new title, or agnomen, Capitoliuus, which mortal .envy could
not bear.
he was no sooner dead than the people repented and regretted
him : a sudden plague that broke out was coniidered as a judg
ment from Heaven upon the nation, for having polutid the capi
tal with the blood of its deliverer.
Ihehiftoryof Manlius is an unanswerable argument against a
simple aristocracy; it is a proof that no m:n's liberty or life is
fafe in such a government: the more virtue and merit he has, the
more in danger, the more certain his deftru&ion. It is a good
argument against a (landing fovcreign and supreme authority in au
hereditary ariltocracy; so fa r Nedhain quotes it pertin;ntly, and
applies itjuftly: but when the fame example is cited to prove
that the people in one supreme atfembly, fucceflively chosen, ar,
the bell keepers of their liber/y, so far from proving the propor
tion, it proves the contraty, because that Camillus, the Quintu,
and Manlius, will all be chosen into that one afTembly by the peoph;
the lame emulation and rivalry, the lame jealousy and envy, the
lame (buggies of families and individuals for the firft place', will
arilc l/rtwecrthem. One of them will have the rich and great
tor his followers, another the poor; hence will arise two or three,
kf "j P arties ' w h ,ch w iH never ccafe to till war and
bloodlhed decides which is the strongest. Whilst the struggle
continues, the laws are trampled on, and the rights of the citi
zens invaded bv all parties in turn ; and when it is decidcd, the
leader of the viilorious army is emperor and despot.
(To be continued.)
Written by a citizen of Philadelphia, in 1783.
\ContinucdJrom our lafl
VII. This mode of taxing will give our treafuit forte conbenfa.
tion for the monies akuh our people fay towards the tax of other coun
tries which they travel through, ar reside in, when abroad. An Ame
rican cannot travel through any country of Europe, and drink a
bowl of punch or eat a dinner, bit he contributes to the tax of
the country ; and if our taxes, like theirs, were laid on such lux
nous conlumptious as travellers usually indulge themfelve. in,
their people who travel through our country or reside in it, would
contribute towards our taxes, in like manner as our people who
travel or reside in their countries, contributeto theirs ; and as we
cxpedt that the intcrcourfe between us and all the countries of
Europe will be very great, it is highly reafonahle that our treasu
ry lliould receive the fame benefit from their travellers among us,
that their reccive from out people who travel or relide
among tl,cm, and a little attention to the fubjeft, will be fuffi-
Cle rt to ir ,n « ai,y """• that thls Jrticle is morc than a trifle.
IX. r.ns mode of taxing, *hich brings the burden of the
tax on articles of luxury, or at most on articles of
not the firft neceflity, gives easement and relief to our husbandry and
manufactures, which are in danger of ruin from th, piefent weight 0/
taxes which lies an them. If we tax land, we leflen "its value" and
ot course diminish the whole farming interest. If we tax poles,
we in effect tax labor, which discourages it, and of confequc'nce
wecaft a damp and deadenmg langouron the very firft springs, the
original principle and source of our national wealth, and wound
the great staples of the country in their embrio. Now 1 think
that any mode of taxing, which gives remedy and relief, against
1° great, so fatal an evil, would deserve consideration, even though
it had not these advantages in its favor, which I have before enu
merated * have heard a stupid and cruel argument urged, that
taxing labor has this advantage, that it promotes industry, because
it increales neceflity. This argument proves in a very cogent
manner that 'lis best to make every body poor, because it will
make them work the harder. I Ihould think it would be more
humane and liberal in a government to manage the public admini
stration so that industry might have ail pollible,
that it might be rather animated by an increase ot hapoinefs and
hope of reward, than goaded on by dire neceflity, and 'the dread
ful spurs of pinching want. I freely give ,t as my clear and
deeded opinion.that ,us the interest, duty and best polity of every
government, to give all possible ease, . xoneration, and encourage
ment to that industry, those occupations and kinds of bufmefs
which most ennch, strengthen, and happily a nation, and to lay
W J ? 1 fg " V "T?t as tar as possible on those fafhion., ha
bits and practices, which tend to weaken, impoverish and cor
rupt the people, and therefore that any mode of taxing which
tends to encourage the firft of these and discourage the last, is
worthy of the most serious attention. B '
But perhaps the advantage of this kind of taxation will appear
etfeftT™ f " g Bv* u y J C ° nride " nS its P ra6tlcal and general
I thinL ? nv!°" W jdo P tslt > in which view of the matter
I think it will be very manifeft.
a " y ma , nt,fh » whether he be merchant, farmer
TJZj P' nJ y, l "" ff' er »*<> better, i.e. be happier through the
year and richer at the end aj ,t, , n acountry where tins tax is p.ud than
he could I've in the fame country, if the tax was not paid-for*
he tax is laid on ufclefs coniumptions, it would as course diminish
those consumptions, and of course save the firft cost of the part di
wouM " addlt,onal "pence which the use of that p Jrt
would require If a man lives in a country abounding in luxury
he must go in some degree into it or appear Angular and mean and
that part which he would be in a manner compelled to adorn
would probably cost him more than his tax ; but 'tis here to he
con idered.that the frjl co/l ot an article of luxurv, is not near all
the coflof.t One article often makes another necessary, and "hat
tlnroand so on almost ad infinitum, if you buya silk cloak there
must alio betrimmgs and that willnot dj without a hat or bo met
nd there requires a fu,tabic accomodation in every other part of
of anne order to kce P "P a "y fort of dcccncy and uniformity
Dut?h,ffit th " ealf ° muftbe f P em a g r «t deal of time to
put these fine things on, and to wear them, to show them to re
ceive and pay visits, ,n them, & c . And when this kind ol 'luxury
the rnnV" " C ° U "''' y b fJ' ond «hedcgrce which us wealth tan bear
The f qU fi en T' S u P ' P ove "y' d " bt > duns, lawsuits, &c & c '
f" d j the proceeds of the year vanished into trifles'
the merchant and tradesman may fell their uoods inrlrrri k
get payment for them. Every JamilyKSftb
c eased, and the time of the family much consumed in attend
to that very expence. Many families loon becomc embarrass /
and put to very mortifying fhifts to ke- n.mTw '
w h rt h th U f h f a C T UP ' 'l" almost to But
were these families with the fame income, to live in a countrvTf
more ceconomy and less luxury, they would eifilv k
on the luxuries they did trfe kvn n , , - P a Y [lc t^xes
m,sht be camcd »»^
r ere < U' Il ld l^ S,
ahoofe to live in a country where articles of hurtful"Cu va"nd
use less consumption, were by taxes or any other cause raiL f
, m thslr P r ' cf . as to prevent the exceffivc use of ik™ 1
than in a coni-.M-y where such articles were of ' " th "
and the use of them f,, excessive anions the inhabitant. q "". CmCnt '
fume their wealth, destroy their induftrv nnd ascon
and health of th- r- r.r.>. lnclultr y, and corrupt the morals
II I tlimk it is very plain, that articles of hurt.'ul v-J r, making fuel, rapid amo,.„u a"d "
>ng into iuch exceffivc ufc, as to throw tne <xouomv
l.mplicity, and even health of our people i„„, ,1a vcr i !l
iequence rasing theprue of fuel, article, si „ JuIhZIT'
product a prefer cheek to the exceftve vfeof them u.,,11 2V > "
, rent, as when added to a J mall and veiy moderate mpof urUdJ ■
general and nectary coemption, will bang moneunLU Mo th f
he tr afuryfor all the P u, P ofes 0 J the public fe, W« '"'
pose then that all tins is don •, and when this ,s done, we will ii' 1 *
a mom nt and look round us, and view the advanN, , p
from tins mealure, over and above the capital one.rf Jteckm, ° S
"*"»•»« tnat excessive luxury that threatens, if "H?"«
deftru&mn, yet at lealt a tarn.flimcnt of every pnnciple out")
which our prosperity, wealth and happinels mutt ..cceLih,,
.oreverflow. I lay, we'll Hops minu.tanri \ iew the advai, J
tfeOi oi this mealure. The firtl grand clt.ft M h.eli prdw, ,
Ms tomy view is, that our army would be paid, ilrat our
our fellow citizens, who, by their valor, their patience \vi r
leveraace in the field, have lecured to us our vast xte'nfivr -
try and .Hit, bkffiug. will be enabled to return to
and connexions, not only crowned witb the laurels ot tl.e lidd
outrewarded by and gratitude of then country, and £
thereby enabled to support their dignity of character, or at l e *
LvT ° n .l S W,dl th , e ' r fc"°w-c«ttens (whom they w
laved; m the procurement of the means of livinr.
r " c next Vantage of this mealure which occurs to me •!
easement and exoneration of the laborers of the community,
landman andtradefman, out of whose labour all our wealth Ji are derived, by them we are fed, by them we are It
<-d, by tile various modifications of their labour, our ftj»lt Sar .
Tbnnli °"r co " ln > crcc receives its principle, and our utmoi
abundance is supplied, we are therefore bound by every princi.
peo justice, graututude and good policy, to give them encou
Umnttru P tcd Security in their peaceful occupations
and not by an unnatural and ill-fated arrangement of our finances
-ompel them to leave their labours, which arc the grand obied
togo andhuat —
(To be continued],
The traveller who o'er trie country flics.
' * cw fubje£U with a just difcernraent spies ;
Ohje&s that pafi [q quick, confound the mind,
4 And no diftiuft ideas leave behind."
, I N , '"g en ">"s tut iter in feme of our public papers,
hath observed, that to compleat the education of th,f c
youth, -uho ma, be deftintd to public life it, ihc
Legijlature of the Union, such an intimate acquaint
ance with the several States is neceffttrjt, as can be ob
tained only by a temporary refideiice in each—and
ji om hcncc inferred the importance of makmv the
tour of the continent.
The knowledge that is derivedfrom fludy, htvever,
fyftematte and theoretic, is often found inadequate
an acquaintance with the real ft ate off*Oi furtnjhet
trreftftable arguments, when the most ingenious theo
ries prove radically defective —hence we find that ex
perience has the advantage of speculation ; and an
accurate idea of pofttive, existing circumjlances, t
great superiority in leading to the be ft decisions upon
all occafienj. J
The tour of this continent is without doubt of as
much consequence to the citizens of these States, at
that of Europe ever was to the inhabitants of Great-
Britain, and in many refpetts of much greater.
In Europe they travel to acquire aknowlege of theba
lits, manners, laws, history, ire. of foreign countries.
Americans should travel to obtain just ideas of tht
various and diverftfied people who compose not a fo
reign nation, but one in whofeJ ate their own is immt
aiately involved.
Let it not be said, that variety, novelty, antiquity,
and splendor are wanting to excite the attention, to a
muse, to animate, and inftrufi the American travel
~r America was always an objefl of delightful con
templation to the phi!ofopher in every part of tlieglobe—
tit ft nee the adoption of the new conftitution —Sbeii
raised to a most refpeftable grade in the scale of nt
"r'r a "d her progress to perfeClion opens anew fieli
of speculation to the human 7>iind. That information
therefore which cats be derived from travel only, is
now become of infinite importance to the legislators, the
jtatefmen and the patriots of our country. C.
(The fubjeft to be continued.)
This Day is fiublijhtd, . (Price 2/6)
And to be fold by Berry &Rocers, Hanover-Square, by
K.OBERT Hodge, Comcrof King and Oueen-Strcet, and by
the Editor hereof;
L E T T E R S,
respecting the REVOLUTION or AMERICA.
Written in Holland in the Year M,DCC, LXXX.
By his Excellency JOHN ADAMS,
np rjr - Prefixed to the Letters.
•£>«. IALhOEN, an eminent Civilian at Amllerdam, to ruhom thtj:
ett m tucre written, compofed,by the means of them,a Lornpaiifon bctwu n
the revolt oj the Low Countries from Spain, and the revolution of Mr
United States of America; in which \e concL.Jed, upon the wlu'le,
as it was a kind of miracle that theformerfuceudcd, it uoiMeagrcstir
" miracle Jlill ij the latterfliould not."—This competition was read h
him to ajociety of gentlemen of Utters, about forty in number,
/onetimes at Amfte'dam ; and by its means jufl fenfm nts of America*
djaiTs began to spread in that couhtry, and to prevail oner the continue
mijreprcfentations oj certain gazettes and emi(Janes— The pubheatws
oj eneral How e and Burcoyne, in vindication of themselves, tvcrc
procured to he tranjlated into French, and probated, together until man)
(t er pamphlets, which affifled in the fame deftgn y and contributed to fj
'l le 1 J '.citizens ta those applications, by petition to the regencies of
r l /! a ! les > which finally procured th'e acknowledgement of America*
" pendency, the Treaty of Commerce, and a Loan of Money.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, Maipen*
La:, e, Hear the Ofuege-Marlct, Nl w-l'ofc*.—[ an.]